The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged nearly every aspect of life and superseded issues at the core of populist radical right (PRR) parties' ideology, dispossessing them of one of their main narratives. This also challenged the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a relatively young but strong PRR party in opposition. We explore how the party has adjusted its policy supply to this unprecedented situation and how this has affected its popularity among German voters, building our analysis on press releases issued by the AfD between January 2020 and March 2021, vote intention data and recent election results. Initially, the party's reaction was inconsistent, but from autumn 2020 the AfD focused on fuelling discontent with the government's lockdown measures, acting as a supporter of the anti-coronavirus demonstrations. It framed its response as elite critique. So far, its siding with the lockdown protesters, however, has not had any positive effect on support for the party.
{"title":"The Self-Proclaimed Defender of Freedom: The AfD and the Pandemic","authors":"Pola Lehmann, L. Zehnter","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.5","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The COVID-19 pandemic has challenged nearly every aspect of life and superseded issues at the core of populist radical right (PRR) parties' ideology, dispossessing them of one of their main narratives. This also challenged the Alternative for Germany (AfD), a relatively young but strong PRR party in opposition. We explore how the party has adjusted its policy supply to this unprecedented situation and how this has affected its popularity among German voters, building our analysis on press releases issued by the AfD between January 2020 and March 2021, vote intention data and recent election results. Initially, the party's reaction was inconsistent, but from autumn 2020 the AfD focused on fuelling discontent with the government's lockdown measures, acting as a supporter of the anti-coronavirus demonstrations. It framed its response as elite critique. So far, its siding with the lockdown protesters, however, has not had any positive effect on support for the party.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48471909","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We seek to advance the understanding of how the populist radical right in Spain reacted to Covid-19 in 2020. In particular, our contribution seeks to answer three questions. First, we consider the discursive and rhetorical tools adopted by the party. Second, we analyse how VOX, as an opposition party, has sought to challenge the governing coalition and the mainstream right. Specifically, we analyse the incentives, rationale, process and consequences party’s no confidence measure brought against the governing coalition. Third, we assess to what extent the party’s electoral potential has been influenced by the pandemic by analysing the party’s performance in the polls as well as support for VOX’s leadership amongst the party’s own voter base.
{"title":"Surviving but not thriving: VOX and Spain in times of Covid-19","authors":"Lisa Zanotti, S. J. Turnbull-Dugarte","doi":"10.31219/osf.io/gvnpe","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.31219/osf.io/gvnpe","url":null,"abstract":"We seek to advance the understanding of how the populist radical right in Spain reacted to Covid-19 in 2020. In particular, our contribution seeks to answer three questions. First, we consider the discursive and rhetorical tools adopted by the party. Second, we analyse how VOX, as an opposition party, has sought to challenge the governing coalition and the mainstream right. Specifically, we analyse the incentives, rationale, process and consequences party’s no confidence measure brought against the governing coalition. Third, we assess to what extent the party’s electoral potential has been influenced by the pandemic by analysing the party’s performance in the polls as well as support for VOX’s leadership amongst the party’s own voter base.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43268056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article explains why only some post-neoliberal populists successfully keep themselves in power, thereby dominating political systems over the long term. Based on cross-regional dual paired comparisons of ‘crucial’ cases in the Andes and Central Europe, it advances a theory emphasizing societal reactions rooted in prior neoliberal critical junctures. I argue that where well-established and programmatic social democratic parties engaged in bait-and-switch reforms, subsequent populists mobilized extensive electoral coalitions with core support from former leftist constituents, based on which they built organizational capacities for the provision of national public goods that reinforced their popularity over the long term. By contrast, where personalistic leaders politicized regionally based divides through identity-priming appeals and then disproportionately hurt core supporters through bait-and-switch reforms, subsequent populists mobilized more segmented electoral coalitions, built less cohesive parties and provided limited public goods, which undermined their popularity as incumbents. By underscoring parallels in two different world regions, the article challenges institutionalist accounts of populist domination and offers a novel societally focused perspective.
