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Are State Legislative Leaders Moderates? 州立法领导人是温和派吗?
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-07-09 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70025
Boris Shor

Spatial models of legislative organization predict that elected leaders will be moderates with respect to their constituency, the party caucus. However, empirical studies of leader positioning in Congress find mixed evidence that this is the case. This paper expands the analysis to state legislatures, using an original dataset of 2056 top chamber and party leaders in 50 states from 1999 to 2023. Simulations reveal that state legislative leaders are consistently moderate relative to their caucus. Furthermore, while Democratic leaders consistently occupy the moderate left side of their caucus, Republican leaders do not show the same pattern, with some even positioned to the left of their caucus median. Beyond this overall pattern, there is substantial variation in leader-caucus ideological divergence. The analysis shows that increasingly distinct and homogeneous majority parties—fulfilling the conditions of conditional party government theory—are consistently associated with leader moderation. However, this effect is stronger for Republicans than for Democrats, which is inconsistent with the theory's predictions of party symmetry. Finally, using a new dataset on majority party roll rates, the spatial divergence of majority party leaders from their caucuses is found to lead to significant failures of agenda control, with a substantial increase in majority party rolls for moderate Republicans but not for Democrats. This finding contradicts the predictions of party cartel theory, which suggests no differences in agenda control based on leader ideology or party. The evidence consistently shows substantial asymmetry between Republican and Democratic leaders.

立法机构的空间模型预测,当选的领导人将是温和派,相对于他们的选区,政党核心小组。然而,对国会领导人定位的实证研究发现,情况确实如此。本文将分析扩展到州立法机构,使用了1999年至2023年50个州的2056个最高议会和政党领导人的原始数据集。模拟结果显示,各州立法机构的领导人相对于他们的党团会议来说一直是温和的。此外,虽然民主党领导人一直占据着党团会议的温和左翼,但共和党领导人却没有表现出同样的模式,有些人甚至处于党团会议中间位置的左翼。除了这种总体格局之外,领导人与党团成员之间的意识形态分歧也有很大的差异。分析表明,日益分化和同质化的多数政党——满足有条件政党政府理论的条件——始终与领导人温和相关联。然而,这种效应对共和党人比对民主党人更强,这与该理论对党派对称性的预测不一致。最后,使用一个关于多数党名册率的新数据集,发现多数党领导人与他们的预选会议的空间差异导致议程控制的重大失败,温和的共和党人的多数党名册大幅增加,而民主党人则没有。这一发现与政党卡特尔理论的预测相矛盾,该理论认为,基于领导人意识形态或政党的议程控制没有差异。证据一致表明,共和党和民主党领导人之间存在着巨大的不对称。
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引用次数: 0
Success Denied: Social Class and Perceptions of Political Success 被拒绝的成功:社会阶层和对政治成功的看法
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-07-02 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70024
Daniel Devine, Stuart J. Turnbull-Dugarte, Matt Ryan

The working class are poorly represented in democratic institutions across the world, despite substantial evidence that the public do not discriminate against working-class candidates and view them more positively across numerous character traits. We propose a novel explanation: a pragmatism bias where working-class individuals are perceived as less likely to achieve political success. We provide experimental evidence that this bias may operate at multiple stages of the political process. We go beyond existing work by using a multidimensional operationalization of class to show that contemporary class has the largest effects on perceived chances of political success. Finally, we show that this cannot be remedied by social mobility, and high-income individuals are more likely to display this belief.

尽管有大量证据表明,公众并不歧视工人阶级候选人,而且在许多性格特征方面对他们的看法更为积极,但在世界各地的民主机构中,工人阶级的代表却很少。我们提出了一个新颖的解释:一种实用主义偏见,即工人阶级被认为不太可能取得政治成功。我们提供的实验证据表明,这种偏见可能在政治过程的多个阶段发挥作用。我们超越了现有的工作,通过使用阶级的多维操作化来表明当代阶级对政治成功的感知机会有最大的影响。最后,我们表明,这不能通过社会流动性来补救,高收入个体更有可能表现出这种信念。
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引用次数: 0
The (Sometimes Untraceable) Origins of Policy Ideas in Congress: An Analysis of Seven Landmark Laws 国会政策思想(有时无法追溯)的起源:对七项具有里程碑意义的法律的分析
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-24 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70023
Jeremy Gelman

