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A Quest of a Book: Searching for the Meaning of A Great Transformation 一本书的探索:寻找伟大变革的意义
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.37743/sah.136.12
Sang Jun Kim
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引用次数: 0
Entertaining the Troops before and after Liberation: Comfort Groups and Military Arts Troupes 解放前和解放后的娱乐部队:慰安团和军事艺术团
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.37743/sah.136.8
Jin-A Lee
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引用次数: 0
Joseon Studies(朝鮮學) and Colonial Higher Education Joseon Studies(朝鲜学) and Colonial Higher Education
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.37743/sah.136.5
H. Yun
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引用次数: 0
Constructing the National Body: Research on Korean Growth Standards During the Colonial Period 建构国家主体:殖民时期韩国成长标准研究
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-12-31 DOI: 10.37743/sah.136.2
Jiyoung Park
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引用次数: 0
Mapping Oysters and Making Oceans in the Northern Indian Ocean, 1880–1906 1880-1906年绘制北印度洋牡蛎地图和制造海洋
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-23 DOI: 10.1017/S001041752200038X
T. Fernando
Abstract At the turn of the twentieth century, most of the world’s pearls were extracted from rich oyster and coral reefs on the northern Indian Ocean rim. This paper returns to the sites of extraction, studying imperial maps made from 1889–1925 to delineate oyster reefs on the seafloor. Building from the submarine up, I draw on environmental, animal, and history of science studies to explore the work of mapping oceanic, animate space. Attending to the role of divers, whose labor was required to make the seafloor visible, and the lifecycles of oysters, which changed over time, I argue that the seafloor represents a kind of unruly terrain, out of both the reach and control of imperial authorities. The paper’s final section meditates on reading humans as part of Indian Ocean landscapes and the possibilities this offers for further comparative, transnational work in a materialist vein.
摘要二十世纪之交,世界上大多数珍珠都是从印度洋北部边缘丰富的牡蛎和珊瑚礁中提取的。本文回到了提取地点,研究了1889年至1925年绘制的帝国地图,以描绘海底的牡蛎礁。从潜艇上开始,我利用环境、动物和科学研究史来探索绘制海洋、动画空间的工作。考虑到潜水员的角色,他们的劳动是为了让海底可见,以及牡蛎的生命周期随着时间的推移而变化,我认为海底代表着一种难以控制的地形,超出了帝国当局的控制范围。论文的最后一节思考了将人类作为印度洋景观的一部分来解读,以及这为进一步的比较性跨国工作提供了唯物主义的可能性。
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引用次数: 1
Peaceful Wars and Unlikely Unions: The Azhar Strike of 1909 and the Politics of Comparison in Egypt 和平战争与不可能的工会:1909年爱资哈尔罢工与埃及的比较政治
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-09 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417522000366
Aaron G. Jakes
Abstract In January 1909, the students of the Azhar, the Islamic world’s most prestigious university, went on strike. Protesting recent curricular and administrative changes introduced by the Egyptian Khedive, they demanded increased material support and asserted the university’s right to govern itself. After several weeks of demonstrations that drew thousands of supporters into the streets of Cairo, the Khedive suspended the reforms that first caused the Azharis to walk out. Oddly, this remarkable mobilization has nearly vanished into obscurity. Drawing on reporting from the Egyptian press and intelligence memoranda from the Egyptian Ministry of Interior, this article argues that the apparent incongruity of Azharis on strike was no mistake. Their willful rejection of ascribed categories helps to explain both why this movement of unionized seminarians speaking a language of self-government proved so striking for contemporary supporters and critics alike and why this event has slipped through the cracks of a historiography still framed by those very categories. Long forgotten in histories of both nationalism and organized labor, the Azhar strike represented a pivotal moment in the emergence of mass politics in Egypt. In invoking “union,” the Azharis engaged in multiple, overlapping acts of comparison. Inspired by the modular repertoires of militant labor, they simultaneously hailed the constitutional revolution of the Ottoman Committee of Union and Progress as a model for political transformation. Rooted in a self-conscious critique of colonial comparativism, their struggle thereby furnished new materials with which to elaborate a telescopic series of anti-colonial solidarities that were themselves fundamentally comparative.
