Pub Date : 2022-06-07DOI: 10.1177/13624806221104562
Valentin Pereda
The prevailing definitions of organized crime and methodological approaches to studying it derive mainly from the Global North. However, an emergent body of literature suggests that organized crime in the Global South differs from organized crime in the Global North. Focusing on the case of Mexico, I argue that mainstream criminological theories’ inability to explain significant aspects of organized crime in that country stems from their underspecified scope. Mainstream theories analyse organized crime as a phenomenon that transpires in societies characterized by high levels of internal peace, rule of law and strong public institutions. In Mexico, a country that fails to adhere to these conditions, organized crime manifestations defy prevailing theoretical assumptions.
{"title":"Why Global North criminology fails to explain organized crime in Mexico","authors":"Valentin Pereda","doi":"10.1177/13624806221104562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221104562","url":null,"abstract":"The prevailing definitions of organized crime and methodological approaches to studying it derive mainly from the Global North. However, an emergent body of literature suggests that organized crime in the Global South differs from organized crime in the Global North. Focusing on the case of Mexico, I argue that mainstream criminological theories’ inability to explain significant aspects of organized crime in that country stems from their underspecified scope. Mainstream theories analyse organized crime as a phenomenon that transpires in societies characterized by high levels of internal peace, rule of law and strong public institutions. In Mexico, a country that fails to adhere to these conditions, organized crime manifestations defy prevailing theoretical assumptions.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"26 1","pages":"620 - 640"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46459763","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-07DOI: 10.1177/13624806221105280
Serdar San
Current transnational policing mechanisms such as Interpol appear to reproduce authoritarianism-like actions in democratic contexts by helping to undermine the rights and freedoms of individuals targeted by non-democratic regimes. Through an in depth examination of the cases of Turkish and Russian police, this article seeks to explain the possible motives of the law enforcement institutions of democratic states in executing the questionable Interpol Red Notice requests by authoritarian regimes based on the existing theoretical debates in the literature on international policing. It explores three factors that foster policing cooperation between democratic and authoritarian states: 1) an aspired depoliticization of international policing that facilitates cooperation among states with different national and ideological outlooks; 2) an occupational culture that encourages professional support and solidarity among policing agents that transcends national rivalries; and 3) state cooperation against threats posed by the planning and conduct of international crime.
{"title":"Transnational policing between national political regimes and human rights norms: The case of the Interpol Red Notice system","authors":"Serdar San","doi":"10.1177/13624806221105280","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221105280","url":null,"abstract":"Current transnational policing mechanisms such as Interpol appear to reproduce authoritarianism-like actions in democratic contexts by helping to undermine the rights and freedoms of individuals targeted by non-democratic regimes. Through an in depth examination of the cases of Turkish and Russian police, this article seeks to explain the possible motives of the law enforcement institutions of democratic states in executing the questionable Interpol Red Notice requests by authoritarian regimes based on the existing theoretical debates in the literature on international policing. It explores three factors that foster policing cooperation between democratic and authoritarian states: 1) an aspired depoliticization of international policing that facilitates cooperation among states with different national and ideological outlooks; 2) an occupational culture that encourages professional support and solidarity among policing agents that transcends national rivalries; and 3) state cooperation against threats posed by the planning and conduct of international crime.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"26 1","pages":"601 - 619"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48648555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-05DOI: 10.1177/13624806221103848
L. MacColman, Violeta Dikenstein
Community policing promises to foster collaboration between police and citizens, strengthen social cohesion, and address the root causes of crime and disorder. In order to understand why it often fails to achieve this, we argue that scholars should recognize community–police meetings as sites of dynamic, multi-scalar political contestation and pay closer attention to the not-so-hidden partisan struggles that shape them. Our empirical analysis focuses on Buenos Aires, Argentina. Based on ethnographic observation of 30 community–police meetings and interviews with 50 politicians, police officers, activists, and everyday citizens, we explain how higher-order partisan contests influenced the dynamics and outcomes of local meetings. We show how these meetings exacerbated social schisms, reified ideological differences between competing parties, and galvanized support for the City Government’s “law and order” policies. Our results suggest that local participation sometimes reinforces the punitive approaches to urban problems that community policing originally aimed to transcend.
