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From State Socialism to Post-Communist Capitalism. Critical PerspectivesIván Szelényi, From State Socialism to Post-Communist Capitalism. Critical Perspectives . Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2022, viii + 322pp., €78.00p/b. 从国家社会主义到后共产主义资本主义。批判PerspectivesIván szelsamnyi,从国家社会主义到后共产主义资本主义。批判性视角。威斯巴登:哈拉索维茨出版社,2022,第8卷,322页。€78.00 p / b。
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-21 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2266285
Bálint Madlovics
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsBálint MadlovicsBálint Madlovics, Junior Research Fellow, Democracy Institute, Central European University, Budapest, Hungary. Email: MadlovicsB@ceu.edu
额外信息contributorsBálint MadlovicsBálint Madlovics,初级研究员,民主研究所,中欧大学,匈牙利布达佩斯。电子邮件:MadlovicsB@ceu.edu
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引用次数: 1
From Ludendorff to Lenin? World War I and the Origins of Soviet Economic Planning 从鲁登道夫到列宁?第一次世界大战和苏联计划经济的起源
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-10 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2259635
Friedrich Asschenfeldt, Max Trecker
The planned economy was a defining element of the Bolshevik dictatorship. In contrast to scholars who have located its intellectual roots in the classic texts of nineteenth-century Marxism, this essay situates the origins of economic planning in World War I. The text analyses the link between war and planning in Russian and German thought. In doing so, we argue that the Bolsheviks’ positive assessment of the techniques of wartime mobilisation, influenced by the work of German economist Rudolf Hilferding, was foundational to their vision of organising the economy through the state.
计划经济是布尔什维克专政的决定性因素。与那些将经济计划的思想根源定位于19世纪马克思主义经典文本的学者不同,本文将经济计划的起源置于第一次世界大战中。本文分析了俄罗斯和德国思想中战争与计划之间的联系。在此过程中,我们认为,布尔什维克对战时动员技术的积极评价,受到德国经济学家鲁道夫·希法亭(Rudolf Hilferding)著作的影响,是他们通过国家组织经济的愿景的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Choosing Stagnation. The Kosygin Reforms and the Rise of Brezhnev’s Stagnationary Coalition 选择停滞。柯西金改革与勃列日涅夫停滞联盟的兴起
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-09 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2257005
Yakov Feygin
AbstractThis essay seeks to restore stagnation as a category of analysis to understand late-Soviet socialism. It argues that the conservative politics of the Brezhnev period and its tepid economic growth were the results of a choice by Soviet elites to prioritise political stability over a consumerist reconfiguration of the Soviet growth model. This choice was undertaken in the context of the Kosygin reforms, measures aimed at arresting the looming stagflation of the late Khrushchev era. The defeat of the reforms marked a political caesura at which stagnation became an acceptable risk for the party elite. Disclosure statement:No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 In an open economy, a persistently high savings rate can be sustained if the state runs a perpetually high trade surplus thereby importing consumer demand.2 In the literature and this essay, investment is discussed in two senses. The first indicates the deployment of resources to create new capacity in a particular sector. The second is an approach to rapid ‘catch-up’ growth through expansion in the capacity in the producer goods sectors, or the repression of domestic consumption and reliance on export profits. The latter has been termed ‘investment-led’ growth in the literature on late modernising in Asia. Because of the ubiquity of this term in the literature and my reliance on it, I will use ‘investment-led growth’ to describe the Soviet growth model (Pettis Citation2001; Ahuja & Nabar Citation2012; Dos Santos Citation2015; Pirie Citation2018).3 Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Akademii nauk (hereafter ARAN), f. 1705, op. 1, d. 166, ll. 14–26. Translated by Ethan Pollack for the Cold War International History Project Digital Archive, available at: http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/110984, accessed 9 June 2015.4 Officially, the plan did not sufficiently take into account new advances in science and thus underinvested in the petrochemical industry. Other accounts speak to the Sixth Five-Year Plan’s insufficiently ambitious and well-defined targets.5 Rossiiskii gosudarstvennyi arkhiv ekonomiki (hereafter RGAE), f. 2324, op. 28, d. 2427, ll. 32–43.6 RGAE, f. 2324, op. 28, d. 2427, ll. 32–43.7 ARAN, f. 1849, op. 1, d. 51, ll. 1–12. Soviet calculations of aggregate labour productivity were measured by the percent difference between the gross volume of production between two plan periods and the change in the labour force employed. Hourly and factor calculations were done for short-term branch planning (Golov Citation1968).8 Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv Rossiiskoi Federatsii (hereafter, GARF), f. 5446, op. 99, d. 430, ll. 77–8.9 GARF, f. 5446, op. 99, d. 1, ll. 8–18.10 Emphasis added. RGAE, f. 9480, op. 7, d. 261, ll. 1–6.11 RGAE, f. 9480, op. 7, d. 261, ll. 7–8.12 RGAE, f. 9480, op. 7, d. 261, ll. 30–47.13 GARF, f. 5446, op. 99, d. 431, l. 134.14 RGAE, f. 4372, f. 66, op. 3962, ll. 1–3.15 RGAE, f. 4372, f. 66, op. 3962, ll. 1–3.16 RGAE, f. 2324, op. 28, d. 2651, ll
摘要本文试图将恢复停滞作为一种分析范畴来理解苏联后期的社会主义。它认为,勃列日涅夫时期的保守政治及其不温不火的经济增长是苏联精英选择优先考虑政治稳定而不是消费主义重构苏联增长模式的结果。这一选择是在柯西金改革的背景下做出的,这些措施旨在遏制赫鲁晓夫时代晚期迫在眉睫的滞胀。改革的失败标志着政治上的停顿,对党内精英来说,停滞已成为一种可以接受的风险。披露声明:作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1:在一个开放的经济中,如果国家有长期的高贸易顺差,从而引入消费需求,那么持续的高储蓄率就可以维持在文献和本文中,投资是从两个意义上讨论的。第一个指标表明为在某一特定部门创造新能力而部署的资源。第二种方法是通过扩大生产产品部门的产能,或抑制国内消费并依赖出口利润,实现快速“追赶”增长。在有关亚洲后期现代化的文献中,后者被称为“投资拉动型”增长。由于这个术语在文献中无处不在以及我对它的依赖,我将使用“投资主导的增长”来描述苏联的增长模式(Pettis Citation2001;Ahuja & Nabar Citation2012;Dos Santos Citation2015;Pirie Citation2018)。3Arkhiv Rossiiskoi Akademii nauk(以下简称ARAN), f. 1705, op. 1, d. 166, 11。14日至26日。根据官方说法,该计划没有充分考虑到科学的新进展,因此对石化行业的投资不足。还有一些说法认为,第六个五年计划的目标不够远大和明确《俄罗斯经济与社会发展》(以下简称《经济与社会发展》),f. 2324, op. 28, d. 2427, 11。32-43.6 RGAE, f. 2324, op. 28, d. 2427, 11。1849年6月,第1期,第51期,第11期。1 - 12。苏联对总劳动生产率的计算是用两个计划期间的生产总量与就业劳动力变化之间的百分比差来衡量的。按小时计算和按因素计算是为了进行短期分部规划(Golov Citation1968)俄罗斯联邦政府(以下简称联邦政府),f. 5446, op. 99, d. 430, 11。77-8.9 GARF, f. 5446, op. 99, d. 1, 11。8-18.10重点增加。RGAE, f. 9480, op. 7, d. 261, 2011。1-6.11 RGAE, f. 9480, op. 7, d. 261, 11。7 - 8.12 RGAE, f. 9480, op. 7, d. 261, 11。30-47.13 GARF, f. 5446, op. 99, d. 431, 1 . 134.14 RGAE, f. 4372, f. 66, op. 3962, 11。1-3.15 RGAE, f. 4372, f. 66, op. 3962, 11。1-3.16 RGAE, f. 2324, op. 28, d. 2651, 11。46-8.17 GARF, f. 5446, op. 105, d. 6。5 - 7.18《俄国新史研究》(以下简称《新史研究》),第5期,第6期,第227页。49-51.19 RGAE, f. 9480, op. 9, d. 540, 11。60-1.20 GARF, f. 5446, op. 105, d. 10; 16.21 RGANI, f. 80, op. 1, d. 90;3-68.22 XXIV’ezd KPSS: stenograficheskii otchet(莫斯科,Gospolitizdat, 1971).23RGANI, f. 80, op. 1, d. 314, 11。10-40.24 RGANI, f. 80, op. 1, d. 168, 2011。本研究的部分资金由富布赖特-海斯海外论文发展研究基金(DDRA)、宾夕法尼亚大学和inet -哈佛历史项目提供支持。作者简介:雅科夫·费金雅科夫·费金,伯格鲁恩研究所,布拉德伯里大厦,304 S. Broadway, 500套房,洛杉矶,CA 90013,美国。电子邮件:yfeygin@berggruen.org
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引用次数: 0
Gender-Blind and Anti-Feminist: Putin’s Russia as a ‘Norm Antipreneur’ 性别盲与反女权主义:普京治下的俄罗斯是“反规范者”
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-06 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2257400
Anna Kuteleva