1909年1月,伊斯兰世界最负盛名的大学爱资哈尔的学生举行罢工。他们抗议埃及赫迪夫最近引入的课程和行政改革,要求增加物质支持,并维护大学的自治权。在几周的示威活动吸引了数千名支持者走上开罗街头后,赫迪夫暂停了最初导致阿扎尔人下台的改革。奇怪的是,这种引人注目的动员几乎消失在人们的视线中。根据埃及媒体的报道和埃及内政部的情报备忘录,这篇文章认为,阿扎里斯在罢工中的明显不协调并非错误。他们故意拒绝指定的类别,这有助于解释为什么这场由统一的神学院学生讲自治语言的运动对当代支持者和评论家来说如此引人注目,以及为什么这一事件从仍然由这些类别构成的史学的裂缝中滑出。在民族主义和有组织的劳工史上被遗忘已久的爱资哈尔罢工代表了埃及大众政治出现的关键时刻。在援引“联合”时,阿扎里人进行了多次重叠的比较行为。受激进劳工模块化剧目的启发,他们同时称赞奥斯曼联盟与进步委员会的宪法革命是政治变革的典范。他们的斗争植根于对殖民比较主义的自觉批判,从而提供了新的材料来阐述一系列从根本上具有比较性的反殖民团结。
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引用次数: 0
Defining Victimhood: The Political Construction of a “Victim” Category in Colombia’s Congress, 2007–2011 定义受害者:哥伦比亚国会“受害者”类别的政治建构,2007-2011
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-11-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417522000433
Kristin Foringer
Abstract Scholars of state classification practices have long interrogated how official legal categories are constructed. This paper analyzes the construction of “victimhood” in Colombia as a feat that required negotiation among international human rights organizations, local civil society actors, and politicians across the partisan spectrum. The Victims’ Law of 2011, which sought to provide widespread reparations to victims of the civil conflict, originated from the concerns of the human rights community, yet the deliberation process leading up to the law’s passage reveals the extent to which elite historical narratives of the conflict unduly narrowed the universe of eligible victims. Using archival evidence from congressional debates from 2007 to 2011, this paper argues that the broad conception of victimhood originally inherited from United Nations guidelines came to be constrained by disproportionate influence from politicians’ personal understandings of conflict history, shaped by anecdote and the selective use of historical evidence. These rationales interacted with budgetary constraints to ultimately restrict the victim category according to negotiated temporal boundaries of the conflict.
国家分类实践的学者们长期以来一直在质疑官方法律类别是如何构建的。本文分析了哥伦比亚“受害者身份”的构建,认为这是一项需要国际人权组织、当地民间社会行动者和跨党派政治家进行谈判的壮举。2011年的《受害者法》旨在为国内冲突的受害者提供广泛的赔偿,它源于人权界的关切,但导致该法通过的审议过程揭示了精英对冲突的历史叙述在多大程度上过度缩小了合格受害者的范围。利用2007年至2011年国会辩论的档案证据,本文认为,最初从联合国准则中继承下来的受害者身份的广泛概念受到了政客们对冲突历史的个人理解的不成比例的影响,这些影响是由轶事和历史证据的选择性使用所形成的。这些理由与预算限制相互作用,最终根据谈判确定的冲突时间界限限制受害者类别。
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引用次数: 0
Black Police Power: The Political Moment of the Jamaica Constabulary 黑人警察权力:牙买加警察的政治时刻
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417522000421
Eilat Maoz
Abstract Contemporary debates on policing trace the rise of “law and order” populism and police militarization to colonial histories and imperial boomerang effects. In a time marked by the renewed imperative “to decolonize,” however, few studies examine what decolonizing policing did or could look like in practice. This article draws on oral history narratives of Jamaican police officers to recover their ideas about transforming the colonial Jamaica Constabulary Force in the 1970s. Born out of black power mobilizations and under a democratic socialist government (1972–1980), police decolonization was viewed as part of broader transformative effort to rid the country of colonial inheritances in economics, culture, and politics. Jamaican policemen, radicalized since the early twentieth century, then began revising their social mandate and ask who the police should serve and protect. Ultimately, due to internal contradictions and external pressures, the experiment failed, giving rise to police populism and increased violence against black men and women in the ghettos. The episode reveals how populism emerges out of a failure of emancipatory campaigns and how radical critique can turn into ideological justification. It also highlights the need to distinguish between diverse, contradictory, and overlapping demands to decolonize societies and institutions today.