{"title":"The not-so-hidden partisan politics of community policing: Community police meetings in Buenos Aires, Argentina","authors":"L. MacColman, Violeta Dikenstein","doi":"10.1177/13624806221103848","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221103848","url":null,"abstract":"Community policing promises to foster collaboration between police and citizens, strengthen social cohesion, and address the root causes of crime and disorder. In order to understand why it often fails to achieve this, we argue that scholars should recognize community–police meetings as sites of dynamic, multi-scalar political contestation and pay closer attention to the not-so-hidden partisan struggles that shape them. Our empirical analysis focuses on Buenos Aires, Argentina. Based on ethnographic observation of 30 community–police meetings and interviews with 50 politicians, police officers, activists, and everyday citizens, we explain how higher-order partisan contests influenced the dynamics and outcomes of local meetings. We show how these meetings exacerbated social schisms, reified ideological differences between competing parties, and galvanized support for the City Government’s “law and order” policies. Our results suggest that local participation sometimes reinforces the punitive approaches to urban problems that community policing originally aimed to transcend.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"27 1","pages":"326 - 347"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42430693","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-06-05DOI: 10.1177/13624806221099105
Marina Zaloznaya
In the Global North, corruption is considered incompatible with civic health: scholars argue that it decreases social trust, atomizes communities, and discourages active citizenship. Using the first-ever national dataset from Russia with behavioral measures of corruption, ego-centric networks, and political participation, this article develops an alternative theory of corruption’s impact on civic life in societies where freedoms of association are limited. Analyses of these new data suggest that: (1) Russian bribe-givers are embedded in outward-oriented and mobilizable personal networks, supportive of civic connectivity; and (2) Russian bribe-givers are significantly more likely than law-abiding citizens to mobilize others when pushing back against the state. Counterintuitively, then, in non-democracies, corruption in the public sector sustains the kind of social networks that underlie civic culture.
{"title":"The civic crime of corruption: Citizen networks and public sector bribery in the non-democracies","authors":"Marina Zaloznaya","doi":"10.1177/13624806221099105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221099105","url":null,"abstract":"In the Global North, corruption is considered incompatible with civic health: scholars argue that it decreases social trust, atomizes communities, and discourages active citizenship. Using the first-ever national dataset from Russia with behavioral measures of corruption, ego-centric networks, and political participation, this article develops an alternative theory of corruption’s impact on civic life in societies where freedoms of association are limited. Analyses of these new data suggest that: (1) Russian bribe-givers are embedded in outward-oriented and mobilizable personal networks, supportive of civic connectivity; and (2) Russian bribe-givers are significantly more likely than law-abiding citizens to mobilize others when pushing back against the state. Counterintuitively, then, in non-democracies, corruption in the public sector sustains the kind of social networks that underlie civic culture.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"26 1","pages":"641 - 663"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-06-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43356008","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-31DOI: 10.1177/13624806221101369
Muhammad Asif
Most of the previous studies on vigilante violence suggest that people employ vigilante violence instrumentally to compensate for a lack of state monopoly on violence and the state's illegitimacy in controlling crime. This study, however, highlights the significance of emotions—most notably anger—in explaining approval of vigilante violence. A cross-sectional study was conducted at six Pakistani universities with a sample of 500 students recruited through online surveys. The results of the regression models show that police legitimacy and trait anger independently predict approval of vigilante violence both directly and indirectly via righteous anger. Thus, the findings suggest that people who are easily angered and who perceive the police as corrupt and procedurally unjust feel righteous anger and are likely to approve of vigilante violence.