{"title":"The Social Bases of Populist Domination: Market Reforms and Popular Reactions in Latin America and Post-Communist Europe","authors":"Binio S. Binev","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.11","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.11","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article explains why only some post-neoliberal populists successfully keep themselves in power, thereby dominating political systems over the long term. Based on cross-regional dual paired comparisons of ‘crucial’ cases in the Andes and Central Europe, it advances a theory emphasizing societal reactions rooted in prior neoliberal critical junctures. I argue that where well-established and programmatic social democratic parties engaged in bait-and-switch reforms, subsequent populists mobilized extensive electoral coalitions with core support from former leftist constituents, based on which they built organizational capacities for the provision of national public goods that reinforced their popularity over the long term. By contrast, where personalistic leaders politicized regionally based divides through identity-priming appeals and then disproportionately hurt core supporters through bait-and-switch reforms, subsequent populists mobilized more segmented electoral coalitions, built less cohesive parties and provided limited public goods, which undermined their popularity as incumbents. By underscoring parallels in two different world regions, the article challenges institutionalist accounts of populist domination and offers a novel societally focused perspective.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48182167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"GOV volume 57 issue 2 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.8","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"57 1","pages":"f1 - f2"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41948557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Carly A Bobak, Abhimanyu, Harini Natarajan, Tanmay Gandhi, Sandra L Grimm, Tomoki Nishiguchi, Kent Koster, Santiago Carrero Longlax, Qiniso Dlamini, Jacquiline Kahari, Godwin Mtetwa, Jeffrey D Cirillo, James O'Malley, Jane E Hill, Cristian Coarfa, Andrew R DiNardo
Background: Tuberculosis (TB) is the archetypical chronic infection, with patients having months of symptoms before diagnosis. In the two years after successful therapy, survivors of TB have a three-fold increased risk of death.
Methods: Guinea pigs were infected with Mycobacterium tuberculosis (Mtb) for 45 days, followed by RRBS DNA methylation analysis. In humans, network analysis of differentially expressed genes across three TB cohorts were visualized at the pathway-level. Serum levels of inflammation were measured by ELISA. Horvath (DNA methylation) and RNA-seq biological clocks were used to investigate shifts in chronological age among humans with TB.
Results: Guinea pigs with TB demonstrated DNA hypermethylation and showed system-level similarity to humans with TB (p-value = 0.002). The transcriptome in TB in multiple cohorts was enriched for DNA methylation and cellular senescence. Senescence associated proteins CXCL9, CXCL10, and TNF were elevated in TB patients compared to healthy controls. Humans with TB demonstrate 12.7 years (95% CI: 7.5, 21.9) and 14.38 years (95% CI: 10.23-18.53) of cellular aging as measured by epigenetic and gene expression based cellular clocks, respectively.
Conclusions: In both guinea pigs and humans, TB perturbs epigenetic processes, promoting premature cellular aging and inflammation, a plausible means to explain the long-term detrimental health outcomes after TB.
背景：肺结核（TB）是典型的慢性感染，患者在确诊前有数月的症状。在成功治疗后的两年内，结核病幸存者的死亡风险增加了三倍：方法：豚鼠感染结核分枝杆菌（Mtb）45 天，然后进行 RRBS DNA 甲基化分析。在人类中，对三个结核病队列的差异表达基因进行了通路级可视化网络分析。血清中的炎症水平是通过酶联免疫吸附试验测定的。利用 Horvath（DNA 甲基化）和 RNA-seq 生物钟研究了结核病患者的年龄变化：结果：豚鼠肺结核患者表现出 DNA 甲基化过高，与人类肺结核患者表现出系统水平的相似性（p 值 = 0.002）。多个队列中结核病的转录组富含 DNA 甲基化和细胞衰老。与健康对照组相比，结核病患者的衰老相关蛋白CXCL9、CXCL10和TNF升高。根据基于表观遗传学和基因表达的细胞时钟测量，结核病患者的细胞衰老时间分别为 12.7 年（95% CI：7.5-21.9 年）和 14.38 年（95% CI：10.23-18.53 年）：在豚鼠和人类中，结核病扰乱了表观遗传过程，促进了细胞过早衰老和炎症，这是解释结核病对健康造成长期不利影响的一种合理手段。
{"title":"Increased DNA methylation, cellular senescence and premature epigenetic aging in guinea pigs and humans with tuberculosis.","authors":"Carly A Bobak, Abhimanyu, Harini Natarajan, Tanmay Gandhi, Sandra L Grimm, Tomoki Nishiguchi, Kent Koster, Santiago Carrero Longlax, Qiniso Dlamini, Jacquiline Kahari, Godwin Mtetwa, Jeffrey D Cirillo, James O'Malley, Jane E Hill, Cristian Coarfa, Andrew R DiNardo","doi":"10.18632/aging.203936","DOIUrl":"10.18632/aging.203936","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>Tuberculosis (TB) is the archetypical chronic infection, with patients having months of symptoms before diagnosis. In the two years after successful therapy, survivors of TB have a three-fold increased risk of death.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>Guinea pigs were infected with <i>Mycobacterium tuberculosis</i> (<i>Mtb</i>) for 45 days, followed by RRBS DNA methylation analysis. In humans, network analysis of differentially expressed genes across three TB cohorts were visualized at the pathway-level. Serum levels of inflammation were measured by ELISA. Horvath (DNA methylation) and RNA-seq biological clocks were used to investigate shifts in chronological age among humans with TB.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Guinea pigs with TB demonstrated DNA hypermethylation and showed system-level similarity to humans with TB (<i>p</i>-value = 0.002). The transcriptome in TB in multiple cohorts was enriched for DNA methylation and cellular senescence. Senescence associated proteins CXCL9, CXCL10, and TNF were elevated in TB patients compared to healthy controls. Humans with TB demonstrate 12.7 years (95% CI: 7.5, 21.9) and 14.38 years (95% CI: 10.23-18.53) of cellular aging as measured by epigenetic and gene expression based cellular clocks, respectively.</p><p><strong>Conclusions: </strong>In both guinea pigs and humans, TB perturbs epigenetic processes, promoting premature cellular aging and inflammation, a plausible means to explain the long-term detrimental health outcomes after TB.