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The Politics of Identity, the Identity of Politics: Thinking with Badiou and Táíwò 身份的政治,政治的身份:与巴迪欧和Táíwò一起思考
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-29 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231171321
Jason C. Mueller
One cannot wade through an academic journal in the social sciences or humanities, read an Op-Ed essay, or listen to a political podcast without coming across a discussion on the relationship of identity and politics. Whether it is a discussion on the concept and merits of ‘identity politics’, the relationship between particular experiences and universalist aspirations for emancipation, or paths toward reform or revolution, these issues elicit strong responses. Two recent books broach these topics in a clarifying manner and deserve to be compared, contrasted, and analyzed. These books are Alain Badiou’s (2022a) A New Dawn for Politics and Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò’s (2022a) Elite Capture: How The Powerful Took Over Identity Politics (And Everything Else). Thinking through the key themes in these works can help academics and activists alike elaborate a systematic vision and idea on how identity relates to radical, anti-systemic politics. To begin, this essay focuses on the politics of identity. I explore the intellectual traditions from which Táíwò gathers his critique and defense of particular politics of identity. I then juxtapose Táíwò’s thoughts on identity to Badiou’s position, highlighting their tensions and possible compatibly. Next, I clarify both Táíwò and Badiou’s attempts to identify and define an act of authentic, radical politics. It attempts to discern how both scholars conceptualize a form of emancipatory, anti-systemic politics that are capable of allowing one’s identity to be a part of the struggle for equality, rather than discarded as a reactionary husk. Finally, I show how both scholars’ ideas speak to other domains of critical scholarship and our current moment of political uprising and upheaval.
阅读社会科学或人文学科的学术期刊,阅读专栏文章,收听政治播客,都不能不看到关于身份与政治关系的讨论。无论是关于“身份政治”的概念和优点的讨论,特殊经历与解放的普遍主义愿望之间的关系,还是通往改革或革命的道路,这些问题都引起了强烈的反响。最近的两本书以澄清的方式提出了这些主题,值得比较、对比和分析。这两本书分别是阿兰·巴迪欧(2022a)的《政治的新黎明》和Olúfẹ·米·奥·Táíwò (2022a)的《精英俘获:权力如何接管身份政治(以及其他一切)》。通过思考这些作品中的关键主题,可以帮助学者和活动家们对身份与激进的、反体制的政治之间的关系形成系统的看法和想法。首先,本文聚焦于身份政治。我探索了知识传统,Táíwò从中收集了他对特定身份政治的批判和辩护。然后,我将Táíwò关于身份的想法与巴迪欧的立场并置,强调他们之间的紧张关系和可能的兼容性。接下来,我将澄清Táíwò和巴迪欧试图识别和定义一种真实的、激进的政治行为。它试图辨别两位学者是如何将一种解放的、反体制的政治形式概念化的,这种政治能够让一个人的身份成为争取平等的斗争的一部分,而不是作为一种反动的外壳而被抛弃。最后,我将展示两位学者的观点如何适用于批判性学术的其他领域以及我们当前的政治起义和动荡时刻。
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引用次数: 0
When Feminism Redefines National Liberation: How Tal’at Movement brought Feminism to the Core of the Palestinian National Liberation Struggle 当女权主义重新定义民族解放:塔尔阿特运动如何将女权主义带入巴勒斯坦民族解放斗争的核心
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-16 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231164964
Federica Stagni
On 8 August 2019, Israa Ghrayeb, a 21-year-old Palestinian living in Beit Sahour, was brutally beaten by members of her family. Since that moment, protests have erupted throughout historical Palestine and beyond, also reaching Palestinian women of the diaspora. Not only did this eventful protest mark the resurgence of a wave of women’s protests in Palestine, but it also brought about the start of a new feminist and anticolonial movement: Tal’at. Using frame analysis to examine the movement’s declarations, Facebook posts, and the archival material available at the Basso Foundation Archive, together with firsthand data collected through interviews conducted during my fieldwork in Historical Palestine, I will try to answer the following questions: How does this new feminist protest-movement differ from the previous ones? What are the elements of continuity with previous Palestinian women’s movements? How did this movement manage to frame an aggregating message in such a fragmented territory?