AbstractAgainst the backdrop of the increasing global schisms around gender equality in recent years, the discussion of Russia’s domestic anti-gender politics is coming to the fore. To date, however, little work has bridged the domestic–international divide in this discussion by thoroughly examining the interplay between Russian foreign policy, national branding and the domestic conservative turn. This gap inspires the twofold question underscoring this essay: how do anti-gender discourses emerge in Russian politics, and with what effect do these discourses travel across different political contexts? Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 See also Wood (Citation2011), Riabov and Riabova (Citation2014), Novitskaya (Citation2017).2 Vladimir Putin’s address to the Federal Assembly on 8 July 2000, Rossiiskaya gazeta, 11 July 2000, available at: http://www.kremlin.ru/acts/bank/22401, accessed 6 September 2023.3 ‘Interv'yu Vladimira Putina radio “Evropa-1” i telekanalu TF1’, Kremlin.ru, 4 June 2014, available at: http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/45832, accessed 25 June 2022.4 ‘Bol'shaya press-konferentsiya Vladimira Putina’, Kremlin.ru, 19 December 2019, available at: http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/62366, accessed 25 June 2022.5 ‘Zasedanie Koordinatsionnogo soveta po realizatsii Natsional'noi strategii deistvii v interesakh detei’, Kremlin.ru, 28 May 2013, available at: http://kremlin.ru/events/administration/18205, accessed 25 June 2022.6 See for example, ‘Pryamaya liniya s Vladimirom Putinym’, Kremlin.ru, 17 April 2014, available at: http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/statements/20796, accessed 25 June 2022; ‘Vstrecha s uchastnikami obshcherossiiskoi aktsii “My vmeste”’, Kremlin.ru, 30 April 2020, available at: http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/63294, accessed 25 June 2022.7 ‘Obrashchenie Prezidenta Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Kremlin.ru, 18 March 2014, available at: http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/20603, accessed 25 June 2022.8 All three resolutions were eventually adopted by UNHRC, despite the opposition of Western states and their close allies, such as Japan and Korea (Voss Citation2019), and the criticism of major human rights NGOs, such as Amnesty International.9 Natalia Zolotova, Russia, Address to the UN Human Rights Council on Draft Resolution, A/HRC/35/L.21, Geneva, Switzerland, 22 June 2017, available at: https://media.un.org/en/asset/k16/k160l17q3o, accessed 25 June 2022.10 Dina Gilmutdinova, Russia, UN Security Council on Women in Peacekeeping, S/PV.8508, New York, United States, 11 April 2019, p. 17, available at: https://www.securitycouncilreport.org/atf/cf/%7B65BFCF9B-6D27-4E9C-8CD3-CF6E4FF96FF9%7D/s_pv_8508.pdf, accessed 25 June 2022.11 Nikolay Kobrinets, Speech at the Final Session of the 27th Meeting of the OSCE Ministerial Council, Tirana, Albania, 4 December 2020, available at: https://www.mid.ru/ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/c
摘要近年来,在全球性别平等分裂愈演愈烈的大背景下,关于俄罗斯国内反性别政治的讨论逐渐浮出水面。然而,到目前为止,很少有工作通过彻底研究俄罗斯外交政策、国家品牌和国内保守派转向之间的相互作用来弥合国内与国际在这一讨论中的分歧。这一差距激发了本文强调的双重问题:反性别话语是如何在俄罗斯政治中出现的,这些话语在不同的政治背景下传播会产生什么影响?披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1参见Wood (Citation2011)、Riabov and Riabova (Citation2014)、Novitskaya (Citation2017)弗拉基米尔·普京2000年7月8日在联邦会议上的讲话,2000年7月11日,《俄罗斯报》,网址:http://www.kremlin.ru/acts/bank/22401; 2014年6月4日,Kremlin.ru,网址:http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/45832; 2019年12月19日,Kremlin.ru,网址:例如,见《关于普京总统的政策》,Kremlin.ru, 2014年4月17日,可在http://www.kremlin.ru/events/president/transcripts/statements/20796查阅,2022年6月25日查阅;“Vstrecha s uchastnikami obshcherossiiskoi aktsii“My vmeste””,克里姆林宫,2020年4月30日,可访问:http://kremlin.ru/events/president/news/63294, 2022.6月25日。