当代关于警务的争论将“法律与秩序”民粹主义和警察军事化的兴起追溯到殖民历史和帝国的回旋镖效应。然而,在一个以“非殖民化”为新要求的时代,很少有研究调查非殖民化警察在实践中做了什么或可能是什么样子。本文利用牙买加警察的口述历史叙述,重现他们在1970年代改造殖民时期牙买加警察部队的想法。警察非殖民化诞生于黑人权力动员和民主社会主义政府(1972-1980)之下,被视为在经济、文化和政治方面摆脱殖民遗产的更广泛变革努力的一部分。牙买加警察自20世纪初开始激进化,然后开始修改他们的社会使命,并询问警察应该为谁服务和保护谁。最终,由于内部矛盾和外部压力,实验失败,警察民粹主义兴起,对黑人男女的暴力行为增加。这一事件揭示了民粹主义是如何从解放运动的失败中产生的,以及激进的批评是如何变成意识形态上的辩护的。它还强调需要区分今天非殖民化社会和机构的各种、矛盾和重叠的要求。
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引用次数: 0
The Illusion of Abstraction 抽象的幻觉
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417522000378
Martha Lampland
Abstract This article constitutes a critique of abstraction as an analytic tool. The argument advances the idea that formalizing practices are indexical; that is, the way abstractions are realized necessarily incorporates features of the context in which they are produced. The expression formalizing practices refers to a series of actions or operations that make quantification, rationalization, and standardization possible. Entailed in all these procedures is an attempt to select and isolate features that exemplify a specific phenomenon or social process, or in the case of standardization, that stipulate its contours and dimensions. These features are presumed to be immanent from the start, but in fact, formal representations are carefully crafted, finely tuned instruments. In order to clarify these practices, I delineate three phases of their construction: the conceptual phrase, the choice of analytic strategy, and the specification of its formal representation. In other words, this approach suggests the value of examining formalizing projects as crucibles where cultural assumptions and practical reasoning are condensed into formulae. These ideas are explored in relation to the use of time and motion studies employed in early socialist Hungary to determine the new socialist wage system. While a decidedly local story, the implications of the analysis are much broader. The possibility of adopting this approach to the study of other formalizing practices, such as algorithmic systems and digital databases, is suggested. The analysis also raises questions about the commensurability of long-held concepts in social theory.
这篇文章是对抽象作为分析工具的批判。该论点提出了形式化实践是指数化的这一观点;也就是说,抽象的实现方式必然包含产生它们的上下文的特征。形式化实践一词指的是使量化、合理化和标准化成为可能的一系列行动或操作。在所有这些程序中,都包含着一种尝试,即选择和分离能够说明特定现象或社会过程的特征,或者在标准化的情况下,规定其轮廓和尺寸。这些特征从一开始就被认为是内在的,但实际上,正式的表示是精心制作的、精心调整的工具。为了澄清这些实践,我描述了它们构建的三个阶段:概念短语,分析策略的选择,以及其形式表征的规范。换句话说,这种方法表明了将形式化项目作为坩埚进行检查的价值,在坩埚中,文化假设和实践推理被浓缩成公式。这些想法是探讨在早期社会主义匈牙利使用的时间和运动研究,以确定新的社会主义工资制度。虽然这显然是一个地方性的故事,但分析的含义要广泛得多。建议采用这种方法研究其他形式化做法,例如算法系统和数字数据库的可能性。该分析还提出了关于社会理论中长期持有的概念的可通约性的问题。
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引用次数: 0
“Why don’t I forgive? They didn’t ask for forgiveness!”: Manich Msamah and Tunisia’s Politics of Unforgiveness “我为什么不原谅?他们没有请求原谅!”:Manich Msamah和突尼斯的不原谅政治
IF 0.7 2区 历史学 Q2 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0010417522000408
J. E. Rigg
Abstract Recent transitional justice scholarship has explored the role of emotions during periods of political transition. Scholars have taken negative emotions as both legitimate responses to past crimes and as supports to the pursuit of justice in the present. This paper argues that feelings circulate across a wide array of individuals, things, and processes that often sit apart from the formal, judicial spaces of transitional justice. To make this argument, I consider the Tunisian campaign Manich Msamah (I Do Not Forgive) and its articulation of an affect of unforgiveness in resistance to the proposed Economic and Financial Reconciliation Law. Formed in 2015, the campaign came about in response to the law and efforts, under the pretext of “reconciliation,” to return to public life figures from the repressive regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. Drawing on affect theory, I argue that unforgiveness was stuck to particular individuals (figures from the old regime and circulated between a community of unforgiving activists), things (public spaces, posters, T-shirts and the ephemera of protest) and processes (accountability and substantive forms of justice). I argue that an affect of unforgiveness thus aided activists not only in their resistance to state-led reconciliation but also helped imagine alternative paths to justice in Tunisia.
摘要最近的过渡时期司法学术探讨了情绪在政治过渡时期的作用。学者们将负面情绪视为对过去罪行的合法回应,也是对当今追求正义的支持。本文认为,情感在一系列个人、事物和过程中传播,这些人、事物和程序往往与过渡时期司法的正式司法空间分离。为了提出这一论点,我认为突尼斯的运动Manich Msamah(我不原谅)及其在抵制拟议的《经济和金融和解法》时表达的不可原谅的影响。该运动成立于2015年,是为了回应法律,并以“和解”为借口,努力让宰因·阿比丁·本·阿里专制政权的人物重返公众生活。根据情感理论,我认为不可原谅只适用于特定的个人(旧政权的人物,在一群不可原谅的活动家之间流传)、事物(公共空间、海报、T恤衫和抗议的短暂时间)和过程(问责制和实质性的正义形式)。我认为,不可原谅的影响不仅有助于活动家抵抗国家领导的和解,也有助于想象突尼斯的其他司法途径。
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Comparative Studies in Society and History
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