Research on lawmaking suggests enactments are constructed in various ways. Although multiple approaches are documented in the literature, political scientists do not know which are used more often. In this paper, I examine how laws are created by studying seven modern landmark laws enacted during various policymaking windows. I use a text reuse approach to recursively trace each policy idea in these enactments to the original version proposed in Congress. My results show that (1) laws vary dramatically in how they are constructed, even within similar bill types; (2) when ideas linger on Congress's agenda, it is usually only for a few years, and (3) about 15% of ideas are added at the end of the legislative process where tracking the sponsor is impossible. These findings highlight the dynamism in bill construction. Among these laws, there is no “typical process,” many members contribute at many stages, and some of the largest, most consequential enactments have portions with unknown origins. The results contribute nuance to our understanding of legislative effectiveness, how it might be measured, and insight into how members engage in the legislative process when they anticipate a policy window opening.

立法研究表明,立法的构建方式多种多样。虽然文献中记载了多种方法,但政治学家并不知道哪种方法更常用。在本文中,我通过研究七个现代具有里程碑意义的法律,在不同的政策制定窗口制定来研究法律是如何产生的。我使用文本重用方法递归地跟踪这些立法中的每个策略思想到国会提出的原始版本。我的研究结果表明:(1)即使在相似的法案类型中,法律的构建方式也存在巨大差异;(2)提案在国会的议事日程上停留的时间通常只有几年;(3)大约15%的提案是在立法程序的最后阶段被添加进来的,在这个阶段,无法追踪提案人。这些发现突出了票据构建的动态性。在这些法律中,没有“典型的过程”,许多成员在许多阶段都做出了贡献,一些最大、最重要的立法有部分来源不明。这些结果有助于我们对立法有效性的理解,如何衡量立法有效性,并深入了解议员在预期政策窗口打开时如何参与立法过程。
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引用次数: 0
Legislation Against the Odds: Overcoming Ideological Gridlock in EU Decision-Making 逆向立法:克服欧盟决策中的意识形态僵局
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-20 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70020
Philipp Broniecki, Lukas Obholzer, Christine Reh

Negotiations in bicameral settings face the risk of gridlock when veto players' preferences diverge on the ideological (left–right) dimension. In the European Union (EU), a high proportion of legislation appears gridlocked yet is nevertheless adopted. We argue that ideological gridlock is resolved through the supply of and trust in legislative concessions. These are made to uphold supranational cooperation, to use issue linkage, and under “permissive consensus” across EU member states. We test our argument using a new dataset on amendments and repeals of existing EU laws (1999–2015). Our results demonstrate that elites' preferences on supranational cooperation as well as the potential for issue linkage help explain legislative success despite gridlock. High public Euroskepticism decreases the likelihood of compromise because lawmakers fear domestic electoral backlash to EU-level concessions. We contribute to established debates about legislative bargaining under complexity and propose that politicized cooperation can diminish problem-solving capacity across federations, multi-level states, and international organizations.

当否决方的偏好在意识形态(左右)维度上出现分歧时,两院制谈判面临陷入僵局的风险。在欧盟(EU),有很大比例的立法似乎陷入了僵局,但还是被采纳了。我们认为,意识形态僵局是通过立法让步的供应和信任来解决的。这些协议旨在维护超国家合作,利用问题联系,并在欧盟成员国之间达成“宽容共识”。我们使用一个新的数据集来检验我们的论点,该数据集涉及1999-2015年欧盟现行法律的修订和废除。我们的研究结果表明,精英对超国家合作的偏好以及问题联系的潜力有助于解释尽管陷入僵局,但立法仍能取得成功。公众对欧盟的高度怀疑降低了妥协的可能性,因为立法者担心国内选举会对欧盟层面的让步产生反弹。我们促进了关于复杂性下立法讨价还价的既定辩论,并提出政治化的合作可能会削弱联邦、多层次国家和国际组织解决问题的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Underneath the Surface: Unpacking Gendered Dynamics in Legislative Oversight in Italian Municipalities 表面之下:意大利市政当局立法监督中的性别动态
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-12 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70021
Marta Ponzo, Jana Schwenk