“Obrashchenie Prezidenta Rossiiskoi federal”,克里姆林宫,2014年3月18日,可访问:9 Natalia Zolotova,俄罗斯,在联合国人权理事会就决议草案发表的讲话,A/HRC/35/L. 9联合国人权理事会不顾西方国家及其亲密盟友,如日本和韩国的反对,以及大赦国际等主要人权非政府组织的批评,最终通过了这三项决议。蒂娜·吉尔穆蒂诺娃,俄罗斯,联合国安理会关于妇女参与维和的报告,S/PV。尼古拉·科布里涅茨:《在欧安组织部长理事会第二十七次会议最后会议上的讲话》,2020年12月4日,阿尔巴尼亚地拉那,载于以下网址:《俄罗斯外交官预测2021年瑞典担任欧安组织轮值主席国期间的不稳定工作》,塔斯社,2020年12月13日,见:https://tass.com/politics/1234563;《S/2020/1054,俄罗斯联邦:决议草案》,联合国数字图书馆,见:性别平等主流化涉及将性别平等原则纳入包括和平、发展和人权在内的各个领域。这一概念作为促进两性平等和纠正两性不平等的战略框架而出现。在1995年第四次妇女问题世界会议上,将性别问题纳入主流得到了至关重要的支持和承认,被认为是实现对两性平等承诺的一种基本方法。由此产生的《北京宣言》和《行动纲要》要求发展政策和倡议中的一系列利益攸关方,包括联合国实体、会员国和民间社会参与者,积极参与促进这种做法。15《安全理事会主席2020年10月30日给秘书长和安全理事会成员国常驻代表的信》,联合国数字图书馆,第28、31页,可在:https://digitallibrary.un.org/record/3893408查阅,2022.6月25日查阅。16《关于妇女、和平与安全决议草案的投票解释》,俄罗斯联邦常驻联合国代表团,2020年10月30日,可在:“谢尔盖·拉夫罗夫:OON rodilas ' na pepelishchakh Vtoroi mirovoi voiny”,塔斯社,2015年9月15日,可访问:https://tass.ru/interviews/2254842, 2022.6月25日;玛丽亚·扎哈罗娃的个人博客,2021年7月4日,可访问:https://t.me/MariaVladimirovnaZakharova/334, 2023年9月6日。 19“俄罗斯联邦常驻代表亚历山大·卢卡舍维奇先生在欧安组织常设理事会第1267次视频电话会议上的发言”,PC。《在国际妇女节向俄罗斯妇女致意》,Kremlin.ru, 2020年3月8日,查阅网址:http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/62961。《在国际妇女节向俄罗斯妇女致意》,Kremlin.ru, 2020年3月8日,查阅网址:《瓦尔代讨论俱乐部会议》,Kremlin.ru, 2021年10月21日,http://en.kremlin.ru/events/president/news/66975;《俄罗斯联邦宪法》,1993年12月25日,http://www.constitution.ru/en/10003000-01.htm;《2020年全球性别差距报告》,世界经济论坛,2019年12月16日,第32页,可在以下网址查阅:“Ya tebya seychas, suka, ubivat' budu”:Bol ' shinstvo zhenshchin, osuzhdennykh za ubiistvo, zashchishchalis' ot domashnego nasiliya”,Novaya gazeta, 2019年11月25日,可在:对社会学家和性别学者伊琳娜·塔尔塔科夫斯卡娅的在线采访,2012.1年4月28日对人权律师玛丽·达维扬的采访,莫斯科,2012.1年5月13日对电视主持人、执政的统一俄罗斯党前国家杜马代表奥克萨娜·普什金娜的在线采访(2016-2021年);对一位女权主义博主和竞选经理的采访,莫斯科,2016年7月11日受访者讽刺地使用了非正式术语patsany——“好/体面的家伙”——通常用来指代那些遵守严格的道德准则、随时准备为自己挺身而出的男人对区域非政府组织负责人的采访,2021年8月6日。为了保护被访者的匿名性,一些采访细节被省略了采访社会学家、妇女研究学者埃琳娜·兹德拉沃米斯洛娃,圣彼得堡,20121.5月14日;采访社会学家、性别学者伊琳娜·塔尔塔科夫斯卡娅,20121.4月28日;采访电视主持人、执政的统一俄罗斯党(2016-2021)前国家杜马代表奥克萨娜·普什金娜,20121.5月17日;采访女权主义者、无政府主义政治理论家玛丽亚·拉赫玛尼诺娃,圣彼得堡,20121.5月5日;采访人权律师Mari Davtyan,莫斯科,20121.5月13日采访人权律师Mari Davtyan,莫斯科,20121.5月13日计算基于独立人权媒体项目OVD-Info于2021年10月维护的Inoteka数据库;参见“OVD-Info”,Inoteka, 2021年10月1日,可访问:https://ovdinfo.org/inoteka-en, 2022.6月25日。Tysiachniouk等人(Citation2018)和Moser和Skripchenko (Citation2018)的研究表明,环境非政府组织采取类似的“生存策略”对区域
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引用次数: 0
Integrating Governor Posts Into the Federal Bureaucratic Structure: Resignation and Post-Tenure Careers of Governors in Russia 将州长职位纳入联邦官僚结构:俄罗斯州长的辞职和任期后的职业生涯
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2252209
Masatomo Torikai
AbstractAuthoritarian leaders incorporate key subnational posts into state bureaucratic structures to consolidate their regimes. Exploiting a comprehensive dataset of post-tenure careers of governors in Russia, this study demonstrates that under the centralisation reforms of the Putin presidency, governors have left their posts at the discretion of the federal government. In the 2010s, outgoing governors frequently faced criminal charges. At the same time, an increasing number of governors have been promoted to federal government posts, and regional posts have been incorporated into the federal administrative structure through a combination of tight control and promotions. AcknowledgementsThe author gratefully acknowledges the comments from Shuhei Mizoguchi, which substantially improved the original manuscript. The author also thanks the two reviewers appointed by Europe-Asia Studies for their helpful comments. This work was supported by the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science under Kakenhi grant number JP21J00191 and the K. Matsushita Foundation under Research grant number 19-G32.