</p>","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"40 1","pages":"2174-2193"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-03-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8954968/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85182614","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract While coalition agreements are significant in structuring government behaviour, their comprehensiveness varies considerably across cabinets. We argue that the average correspondence between parties' priorities and portfolio allocation is important in explaining the comprehensiveness of coalition agreements because coalition parties that have obtained their preferred portfolios have less incentive to negotiate a detailed coalition agreement. We test our argument by combining newly collected data on coalition agreements drafted by 218 cabinets in 24 Western and Eastern European countries from 1945 to 2014 with data on the distribution of ministerial portfolios. We find that the shorter and less comprehensive the agreements, the higher the correspondence between parties' priorities and portfolio allocation. Our results have important implications for our understanding of coalition governments and the relationship between government formation and cabinet governance.
{"title":"Cabinet Formation and Coalition Governance: The Effect of Portfolio Allocation on Coalition Agreements","authors":"S. Krauss, H. Kluever","doi":"10.1017/gov.2021.68","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.68","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract While coalition agreements are significant in structuring government behaviour, their comprehensiveness varies considerably across cabinets. We argue that the average correspondence between parties' priorities and portfolio allocation is important in explaining the comprehensiveness of coalition agreements because coalition parties that have obtained their preferred portfolios have less incentive to negotiate a detailed coalition agreement. We test our argument by combining newly collected data on coalition agreements drafted by 218 cabinets in 24 Western and Eastern European countries from 1945 to 2014 with data on the distribution of ministerial portfolios. We find that the shorter and less comprehensive the agreements, the higher the correspondence between parties' priorities and portfolio allocation. Our results have important implications for our understanding of coalition governments and the relationship between government formation and cabinet governance.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"862 - 881"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46399085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article tests the claim that government cooperation between mainstream parties and radical right parties can be explained by coalition theory. It does so by analysing three Swedish cases of coalition formation where the radical right Sweden Democrats (SD) have remained excluded despite holding a pivotal position in the parliament. It argues that, with the right analytical tools, this exclusion can be explained by coalition theory: cooperation with the SD has been unattractive in terms of policy, and unnecessary because the mainstream parties have been able to form viable minority governments. This argument requires three things: first, that we consider the two-dimensional nature of Swedish politics; second, that we shift the focus from majority government to viable government; and third, that we acknowledge strategic time horizons that extend well into the future. The findings contribute to our understanding of coalition formation and of how mainstream parties respond strategically to the radical right.
{"title":"Government Formation and the Radical Right: A Swedish Exception?","authors":"Anders Backlund","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.1","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article tests the claim that government cooperation between mainstream parties and radical right parties can be explained by coalition theory. It does so by analysing three Swedish cases of coalition formation where the radical right Sweden Democrats (SD) have remained excluded despite holding a pivotal position in the parliament. It argues that, with the right analytical tools, this exclusion can be explained by coalition theory: cooperation with the SD has been unattractive in terms of policy, and unnecessary because the mainstream parties have been able to form viable minority governments. This argument requires three things: first, that we consider the two-dimensional nature of Swedish politics; second, that we shift the focus from majority government to viable government; and third, that we acknowledge strategic time horizons that extend well into the future. The findings contribute to our understanding of coalition formation and of how mainstream parties respond strategically to the radical right.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"882 - 898"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-03-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43225970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Conventional wisdom suggests that populists thrive in times of crisis. However, for populist radical right parties in government, managing a genuine calamity is both an opportunity and a challenge. On the one hand, crises provide the opportunity to project leadership and quell opposition to their rule. On the other hand, crisis response requires competence. Probably the most successful governing populist radical right party in the European Union, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz in Hungary, did not resolve this tension entirely adequately in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic. While the party consolidated its grip on power, the high human and economic costs of mismanaging the second and third waves of the pandemic started to erode its popular support. In ideational terms, the COVID-19 pandemic accentuated the populist, nativist and authoritarian tendencies that had long characterized the party.