2019年8月8日,居住在贝特萨乌尔的21岁巴勒斯坦人Israa Ghrayeb遭到家人的残酷殴打。从那一刻起,抗议活动在历史上的巴勒斯坦和其他地方爆发,也波及到散居海外的巴勒斯坦妇女。这次重大的抗议活动不仅标志着巴勒斯坦妇女抗议浪潮的复苏,而且还带来了一场新的女权主义和反殖民运动的开始:Tal 'at。我将运用框架分析法,检视这场运动的宣言、脸书贴文、巴索基金会档案(Basso Foundation Archive)的档案资料,以及我在历史上的巴勒斯坦进行田野调查时所搜集到的第一手资料,试图回答以下问题:这场新的女权抗议运动与先前的运动有何不同?哪些因素与以前的巴勒斯坦妇女运动的连续性?这场运动是如何在这样一个碎片化的领域中构建一个聚合信息的?
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引用次数: 0
Are Services Post-Capitalist? A Marxian Interrogation 服务业是后资本主义吗?马克思主义的审讯
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-14 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231164725
Peter Ikeler
Recent post-capitalist theorizing, particularly Winant, revives the question of service sector growth. At stake is whether an economic system built on the extraction of surplus value can continue to function when ever-larger shares of workers do not produce this; also, whether their growing predominance prefigures post-capitalist relations of production. Most contributions offer imprecise concepts of service work and capitalist productivity, however. This article sharpens these with Marxian theoretical tools and assesses them using 2016–2020 US Census data, finding that less than one-fifth of service employees produce surplus value, while nearly half of non-service employees do. The majority of service and all formal US employees create important use values outside of direct capitalist exploitation. They thus pose a potentially post-capitalist constituency that is heavily—and non-randomly—female and Black, Indigenous, and people of color (BIPOC). The implications of this for the transition away from capitalism, as well as for the transition debate itself, are then considered.
最近的后资本主义理论,尤其是温南特,重新提出了服务业增长的问题。关键在于,当越来越多的工人无法生产剩余价值时,建立在榨取剩余价值基础上的经济体系能否继续运转;此外,他们日益增长的优势是否预示着后资本主义生产关系。然而,大多数贡献提供了服务工作和资本主义生产力的不精确概念。本文用马克思主义的理论工具对这些问题进行了细化,并使用2016-2020年美国人口普查数据对其进行了评估,发现不到五分之一的服务业员工产生了剩余价值,而近一半的非服务业员工产生了剩余价值。大多数服务和所有正式的美国雇员在直接的资本主义剥削之外创造了重要的使用价值。因此,他们构成了一个潜在的后资本主义选区,其中大部分是女性、黑人、土著和有色人种(BIPOC)。然后考虑这对从资本主义转型的影响,以及对转型辩论本身的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Can Global Capitalism Endure? 书评:全球资本主义能持久吗?
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231153456
Salvador L. Rangel
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Liberal White Supremacy: How Progressive Silence Racial and Class Oppression 书评:《自由派白人至上:如何渐进地沉默种族和阶级压迫》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231153456b
J. Williams
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引用次数: 1
About the Authors 关于作者
3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231167631
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Corporate Capitalism and the Integral State: General Electric and a Century of American Power 书评:《公司资本主义和整体国家:通用电气和美国权力的一个世纪》
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231153456a
Kyle Bailey
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引用次数: 0
Lean In for Industrial Workers? Comments on Management Divided 产业工人向前一步?对管理分歧的评论
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231164726
Peter Ikeler
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引用次数: 0
Critical Han Studies Through the Lens of Internal Colonialism: China, Guangdong, and Hong Kong 内部殖民主义视角下的汉人批判研究:中国、广东与香港
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231163896
David Chen, Jason A. Miller, Mark Shakespear
When the concept of ‘internal colonialism’ has been applied to China, it has often been focused on the plight of ethnic minorities. The political and cultural subordination of non-Mandarin Han groups, however, has drawn little attention. We argue that critical Han studies, by posing a challenge to the state ideology of Han ethnic unitarism, provides a theoretical arsenal capable of broadening the application of the internal colonialism framework to the study of non-Mandarin Han groups and regions in China. To provide empirical support for our argument, we examine ethno-geographic representation among Chinese political elites. We find an internal heterogeneity and ethnic hierarchy between different Han groups who have integrated into the political ruling class of China, which is dominated by the Mandarins, to various extents: the Wu people of Shanghai and Zhejiang represent the top layer of the hierarchy; the Xiang of Hunan, the Hokkien of Fujian, and the Gan of Jiangxi constitute the intermediate layer; and the Cantonese and the Teochew of Guangdong belong to the bottom layer. These findings provide the basis for our discussion of internal colonization in China with a specific focus on Guangdong and Hong Kong.