A growing strand of research investigates how women behave in office. While previous studies have explored women's engagement in policy-making and representation, less is known about their engagement in legislative oversight, particularly at the local level, a critical area for female representation. This paper adapts existing theories to the local context, presenting two opposing arguments: on the one hand, women may engage more actively in legislative oversight; on the other, traditional gender norms may hinder their effectiveness as legislators. We also hypothesize that women's oversight engagement may depend on the number of female councillors present. Using novel survey data from Italian municipal councillors, our findings indicate that women engage less frequently than men in legislative oversight. Additionally, as the share of female councillors increases, individual female councillors become less likely to engage in oversight activities, likely due to backlash from male colleagues seeking to reassert dominance as women's representation grows.

越来越多的研究调查了女性在办公室的行为。虽然以前的研究探讨了妇女参与决策和代表的情况,但对她们参与立法监督的情况知之甚少,特别是在地方一级,这是妇女代表的一个关键领域。本文将现有的理论与当地情况相结合,提出了两种相反的观点:一方面,妇女可以更积极地参与立法监督;另一方面,传统的性别规范可能会阻碍他们作为立法者的有效性。我们还假设女性的监督参与可能取决于出席的女性议员的数量。利用意大利市议员的最新调查数据,我们的研究结果表明,女性参与立法监督的频率低于男性。此外,随着女议员比例的增加,个别女议员参与监督活动的可能性越来越小,这可能是由于随着女性代表人数的增加,男同事试图重新确立主导地位的强烈反对。
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引用次数: 0
The Link Between Educational Socialization, Descriptive Representation, and Substantive Representation 教育社会化、描述性表征与实体表征的关系
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-09 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70010
Devin Wright, LaGina Gause, Christopher Stout

This research note explores how educational socialization influences descriptive representatives' substantive representation. Specifically, we contend that Black legislators who attended HBCUs are more likely than their non-HBCU Black colleagues to represent co-racial political interests, perhaps because of the cultural and institutional environments unique to Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs). Using an original dataset of over 18,000 congressional bills introduced across the 114th through the 116th Congresses, we find that Black legislators who attended HBCUs are more likely to introduce bills for Black communities relative to co-racial legislators who attended other higher education institutions. This research explains how previous college experiences may influence legislators' representation styles.

本研究报告探讨教育社会化如何影响描述性代表的实质代表。具体来说,我们认为,就读于hbcu的黑人议员比非hbcu的黑人议员更有可能代表跨种族的政治利益,这可能是因为传统黑人学院和大学(hbcu)所特有的文化和制度环境。我们使用了第114届至第116届国会提出的超过18,000项国会法案的原始数据集,发现就读于HBCUs的黑人立法者比就读于其他高等教育机构的混血立法者更有可能提出针对黑人社区的法案。本研究解释先前的大学经历如何影响立法者的代表风格。
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引用次数: 0
The Language of Delegation: An NLP Analysis of Congressional Bill Text 授权语言:国会法案文本的NLP分析
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-05 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70012
Austin Bussing, Joshua Y. Lerner, Gregory P. Spell

Delegation of powers from the legislature to the executive branch is a nearly ubiquitous feature of modern lawmaking. However, much of what scholars know about delegation is gleaned from an exclusive focus on landmark legislation. We introduce a method to identify delegating language across a larger universe of legislation. Using an active learning convolutional neural network on bill text, we classify bill sections by their delegation content, applying an iteratively improving coding scheme that enhances existing supervised learning approaches. We develop a novel dataset that allows us to answer important questions about interbranch relations. First, we find that legislator ideology, partisanship, and institutional position affect the delegatory content of introduced legislation. We then explore the role of delegation in the advancement of bills through the legislative process. Finally, we evaluate the ally principle, finding that variation in delegation is driven by cross-agency differences in ideology and structural independence.