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 For the sake of simplicity, I use the term ‘region’ to describe the subjects of the Russian Federation (sub”ekty Rossiiskoi Federatsii) and the term ‘governor’ to describe the executive heads of the subjects of the Russian Federation, whatever official titles they may have. Excluding regions illegally annexed from Ukraine, the subjects of the Russian Federation include republics (21), oblast’ (46), krai (nine), Autonomous Okrug (currently four, and six annexed to neighbour regions from 2005 to 2008), one Autonomous Oblast’ and two Cities of Federal Significance.2 After stopping ex-officio allocation of governors’ seats in 2002, the Federation Council has been filled with members loyal to the centre. Then, the Federation Council lost the political clout that it had acquired in the 1990s. See Ross and Turovsky (Citation2013, pp. 64–5).3 Initially, the number of the federal districts was seven. The North-Caucasus Federal District was separated from the Southern Federal District in 2010. These are not the subjects of the Russian Federation; rather, they are responsible for supervision of the activities of the regional governments. The number of regions assigned to the districts ranges from six to 18.4 Federal Law No. 159-FZ, ‘O vnesenii izmenenii v Federal’nyi zakon ‘Ob obshchikh printsipakh organizatsii zakonodatel’nykh (predstavitel’nykh) i ispolnitel’nykh organov gosudarstvennoi vlasti sub’’ektov Rossiiskoi Federatsii’ i v Federal’nyi zakon ‘Ob osnovnykh garantiyakh izbiratel’nykh prav i prava na uchastie v referendume grazhdan Rossiiskoi Federatsii’, Article 18, 11 November 2004. For the procedure of candidate recommendation, see, Decree No. 1603, ‘O poryadke rassmotreniya kandidatur na dolzhnost’ vysshego dolzhnostnogo litsa (rukovoditelya vysshego ispolnitel’nogo organa g
这似乎意味着,在这个体系中,高层精英罢免低层精英的能力比高层精英任命亲信的能力更为重要由于1992年至2010年担任莫斯科市长的尤里·卢日科夫在2010年拒绝自愿辞职,总统德米特里·梅德韦杰夫发布了一项法令,大意是卢日科夫因失去总统的信任而提前离职。《联邦法律》第157-FZ号,《联邦法律》第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第157-FZ号,“联邦法律”第2条,“联邦法律”第2条。全文见2012年10月5日的《俄罗斯公报》(Rossiiskaya gazeta),网址:https://rg.ru/2012/10/05/partii-dok.html, 20121.9月29日。最后一次行长在任期结束时离职是在2017年1月。这10位州长已于6月辞职,代理州长被迅速任命,为定于9月举行的州长选举做准备。例如,自2012年以来担任斯维尔德洛夫斯克州州长的叶夫根尼·库瓦舍夫(Evgenii Kuivashev)一再宣布,他将在与普京会面后决定参加2022年9月的州长选举。《Evgenii Kuivashev podozhdet do maya》,《Kommersant》,2022年4月21日,可访问:https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/5318413, 2022年5月6日访问。2022年5月,当普京最终确认参加选举时,库瓦舍夫以超过60%的选票赢得了州长竞选(“Putin razreshil eks-glava Tyumeni Kuivashevu ne menyat ' rabotu”,72.ru, 2022年5月20日,可在:https://72.ru/text/politics/2022/05/20/71347712/, 2023年6月26日访问)1999年10月6日第184-FZ号联邦法,“oobshchikh printsipakh organizatsii zakonodatel”nykh (pred- stavitel”nykh) i polnitel”nykh organov gosudarstvennoi vlasti sub“ektov Rossiiskoi Federal”,第18.5条。详情见塔斯社2021年9月27日《Kak menyalis ' zakonodatel ' nye osnovy vyborov glav sub " ektov Rossii '》https://tass.ru/info/12514329, 2021年9月29日《德国之声》2021年12月9日《gobertoram v Rossii mogut razreshit ' isbirat ' sya bolee dvukh srokov podryad》,可在以下网址查阅:“V Gosdumu vnesli zakonoproekt, razreshayushii glavam regionov izbirat ' sya bolee dvukh srokov podryad”。关于pozvolit snova ballotirovat ' sya Minnikhanovu i Sobyaninu ', Meduza, 2021年9月27日,可在:https://meduza.io/news/2021/09/27/v-gosdumu-vnesli-zakonoproekt-razreshayuschiy-glavam-regionov-izbiratsya-bolee-dvuh-srokov-podryad-on-pozvolit-snov查阅,2021年9月29日。34由于表格中的数值包括现任州长,因此州长总数与其他有关任期后职业的表格不同名誉退休指的是“被任命到声望很高的职位,但没有任何真正的行政责任”(雷明顿等人)。Citation2022,第606页)。