{"title":"More Power, Less Support: The Fidesz Government and the Coronavirus Pandemic in Hungary","authors":"Agnes Batory","doi":"10.1017/gov.2022.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2022.3","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Conventional wisdom suggests that populists thrive in times of crisis. However, for populist radical right parties in government, managing a genuine calamity is both an opportunity and a challenge. On the one hand, crises provide the opportunity to project leadership and quell opposition to their rule. On the other hand, crisis response requires competence. Probably the most successful governing populist radical right party in the European Union, Viktor Orbán's Fidesz in Hungary, did not resolve this tension entirely adequately in the course of the COVID-19 pandemic. While the party consolidated its grip on power, the high human and economic costs of mismanaging the second and third waves of the pandemic started to erode its popular support. In ideational terms, the COVID-19 pandemic accentuated the populist, nativist and authoritarian tendencies that had long characterized the party.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"56624262","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract This article investigates the relationship between levels of party institutionalization and individual-level partisan mobilization. Levels of party institutionalization have been linked to macro-level outcomes such as party system stability, but little is known about the micro-level underpinnings of such patterns. This article investigates one set of mechanisms through which party institutionalization might affect electoral outcomes. Specifically, we ask how routinization and value infusion – two central dimensions of party institutionalization – shape partisans’ political mobilization. We investigate these relationships by matching data on individual-level behaviour (taken from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) 2014 wave) with data on party attributes commonly associated with levels of institutionalization (taken from the Democratic Accountability and Linkages Project – DALP). We find that while value infusion encourages relatively greater participation from non-member supporters, party routinization depresses non-member participation but may mobilize otherwise inactive members. These findings suggest that to understand the effects of party institutionalization on a macro-level phenomenon such as electoral volatility, it may be necessary to study how parties institutionalize, rather than just asking how much they institutionalize.
{"title":"Party Institutionalization and Partisan Mobilization","authors":"A. Ponce, S. Scarrow","doi":"10.1017/gov.2021.67","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.67","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article investigates the relationship between levels of party institutionalization and individual-level partisan mobilization. Levels of party institutionalization have been linked to macro-level outcomes such as party system stability, but little is known about the micro-level underpinnings of such patterns. This article investigates one set of mechanisms through which party institutionalization might affect electoral outcomes. Specifically, we ask how routinization and value infusion – two central dimensions of party institutionalization – shape partisans’ political mobilization. We investigate these relationships by matching data on individual-level behaviour (taken from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) 2014 wave) with data on party attributes commonly associated with levels of institutionalization (taken from the Democratic Accountability and Linkages Project – DALP). We find that while value infusion encourages relatively greater participation from non-member supporters, party routinization depresses non-member participation but may mobilize otherwise inactive members. These findings suggest that to understand the effects of party institutionalization on a macro-level phenomenon such as electoral volatility, it may be necessary to study how parties institutionalize, rather than just asking how much they institutionalize.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"745 - 764"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-02-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42910187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract Recent scholarship on retrospective voting has shown that when they go to the polls, voters evaluate not only incumbent performance, but also the performance of parties in opposition. So far, however, these studies have not been able to identify how voters evaluate the performance of parties in opposition. The answers to a unique open-ended question included in a Belgian electoral survey in 2019 provide new insights into voters' minds. First, this study investigates what voters think about when they evaluate a party's performance in opposition. Second, it tests whether voters hold opposition parties responsible for the state of affairs in the country. The results show that voters are most concerned with opposition parties' competence in scrutinizing the government and providing constructive criticism, and dislike unconstructive and overly negative opposition. Furthermore, voters hold opposition parties accountable for the state of affairs in their country, albeit to a lesser extent than incumbent parties.
{"title":"How Do Voters Evaluate Performance in Opposition?","authors":"D. Stiers","doi":"10.1017/gov.2021.63","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2021.63","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Recent scholarship on retrospective voting has shown that when they go to the polls, voters evaluate not only incumbent performance, but also the performance of parties in opposition. So far, however, these studies have not been able to identify how voters evaluate the performance of parties in opposition. The answers to a unique open-ended question included in a Belgian electoral survey in 2019 provide new insights into voters' minds. First, this study investigates what voters think about when they evaluate a party's performance in opposition. Second, it tests whether voters hold opposition parties responsible for the state of affairs in the country. The results show that voters are most concerned with opposition parties' competence in scrutinizing the government and providing constructive criticism, and dislike unconstructive and overly negative opposition. Furthermore, voters hold opposition parties accountable for the state of affairs in their country, albeit to a lesser extent than incumbent parties.","PeriodicalId":47758,"journal":{"name":"Government and Opposition","volume":"58 1","pages":"725 - 744"},"PeriodicalIF":2.8,"publicationDate":"2022-01-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47562627","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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