将权力从立法机关授权给行政部门是现代立法中几乎无处不在的特征。然而,学者们对授权的了解大多来自对具有里程碑意义的立法的独家关注。我们介绍了一种方法来识别跨立法的更大的宇宙授权语言。使用账单文本上的主动学习卷积神经网络,我们根据其委托内容对账单部分进行分类,应用迭代改进的编码方案,增强现有的监督学习方法。我们开发了一个新的数据集,使我们能够回答有关分支间关系的重要问题。首先,我们发现立法者的意识形态、党派关系和制度立场影响了引入立法的授权内容。然后,我们将探讨授权在通过立法程序推进法案中的作用。最后,我们对盟友原则进行了评估,发现授权的变化是由意识形态和结构独立性的跨机构差异驱动的。
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引用次数: 0
Party Considerations for Renomination in Pre-Electoral Coalitions 选举前联盟中政党重新提名的考虑
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-02 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70017
Lucia Motolinia

Pre-electoral coalitions are common across diverse political contexts. In this letter, I examine their impact on one of the most consequential functions of political parties: the candidate selection process. Focusing on Mexican state legislators, I analyze how pre-electoral coalitions shape incumbent renomination decisions. I outline a multi-stage process in which parties assess district characteristics, incumbent attributes, and the electoral competition. Using fixed-effects penalized maximum likelihood logistic regression, I find that parties prioritize different factors at different stages. The results show that while vote share and candidate characteristics do not influence renomination decisions in coalition districts, they are crucial in determining whether a party retains nomination rights. In contrast, in non-coalition districts, candidate characteristics play a key role in renomination decisions. These findings demonstrate how coalition dynamics can reshape parties' renomination strategies.

在不同的政治背景下,选举前的联盟是很常见的。在这封信中,我研究了他们对政党最重要的功能之一的影响:候选人选拔过程。以墨西哥州议员为重点,我分析了选举前的联盟如何影响现任总统的连任决定。我概述了一个多阶段的过程,在这个过程中,政党评估地区特征、现任者属性和选举竞争。使用固定效应惩罚的最大似然逻辑回归,我发现各方在不同阶段优先考虑不同的因素。结果显示,虽然选票份额和候选人特征不会影响联合选区的再提名决定,但它们在决定一个政党是否保留提名权方面至关重要。相反,在非联合选区,候选人的特征在重新提名的决定中起着关键作用。这些发现证明了联盟动态如何重塑政党的再提名策略。
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引用次数: 0
Dancing Around the Issue? Public Opinion and Strategic Vagueness in Parliamentary Speech 绕着问题转?民意与议会演讲中的策略模糊
IF 2.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-06-02 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70018
Aleksandra Khokhlova

Legislators use parliamentary speeches to communicate with their relevant audiences. However, we know little about how they adapt their communication styles to public opinion dynamics and political context. Bridging the literatures on parliamentary speech and strategic use of vagueness in political campaigning, I explore whether legislators modulate the concreteness of their speeches when public opinion on policy is divided, conditional on the public and party-level policy salience and proximity to elections. I use a dictionary-based method to measure the concreteness of parliamentary speeches in the European Parliament's plenary (2009–2019). The results show that when public opinion is divided, legislators reduce the concreteness of their speeches if they concern matters that are salient to the citizens. In contrast, when speaking on policies that have a higher relative importance to their parties, they use more concrete language even in the face of a divided public. These findings suggest that strategic vagueness is relevant for political actors beyond communication in electoral context.

立法者利用议会演讲与相关听众进行沟通。然而,我们对他们如何调整他们的沟通方式来适应民意动态和政治环境知之甚少。通过对议会演讲和在政治竞选中策略性地使用模糊性的文献进行衔接,我探讨了当公众对政策的意见存在分歧时,立法者是否会调整他们演讲的具体内容,这取决于公众和政党层面的政策突出性以及临近选举。我使用基于词典的方法来衡量欧洲议会全体会议(2009-2019年)议会演讲的具体程度。结果表明,当民意分裂时,立法者如果关注公民突出的问题,则会减少其演讲的具体内容。相比之下,当谈到对其政党相对重要的政策时,即使面对分裂的公众,他们也会使用更具体的语言。这些发现表明,战略模糊与政治行为者在选举背景下的沟通有关。
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引用次数: 0
What Legislators Tell Us About Legislatures: Evidence From PELA-USAL 立法者告诉我们的立法机构:来自PELA-USAL的证据
IF 1.4 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2025-05-26 DOI: 10.1111/lsq.70019
Manuel Alcántara Sáez, Mercedes García Montero, Scott Morgenstern, Cristina Rivas Pérez
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Legislative Studies Quarterly
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