Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2183024
Enock Ndawana, Mediel Hove
The Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU[PF]) regime’s survival strategies have been misleadingly presented as relying mainly upon political violence. This neglects analysis focusing on the ZANU(PF) regime’s non-violent survival strategies, which have also been key to its longevity. While a growing body of literature discusses ZANU(PF) non-violent strategies, including patriotic history, cultural nationalism and provision of land for housing, it has missed much of what has kept ZANU(PF) in power. The existing studies failed to go beyond the idea that ZANU(PF) actors are deeply cynical and only interested in ‘power’, not ‘believers’ in their own ideology or responsive to people’s needs. Using the cases of ZANU(PF)’s creation and co-optation of civil society organisations that challenge ‘genuine’ ones for advocacy space, especially labour unions and students’ unions between 2000 and 2018, this study makes a twofold contribution to the literature on ZANU(PF)’s political survival. It demonstrates the importance of civil society engagement as a non-violent strategy in ensuring ZANU(PF)’s political survival and that ZANU(PF)’s political project is ideological in addition to being about staying in power. The article concludes that ZANU(PF)’s strategies in relation to civil society were equally critical for the regime’s survival in that they necessarily complemented the violent strategies and worked in its favour by disorienting citizen objections and mobilising popular support.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2178158
James Musonda
This article explores how Zambian mine workers used the courts and a protest campaign to resist predatory lending by Stanbic Bank. Given that debt repayment was done directly from their salaries, these workers were not necessarily advocating debt refusal or default. Neither did they expect the courts to rule in their favour. Rather, they sought to resist the bank’s arbitrary changes to the terms of the loan by naming and shaming the bank, highlighting the precariousness of their employment and taking advantage of the ruling party’s desperation for miners’ votes in order to advance their claims on the state. The article shows how debt resistance and citizenship claims upon the state can be combined by indebted workers in their struggles against finance capital. It draws on 36 months of ethnographic research conducted among miners and their families in Mufulira and Kitwe on the Zambian Copperbelt between 2016 and 2021.
{"title":"‘Satanbic Stop Stealing Our Money’: Zambia Mine Workers’ Struggles against Finance","authors":"James Musonda","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2023.2178158","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2023.2178158","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores how Zambian mine workers used the courts and a protest campaign to resist predatory lending by Stanbic Bank. Given that debt repayment was done directly from their salaries, these workers were not necessarily advocating debt refusal or default. Neither did they expect the courts to rule in their favour. Rather, they sought to resist the bank’s arbitrary changes to the terms of the loan by naming and shaming the bank, highlighting the precariousness of their employment and taking advantage of the ruling party’s desperation for miners’ votes in order to advance their claims on the state. The article shows how debt resistance and citizenship claims upon the state can be combined by indebted workers in their struggles against finance capital. It draws on 36 months of ethnographic research conducted among miners and their families in Mufulira and Kitwe on the Zambian Copperbelt between 2016 and 2021.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2023-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48207859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2174716
J. Hlongwana, E. V. van Eeden
The Ndau society in the Zimbabwe–Mozambique borderland has seemingly been neglected by colonial and post-independence governments. Exclusion from the mainstream economies of the region by the Zimbabwean and Mozambican governments has forced the Ndau to rely largely upon themselves to survive in the remote, poverty-stricken borderland. This survival practice means that many borderland residents embrace an economy of illegality in which trade in drugs, used clothes, game meat and fuel has become a coping mechanism against hardships in the borderland. Among other reactions, the Ndau people take advantage of the remoteness of the borderland to criss-cross the border to seek opportunities and resources to sustain themselves. Relentless cross-border transgressions have thus contributed to a virtual state of ‘borderlessness’ in the region, and this is manipulated by the Ndau to participate in a variety of informal cross-border survival pursuits. The discussion that follows provides a critical review of the lives and economic practices of the marginalised Ndau communities within an illegal borderland economy. It is the authors’ contention that the borderland illegal economy has sustained the Ndau community’s existence.