36 .本节所称重要职务是指部长及其副部长、总统办公厅主任及其副部长。37“省长bezhal, no reshil vernut ' sya”,Gazeta.ru, 2003年7月4日,可在:https://www.gazeta.ru/parliament/articles/38213.shtml查阅,20121.9月23日。38 1997年发表的一篇新闻文章也证实,Tuleev认为叶利钦的决定是一种“明智的做法”(zdravyi podkhod)。“Uvolen Kislyuk, naznachen Tuleev: Boris El ' tsin " ubil " dvukh kemerovskikh " zaitsev ",《生意人报》,1997年7月2日,可查阅:https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/180348, 2021年9月20日”。“南方州长Nazdratenko reshena总统pozvolit emu izbrat ' sya na tretii srok”,《生意人报》,2001年2月6日,可查阅:https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/167429, 2021年9月25日1996年12月在普斯科夫州州长选举中失败后,他于1996年至2000年担任民族和联邦关系部第一副部长(该部的名称更改了几次)。2000年,他被任命为乌拉尔联邦区第一副总统特使。自2006年以来,他担任过若干司法职务涅涅茨自治区州长Valerii Potapenko(2006-2009)被任命为该地区的首席联邦督察。43《Evgeniyu Nazdratenko nashli rybnoe mesto》,《生意人报》,2001年2月7日,网址:https://www。《生意人报》。 " Ssyl ' nyi mira sego ",《生意人报》,2003年6月23日,可在:https://www.kommersant.ru/doc/390607查阅,20121.9月22日。45由于联邦政府在2010年前后对北高加索的恐怖分子采取了反制措施,这是联邦一级的一个关键政策立场。关于Khloponin作为一个有效的危机管理者的能力,见Petrov (Citation2010, pp. 297-98);关于Khloponin作为总统特使的影响,见Ibragimov and Matsuzato (Citation2014).462002年至2010年担任克拉斯诺亚尔斯克边疆区州长的赫洛波宁,调任北高加索联邦区总统特使。Menyailo曾担任塞瓦斯托波尔市州长(2014-2016年),并被任命为西伯利亚联邦区总统特使。克罗斯诺亚尔斯克边疆区在西伯利亚联邦区,塞瓦斯托波尔市属于南联邦区管辖。47关于维克托·托罗孔斯基2010年从新西伯利亚州州长调任西伯利亚联邦区总统特使,见“Svyazano li naznachenie Viktora Tolokonskogo polnomochnym predstavitelem pr
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引用次数: 0
‘We Will Conquer the Motherland’: How Russian Nationalists in Exile Legitimise Their Fight Against Putin’s Regime “我们将征服祖国”:流亡的俄罗斯民族主义者如何使他们反对普京政权的斗争合法化
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2252626
Martin Laryš
AbstractAfter the split amongst Russian nationalists in 2014 over their approach to events in Ukraine, many of them had to leave Russia to avoid repression. Some travelled to Ukraine to support the Ukrainians in their fight against pro-Russian rebel proxies. How do these Russian nationalists legitimise their fight against Putin’s regime and the Russian state? This article argues that their refusal to accept the legitimacy of the Russian state and their linking of Putin’s authoritarian regime to Soviet totalitarianism allow them to legitimise their oppositional political activities, including their involvement in the conflict on the Ukrainian side up to and including the February 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 The term ‘White(s)’ refers to the use of the colour white by the royalists during the French Revolution, which was replicated by the Russians to identify the monarchist faction during the Russian Civil War (Laruelle & Karnysheva Citation2020, p. 114).2 ‘Rights in Russia Interview with Aleksandr Verkhovskiy, Director of the Sova Centre, based in Moscow’, YouTube, 11 April 2021, available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x49LWJCj3dg&t=118s&ab_channel=RightsinRussia, accessed 9 June 2023.3 ‘Rights in Russia Interview with Aleksandr Verkhovskiy, Director of the Sova Centre, based in Moscow’, YouTube, 11 April 2021, available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x49LWJCj3dg&t=118s&ab_channel=RightsinRussia, accessed 9 June 2023.4 Also, interview with Vladimir Basmanov, leader of the Movement of Nationalists (Dvizhenie natsionalistov) and the Forces of Good (Sily dobra), now living in an unknown place, July 2021.5 Interview with Vladimir Basmanov, leader of Dvizhenie natsionalistov and Sily dobra, now living in an unknown place, July 2021.6 Interview with Aleksandr Valov, former member of Sily dobra, now living in Ukraine, July 2021.7 Post in RDK Telegram channel, 24 December 2022, available at: https://t.me/russvolcorps/320, accessed 18 August 2023.8 ‘European Russians’ website, 2015, formerly available at: http://eurorussians.com/russian-rebel-army/, accessed 1 September 2020. The site is now defunct.9 ‘Napavshii na FSB byl svyazan s natsionalisticheskoii gruppirovkoi “Stolz”’, RBK, 21 April 2017, available at: https://www.rbc.ru/society/21/04/2017/58fa16e99a7947cbb0c469e4, accessed 9 June 2023.10 Interview I., former Russian volunteer in far-right Voluntary Ukrainian Corps—Right Sector (Dobrovolchyi ukraiinskyi korpus ‘Pravyi sektor’, DUK PS) founded by Ukrainian nationalist Dmytro Yarosh in 2014, Prague, February 2020.11 ‘Natsionalist iz “Novoi sily” prosit ubezhishcha v Latvii’, Sova tsentr, 12 October 2015, available at: https://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2015/10/d32996/, accessed 9 June 2023.12 ‘Natsionalist Vladimir Ratnikov bezhal iz-pod domashnego aresta’, Radio svoboda, 1 March 2021, available at: https://www.sv
2014年,俄罗斯民族主义者在处理乌克兰事件的方式上发生分歧,许多人不得不离开俄罗斯,以避免镇压。一些人前往乌克兰,支持乌克兰人打击亲俄叛军代理人。这些俄罗斯民族主义者如何使他们反对普京政权和俄罗斯国家的斗争合法化?本文认为,他们拒绝接受俄罗斯国家的合法性,并将普京的专制政权与苏联的极权主义联系起来,这使他们的反对派政治活动合法化,包括他们参与乌克兰方面的冲突,包括俄罗斯在2022年2月入侵乌克兰。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1“白色”一词指的是法国大革命期间保皇党使用白色,俄罗斯人在俄罗斯内战期间复制了白色来识别君主派(Laruelle & Karnysheva Citation2020,第114页)。2 .“俄罗斯人权采访莫斯科索瓦中心主任亚历山大·维尔霍夫斯基”,YouTube, 2021年4月11日,可访问:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x49LWJCj3dg&t=118s&ab_channel=RightsinRussia。3.3“俄罗斯人权采访莫斯科索瓦中心主任亚历山大·维尔霍夫斯基”,YouTube, 2021年4月11日,可访问:此外,对弗拉基米尔·巴斯马诺夫的采访,民族主义者运动(Dvizhenie natsionalistov)和善良的力量(西西里多布拉)的领导人,现在住在一个未知的地方,2027月。1.5对弗拉基米尔·巴斯马诺夫的采访,Dvizhenie natsionalistov和西西里多布拉的领导人,现在住在一个未知的地方,2027月。发布于RDK电报频道,2022年12月24日,可访问:https://t.me/russvolcorps/320, 2023.8月18日访问。2015年“欧洲俄罗斯人”网站,原可访问:http://eurorussians.com/russian-rebel-army/,访问2020年9月1日。该网站现已关闭。9《Napavshii na FSB byl svyazan s nationalism - isisticheskoii gruppirovkoi“Stolz”》,RBK, 2017年4月21日,可在:https://www.rbc.ru/society/21/04/2017/58fa16e99a7947cbb0c469e4,访问日期:2023年6月9日。访谈一,乌克兰民族主义者德米特罗·亚罗什于2014年创建的极右翼乌克兰志愿军右翼区(Dobrovolchyi ukraiinskyi korpus ' Pravyi Sector ', DUK PS)的前俄罗斯志愿者,布拉格,2020年2月。《民族主义者Vladimir Ratnikov bezhal iz-pod domashnego aresta》,svoboda电台,2021年3月1日,可在https://www.svoboda.org/a/31128241.html查阅,2023.6月9日。另见《Manifest Russkoi Povstancheskoi Armii》,Russkaya povstancheskaya armiya, 2016年2月8日,可在以下网址查阅:对弗拉基米尔·拉特尼科夫(Vladimir Ratnikov)的采访,前切尔尼地区领导人和民族主义领袖,现居住在立陶宛,20122.15年5月,“Sto let nashei katastrofe”,俄罗斯日报,未注明日期,以前可访问(网站现已关闭):“O nashei simvolike i preemstvennosti”,Russkii dobrovolcheskii korpus,电报,2022年8月28日,可在:https://t.me/russvolcorps/108,访问2023.8月8日。“peter Krasnov-Vzglyad iz budushchego”,Russkii tsentr,未注明日期,以前可用(网站现已关闭):2017年10月10日,Vkontakte,可在以下网址查阅:https://vk.com/rus_dobrovolec?w=wall-154341883_27, 2020年5月10日。Ivan Kononov ', RPA, 2015年8月29日,可在http://dobrovoletz.blogspot.com/2015/08/blog-post_35.html查阅,2023年6月9日查阅。Russkii tsentr, Telegram频道,2019年5月4日,可在https://t.me/Russ_Center/720查阅,2023年8月18日查阅。Russkii dobrovolets post, 2017年10月10日,可在https://vk.com/rus_dobrovolec?w=wall-154341883_27查阅,2020年7月20日查阅。https://t.me/russvolcorps/108,访问日期:2023.24’Bryanskii pokhod。Beseda的《komandirom russkogo dobrovolcheskogo korpusa White Rex》,Feigin Live频道,YouTube, 2023年3月4日,可访问:https://www.youtube.com/live/ve0O1CM5yE0?feature=share, 2023年3月8日访问。
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引用次数: 0
Red Chamber, World Dream. Actors, Audience, and Agendas in Chinese Foreign Policy and BeyondJing Sun, Red Chamber, World Dream. Actors, Audience, and Agendas in Chinese Foreign Policy and Beyond . Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2021, viii + 224pp., $29.95 p/b. 《红楼梦》。《中国外交政策与超越》中的演员、观众与议程孙静,《红楼梦》,《世界梦》。中国外交政策的演员、观众和议程。密歇根州安娜堡:密歇根大学出版社,2021年,8 + 224页。29.95美元/桶。