{"title":"Police legitimacy and approval of vigilante violence: The significance of anger","authors":"Muhammad Asif","doi":"10.1177/13624806221101369","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221101369","url":null,"abstract":"Most of the previous studies on vigilante violence suggest that people employ vigilante violence instrumentally to compensate for a lack of state monopoly on violence and the state's illegitimacy in controlling crime. This study, however, highlights the significance of emotions—most notably anger—in explaining approval of vigilante violence. A cross-sectional study was conducted at six Pakistani universities with a sample of 500 students recruited through online surveys. The results of the regression models show that police legitimacy and trait anger independently predict approval of vigilante violence both directly and indirectly via righteous anger. Thus, the findings suggest that people who are easily angered and who perceive the police as corrupt and procedurally unjust feel righteous anger and are likely to approve of vigilante violence.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"27 1","pages":"305 - 325"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48298013","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-22DOI: 10.1177/13624806221101007
Marianne Quirouette
suggests, however, rather than decreasing the number of asylum seekers, deterrent measures only contribute to exacerbate the dangers travelers face in and around border zones, while doing little to discourage the movement of those who feel pressured to leave their homes worrying about the consequences later. The political death of asylum may sound as the theoretically most engaging of the three, evinced by the general populace accepting and abetting the politics of exclusions. It is now accepted that the journey a person shall endure to obtain asylum may entail precarity, exclusion, liminality and legal struggle, over many months of limbo during which the “normal” is suspended and the body becomes the border. Asylum seekers are quietly cast aside socially, while a mixture of law, geography and psychology is astutely used to strategically undermine certain people from landing on sovereign soil where asylum is customarily assured but tacitly denied. When the general public turns a blind eye; when we uncritically buy the crisis rhetoric that criminalizes certain arrivals for their mode of traveling; when we deny violence in the face of evidence; when we, intentionally or subconsciously, feel that certain lives are more grievable than others, then the institution of asylum is weakened and its political death assured. The vast evidence collected in this book certainly supports, and visually maps, the many advances this monograph makes for scholars and students in the criminology of mobility, state crime and citizenship studies. Asylum seekers are made precarious by geographical design and the death of asylum does not occur simply on islands and in remote borderlands of the enforcement archipelago, but more acutely in the treatment of people as islands, within law and geopolitical machinations in the interstitial spaces between states. If a limitation can be noted in this book, it would be its emphasis on the Global North and the costly and perilous journey asylum seekers undertake to reach North America, Europe and Australia. More than a weakness, this may indeed sound like a suggestion to expand the enforcement archipelago to include geographies such as in Asia that may not traditionally appear as prominent and yet are often turned into literal and existential carceral spaces. Here, life and the personal histories of certain individuals are grossly devalued, while the asylum process is seldom treated as more than a loophole in legislation if not a magnet for ill-intended migrants displaced by geographical shifts in migration enforcement and new configurations of power. Their immobility in these spaces threatens their identity and morphs territorial borders to cause the death of asylum.
{"title":"Book Review: Predict and Surveil: Data, Discretion, and the Future of Policing by Sarah Brayne","authors":"Marianne Quirouette","doi":"10.1177/13624806221101007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221101007","url":null,"abstract":"suggests, however, rather than decreasing the number of asylum seekers, deterrent measures only contribute to exacerbate the dangers travelers face in and around border zones, while doing little to discourage the movement of those who feel pressured to leave their homes worrying about the consequences later. The political death of asylum may sound as the theoretically most engaging of the three, evinced by the general populace accepting and abetting the politics of exclusions. It is now accepted that the journey a person shall endure to obtain asylum may entail precarity, exclusion, liminality and legal struggle, over many months of limbo during which the “normal” is suspended and the body becomes the border. Asylum seekers are quietly cast aside socially, while a mixture of law, geography and psychology is astutely used to strategically undermine certain people from landing on sovereign soil where asylum is customarily assured but tacitly denied. When the general public turns a blind eye; when we uncritically buy the crisis rhetoric that criminalizes certain arrivals for their mode of traveling; when we deny violence in the face of evidence; when we, intentionally or subconsciously, feel that certain lives are more grievable than others, then the institution of asylum is weakened and its political death assured. The vast