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Pub Date : 2023-01-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2184113
K. Maphunye
In Violence and Solace, Mxolisi Mchunu presents a highly moving, convincing account of violence and solace in South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal province. Many readers will probably find the fact that the author was also affected personally during the pre-1994 violence in this south-eastern province of South Africa as the book’s biggest draw. The book presents a consistent historical account and identifies the landmarks of one of the most violent predemocracy episodes in KwaShange, an area that local media once dubbed ‘the killing fields’ of South Africa, one of the many rural villages that were adversely affected by the violence. Its storyline is a fascinating yet chilling account of South Africa’s pre-1994 civil war, which engulfed the country on the eve of its transition to democracy. The book’s method and approach consist of a rich array of case studies and interviewees’ narratives in 10 chapters. It presents the Natal’s civil war in late-apartheid South Africa, explaining the macro-politics of that time from a micro-political perspective. A comprehensive analysis of the causes, manifestations and devastating consequences of that civil war, it relies on extensive primary and secondary sources and a diverse literature review, including the publications of prominent African scholars and historians. This is one of the few doctoral studies in South Africa that has resulted successfully in a book. That it is written by an African student who witnessed first-hand much of what the book covers should appeal to readers. The author’s meticulous accounts of the origins, causes and nature of the political violence in KwaZulu-Natal also enhance the book. The book has an inviting cover (colour photograph) and includes a map and topographical sketch of the ‘Seven Days War’, outlined in the introductory chapter of the book (p. 71) and in Chapter 5, which present invaluable data of the carnage and deaths of that violent era. A further strength is the unique and passionate way in which the author narrates the story of his native KwaShange, which forms a case study for the book. There are, however, some limitations: those with a nervous disposition (or who are likely to find the photographs referred to above distasteful or disturbing) might find the book offensive or upsetting. This is not to criticise the author’s decision to present such photographs, as they strengthen the central argument of the book, which might not have been the case were these photographs omitted from its compelling account. These photographs serve as evidence of the carnage that the KwaShange villagers and other victims of the violence experienced. Yet the book might also be misconstrued to endorse the stereotype that South Africans, or the Zulu people, are violent, given that such violence remains a haunting spectre in the province and elsewhere in the country even today. The book’s autobiographical format in the tradition of historical scholarship outlines a consistent argument that will be
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2136820
David Jeffery-Schwikkard
The role of religion in political parties has been under-researched in South Africa. This study develops a novel theoretical framework for analysing political parties’ use of religion, which distinguishes between parties’ orientation towards religion (that is, religious or secular; inclusive or exclusive) across three domains: state law, the institutional rules of the party, and the informal norms that govern the actions of the party and behaviour of the party members. It uses systematic review methods to apply this framework to the scholarship on religion and political parties in South Africa. The framework and review challenge the narrative that the religious rhetoric used by the African National Congress (ANC) in the last decade has been a break with the party’s secular past. On the contrary, the ANC has historically used religious rhetoric while supporting secular legislation and party rules concurrently. The review draws attention to how the National Party (NP) exercised religion during apartheid; although it worked closely with the Dutch Reformed Church, the party pursued a religious nationalism that progressively usurped the authority to determine the boundaries of authentic religious practices. Despite the religiosity of the electorate, few parties in post-apartheid South Africa advocate religious legislation, and these parties perform poorly in elections. These findings illustrate the importance of a theoretical framework that distinguishes between political parties’ diverse uses of religion and secularism rather than their ‘essential’ orientation towards religion.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2165772
Luan Staphorst
This article investigates the historicity of Gideon von Wielligh’s collection of /xam folklore, history, and observational accounts published predominantly in Afrikaans during the early 20th century. Von Wielligh’s collection is often portrayed as suspect in relation to the ‘great’ /xam archive, namely that of Wilhelm Bleek and Lucy Lloyd – with accusations of plagiarism a common charge. Through a holographic archaeological reading, an approach conceptualised by drawing on linguistic archaeology and philology specifically, and the holographic paradigm and archaeology of knowledge in general, the article analyses the traces of /xam in Von Wielligh’s otherwise Afrikaans texts. The reading focuses on Von Wielligh’s texts on the one hand and Specimens of Bushman Folklore (1911) on the other. Since Specimens was the only selection from the Bleek and Lloyd archive to which von Wielligh had access when he published his collection between 1919 and 1921, it is, within holographic archaeological terms, the ‘urtext’ or ‘source of certainty’. In contrast, von Wielligh’s texts are regarded as the ‘source of suspicion’, with the /xam linguistic data within it ‘dated’ in relation to Specimens. The analysis leads to the following three conclusions: first, von Wielligh’s command of /xam linguistic data validates the authenticity of the collection; second, we can use von Wielligh’s recordings to change the idea of the extant /xam archive in a way that challenges the fixation on Bleek and Lloyd; third, the politics of intellectual history, such as the defaming of von Wielligh, is tied not simply to ideas but to the history of the book as a material object. This acknowledgement and changed perspective on the /xam and the available records could, in turn, lead to deeper and more generative research on the /xam specifically, Khoesan studies generally and South (and southern) African studies more broadly.