当“内部殖民主义”的概念被应用到中国时,它往往集中在少数民族的困境上。然而,非普通话汉族群体在政治和文化上的从属地位却很少引起人们的关注。我们认为,批判性的汉族研究通过对汉族民族统一主义的国家意识形态提出挑战,提供了一个理论宝库,能够将内部殖民主义框架的应用范围扩大到中国非普通话汉族群体和地区的研究中。为了为我们的论点提供实证支持,我们考察了中国政治精英中的民族地理代表性。我们发现,不同的汉人群体在不同程度上融入了由官吏主导的中国政治统治阶级的内部异质性和民族等级:上海和浙江的吴族人代表了等级的顶层;湖南湘区、福建闽南区、江西赣区构成中间层;广东的广东人和潮州人属于底层。这些发现为我们对中国内部殖民的讨论提供了基础,并特别关注广东和香港。
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引用次数: 0
Democracy and Populism 民主与民粹主义
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2023-03-29 DOI: 10.1177/08969205231164153
J. Braun
Jan-Werner Müller is a political philosopher born and trained in Germany, as well as in England and at Princeton where he now teaches as Roger Williams Straus Professor of Social Sciences at Princeton University and is also a fellow at the Berlin Institute of Advanced Study. The emphasis of this latest book by him is that democracy depends not only on maintaining liberty and equality but also on dealing with uncertainty. His previous book was What Is Populism? (2016) where he does not really emphasize, though he seems to recognize, that populism can be the expression of rational grievances of an aroused population, reacting against the rise of elites increasingly unaccountable in practice if not necessarily in theory. Peter Mair (2013), the late great Irish political scientist in Ruling the Void: The Hollowing of Western Democracy, became known for his comments on this very subject, of politicians who think more like civil servants concerned with keeping their jobs long enough to retire with nice pensions than in being leaders of social movements. Müller emphasizes more the unreasonableness of populist movements, their tendency to think of themselves as ‘the real people’, and therefore their tendency to scapegoat those they consider to be social outsiders, particularly immigrants and ethnic minorities, and therefore their tendency to ignore other sources of social problems requiring other solutions. As for such solutions, keeping out or even expelling these ‘outsiders’ is according to many economists a short-sighted solution to short-term economic problems that can be dealt with by economic growth, perhaps by using these same immigrants as cheap labor or by exporting certain
Jan-Werner m ller是一位政治哲学家,在德国、英国和普林斯顿出生并接受教育,他现在在普林斯顿大学担任罗杰·威廉姆斯·施特劳斯社会科学教授,同时也是柏林高等研究院的研究员。他的新作强调,民主主义不仅要维持自由和平等,还要应对不确定性。他的前一本书是《什么是民粹主义?》(2016),虽然他似乎认识到,但他并没有真正强调民粹主义可以是被唤醒的人群的理性不满的表达,对精英的崛起做出反应,即使在理论上不一定是在实践中也越来越不负责任。已故伟大的爱尔兰政治学家彼得·梅尔(Peter maair, 2013)在《统治虚空:西方民主的空心化》(Ruling the Void: the hollow of Western Democracy)一书中,以他对这一主题的评论而闻名,他认为政治家更像是公务员,他们关心的是保住自己的工作,直到退休时拿着丰厚的养老金,而不是成为社会运动的领导者。m勒更强调民粹主义运动的不合理性,他们倾向于认为自己是“真正的人民”,因此他们倾向于把那些他们认为是社会局外人的人当作替罪羊,特别是移民和少数民族,因此他们倾向于忽视需要其他解决方案的社会问题的其他根源。至于这些解决方案,根据许多经济学家的说法,拒绝甚至驱逐这些“外来者”是解决短期经济问题的一种短视的解决方案,可以通过经济增长来解决,也许可以通过将这些移民作为廉价劳动力或出口某些产品来解决
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Critical Sociology
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