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2254593
Tomasz Kamiński
"Red Chamber, World Dream. Actors, Audience, and Agendas in Chinese Foreign Policy and Beyond." Europe-Asia Studies, 75(8), pp. 1421–1422 Additional informationNotes on contributorsTomasz KamińskiTomasz Kamiński, Professor, Faculty of International and Political Studies, University of Lodz, Łódź, Poland. Email: tkaminski@uni.lodz.pl
《红楼梦》。《中国外交政策的演员、观众和议程》《欧亚研究》,75(8),第1421-1422页。补充资料:作者说明:stomasz KamińskiTomasz Kamiński,波兰罗兹大学国际与政治研究学院教授,Łódź。电子邮件:tkaminski@uni.lodz.pl
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引用次数: 1
Hybrid Warriors, Proxies, Freelancers and Moscow’s Struggle for Ukraine; Ukraine’s Revolt. Russia’s RevengeAnna Arutunyan, Hybrid Warriors, Proxies, Freelancers and Moscow’s Struggle for Ukraine . London: Hurst & Co., 2022, xvii + 306pp., £20.00 h/b.Christopher M. Smith, Ukraine’s Revolt. Russia’s Revenge . Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2022, xxii + 410pp., £32.50/$39.99 h/b. 混合战士、代理人、自由职业者与莫斯科争夺乌克兰乌克兰的反抗。俄罗斯的复仇女神安娜·阿鲁图扬,混血战士,代理人,自由职业者和莫斯科对乌克兰的斗争。伦敦:Hurst &公司,202,17 + 306页。,每小时20英镑。克里斯托弗·m·史密斯,乌克兰的反抗。俄罗斯的复仇。华盛顿特区:布鲁金斯学会,2022,xxii + 410pp。32.5英镑/ 39.99美元/桶。
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2254595
Taras Kuzio
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsTaras KuzioTaras Kuzio, National University of Kyiv Mohyla Academy, Kyiv, Ukraine. Email: taraskuziophd@gmail.com
点击增加图片大小点击减少图片大小附加信息贡献者说明staras Kuzio taras Kuzio,基辅国立大学Mohyla学院,基辅,乌克兰。电子邮件:taraskuziophd@gmail.com
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引用次数: 0
The Bleeding Wound. The Soviet War in Afghanistan and the Collapse of the Soviet SystemYaacov Ro’i, The Bleeding Wound. The Soviet War in Afghanistan and the Collapse of the Soviet System . Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2022, xv + 405pp., $65.00h/b. 流血的伤口。《苏联在阿富汗的战争和苏联体制的崩溃》,雅科夫·罗伊著。苏联在阿富汗的战争与苏联体制的崩溃。斯坦福,加州:斯坦福大学出版社,2022,xv + 405pp。, 65.00美元h / b。
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2254594
Vassily A. Klimentov
"The Bleeding Wound. The Soviet War in Afghanistan and the Collapse of the Soviet System." Europe-Asia Studies, 75(8), pp. 1416–1417 Additional informationNotes on contributorsVassily A. KlimentovVassily A. Klimentov, Postdoctoral Researcher/Visiting Fellow, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, European University Institute, Florence, Italy. Email: vassily.klimentov@eui.eu
《流血的伤口》。《苏联在阿富汗的战争和苏联体制的崩溃》《欧亚研究》,75(8),1416-1417页。作者简介:vassily A. Klimentov vassily A. Klimentov,意大利佛罗伦萨欧洲大学研究所罗伯特·舒曼高级研究中心博士后研究员/访问学者。电子邮件:vassily.klimentov@eui.eu
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引用次数: 0
Before and After the Fall. World Politics and the End of the Cold WarNuno P. Monteiro & Fritz Bartel (eds), Before and After the Fall. World Politics and the End of the Cold War . Cambridge & New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2021, xvi + 376pp., £26.99 p/b. 在堕落之前和之后。世界政治与冷战的结束努诺·蒙泰罗弗里茨·巴特尔主编,《堕落前后》。世界政治与冷战的结束。剑桥,纽约,纽约:剑桥大学出版社,2021,xvi + 376页。26.99英镑/桶。
3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-09-14 DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2254605
Chi Zhang
"Before and After the Fall. World Politics and the End of the Cold War." Europe-Asia Studies, 75(8), pp. 1422–1423 Additional informationNotes on contributorsChi ZhangChi Zhang, British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow, University of St Andrews, St Andrews, UK. Email: cz38@st-andrews.ac.uk
《堕落前后》《世界政治与冷战的结束》《欧亚研究》,75(8),1422-1423页。作者简介张驰,英国圣安德鲁斯大学英国科学院博士后研究员。电子邮件:cz38@st-andrews.ac.uk
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Europe-Asia Studies
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