本文调查了吉迪恩·冯·维利格（Gideon von Wielligh）在20世纪初主要用南非荷兰语出版的民间传说、历史和观察记述集的历史性。Von Wielligh的收藏经常被描绘成与“伟大”/xam档案有关的嫌疑人，即Wilhelm Bleek和Lucy Lloyd的档案，抄袭指控是常见的指控。通过全息考古阅读，这是一种通过具体借鉴语言考古学和文献学，以及全息范式和知识考古学而概念化的方法，本文分析了Von Wielligh的其他南非荷兰语文本中/xam的痕迹。阅读的重点一方面是冯的文本，另一方面是布什曼民俗标本（1911）。由于《标本》是冯·维利格在1919年至1921年间出版藏品时从布莱克和劳埃德档案馆中唯一可以访问的作品，因此，在全息考古术语中，它是“文本”或“确定性的来源”。相比之下，冯·维利格的文本被视为“怀疑的来源”，其中的/xam语言数据与样本有关。分析得出以下三个结论：首先，冯·维利格对/xam语言数据的掌握验证了该集合的真实性；其次，我们可以使用冯·维利格的录音来改变现存/xam档案的想法，以挑战对Bleek和Lloyd的执着；第三，知识史的政治，例如对冯·维利格的诽谤，不仅与思想有关，而且与作为实物的书籍的历史有关。这种对/xam和现有记录的认识和观点的改变，反过来可能会导致对/xam的更深入、更具创造性的研究，特别是对Khoesan的研究，以及对南非（和南部）更广泛的研究。
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2167392
Beaurel Visser
Pressure in the Cape Colony parliament for disfranchising policies was primarily instigated by the Afrikaner Bond. The Bond’s initiatives were based on prejudice against Africans and amounted to an attempt at weakening the influence of English-speaking politicians with the belief that many of them were in parliament because Africans voted for them. An attempt was made through the Parliamentary Voters’ Registration Act of 1887, which implicitly imposed a racial qualification based on the premise that most Africans occupied land communally, and therefore communal tenure was excluded as a qualification for the franchise. This article illustrates the fact that, although Africans did not initially take up the opportunity to participate in the franchise en masse, political participation by the 1880 s was deeply valued by the growing number of Africans who actively participated in the franchise. This is demonstrated by the different attempts made by literate and better-off Africans to remain on the voter registration lists. Through the examination of articles and reports on the experiences and opinions of Africans that were published in the press, African resistance to the passage and implementation of the 1887 Parliamentary Voters’ Registration Act is illuminated through examples of their efforts to register as voters, to mobilise in defence of African interests and to participate in Cape Colony politics through the vote.
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Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2175514
Brooks Marmon
African spirit world – and much more. With its irregular surfaces, At Ansha’s inevitably presents a few zones of shade. While the text offers evocative descriptions of mountains and forests, mentioning some of the plants that together with the Koran are the core ingredients of Ansha’s craft, no sustained discussion is provided of the healer’s relationship with the vegetal world. Here, non-humans are definitely cast in minor roles. A historically minded reader will wonder about the uneasy relationship between ethnography and biography, considering that Ansha’s life is presented in a patchy and non-linear manner (perhaps echoing her own spirit epistemology). And even though witchcraft is one of the major preoccupations of Ansha and her clients, it is not explicitly thematised and is at times reduced to an allegory of neoliberalism. Finally, for a book that makes so much of dialogue, Trentini spends little or no time discussing the idioms in which such interactions occurred, her level of proficiency in Emakhuwa and her translation strategies. These minor misgivings, though, do not detract in any way from the book’s manifold qualities. At Ansha’s is a thoughtful, engaging, empirically rich and delicately written ethnography. Any scholar of Mozambique, spirit possession and Islam will have much to learn from this carefully crafted gem.
{"title":"Migration and the politics of the everyday: the Malawian experience in Southern Rhodesia and Zimbabwe","authors":"Brooks Marmon","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2175514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2175514","url":null,"abstract":"African spirit world – and much more. With its irregular surfaces, At Ansha’s inevitably presents a few zones of shade. While the text offers evocative descriptions of mountains and forests, mentioning some of the plants that together with the Koran are the core ingredients of Ansha’s craft, no sustained discussion is provided of the healer’s relationship with the vegetal world. Here, non-humans are definitely cast in minor roles. A historically minded reader will wonder about the uneasy relationship between ethnography and biography, considering that Ansha’s life is presented in a patchy and non-linear manner (perhaps echoing her own spirit epistemology). And even though witchcraft is one of the major preoccupations of Ansha and her clients, it is not explicitly thematised and is at times reduced to an allegory of neoliberalism. Finally, for a book that makes so much of dialogue, Trentini spends little or no time discussing the idioms in which such interactions occurred, her level of proficiency in Emakhuwa and her translation strategies. These minor misgivings, though, do not detract in any way from the book’s manifold qualities. At Ansha’s is a thoughtful, engaging, empirically rich and delicately written ethnography. Any scholar of Mozambique, spirit possession and Islam will have much to learn from this carefully crafted gem.","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46429324","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2022.2175535
Paul Jenkins
{"title":"Getting under the skin of Luanda","authors":"Paul Jenkins","doi":"10.1080/03057070.2022.2175535","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2022.2175535","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47703,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Southern African Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.5,"publicationDate":"2022-11-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41312085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-11-02DOI: 10.1080/03057070.2023.2167391
Innocent Dande
This article examines changing attitudes to afternoon and evening meals during the Zimbabwean crisis between 1997 and 2020. It uses household food economics in Harare’s high-density suburbs as an entry point into the historiography of the Zimbabwean crisis. By focusing on the management of household economics, the article analyses the affordability, typologies and naming of some meals or relishes that were eaten during the crisis period. It examines the vernacular concepts of tsaona meals that came to dominate afternoon and evening meals. It further analyses the ZANU(PF) government’s authoritarian vegetarianism – in which it took a pseudo-decolonial stance as it attempted to re-teach Zimbabwean palates and bowels to consume traditional small grains and vegetables in the context of food shortages and the crisis. Overall, the article provides a sensorial history of meals in Harare’s high-density suburbs during the Zimbabwean crisis.
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