evidence collected in this book certainly supports, and visually maps, the many advances this monograph makes for scholars and students in the criminology of mobility, state crime and citizenship studies. Asylum seekers are made precarious by geographical design and the death of asylum does not occur simply on islands and in remote borderlands of the enforcement archipelago, but more acutely in the treatment of people as islands, within law and geopolitical machinations in the interstitial spaces between states. If a limitation can be noted in this book, it would be its emphasis on the Global North and the costly and perilous journey asylum seekers undertake to reach North America, Europe and Australia. More than a weakness, this may indeed sound like a suggestion to expand the enforcement archipelago to include geographies such as in Asia that may not traditionally appear as prominent and yet are often turned into literal and existential carceral spaces. Here, life and the personal histories of certain individuals are grossly devalued, while the asylum process is seldom treated as more than a loophole in legislation if not a magnet for ill-intended migrants displaced by geographical shifts in migration enforcement and new configurations of power. Their immobility in these spaces threatens their identity and morphs territorial borders to cause the death of asylum.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"26 1","pages":"519 - 522"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43095095","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-18DOI: 10.1177/13624806221095617
H. Schoenfeld, Grant Everly
Prison officers’ behavior is one of the most consequential features of the modern prison. In this article, we introduce an organizational culture conceptual framework and build on previous prison scholarship to develop a model of prison officer workplace culture. We then apply the proposed model to original research in a US prison to investigate the relational aspects of prison officer culture during early 21st-century penal reforms. We find a set of collective norms and beliefs among officers consistent with the “traditional” prison officer culture historically documented by penologists, including high levels of distrust of prisoners, avoidance of relationships, and distancing from rehabilitation goals. We name this culture the “security mindset” because officers use multiple conceptions of “security” to rationalize their behavior. Our findings suggest that prison officer culture in late mass incarceration may work against the positive and supportive relationships necessary for rehabilitation.
{"title":"The security mindset: Corrections officer workplace culture in late mass incarceration","authors":"H. Schoenfeld, Grant Everly","doi":"10.1177/13624806221095617","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221095617","url":null,"abstract":"Prison officers’ behavior is one of the most consequential features of the modern prison. In this article, we introduce an organizational culture conceptual framework and build on previous prison scholarship to develop a model of prison officer workplace culture. We then apply the proposed model to original research in a US prison to investigate the relational aspects of prison officer culture during early 21st-century penal reforms. We find a set of collective norms and beliefs among officers consistent with the “traditional” prison officer culture historically documented by penologists, including high levels of distrust of prisoners, avoidance of relationships, and distancing from rehabilitation goals. We name this culture the “security mindset” because officers use multiple conceptions of “security” to rationalize their behavior. Our findings suggest that prison officer culture in late mass incarceration may work against the positive and supportive relationships necessary for rehabilitation.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"27 1","pages":"224 - 244"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43267119","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-16DOI: 10.1177/13624806221093088
Netanel Dagan
Drawn on qualitative findings from discretionary chairpersons of parole boards in Israel, the study aims to theorize parole decision making as time–space boundary-work. Parole decision-makers were found to act within a hybrid professional environment that requires them to process distinct, and possibly conflicting, penal values, competencies and orientations. In order to address their professional tensions, parole decision-makers constantly negotiate their time and space, and thereby their professional identity. First, the parole decision-makers perform temporal boundary-work—conceptualizing their work and identity through qualitative-expansive time. Second, they perform spatial boundary-work—conceptualizing their work and identity through either (a) judicial space or (b) therapeutic space. This time–space work is used both to span and demarcate their boundaries in relation to other penal actors and to increase their visibility and legitimacy.
{"title":"Negotiating penal hybridity: Time–space boundary-work in parole decision making","authors":"Netanel Dagan","doi":"10.1177/13624806221093088","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221093088","url":null,"abstract":"Drawn on qualitative findings from discretionary chairpersons of parole boards in Israel, the study aims to theorize parole decision making as time–space boundary-work. Parole decision-makers were found to act within a hybrid professional environment that requires them to process distinct, and possibly conflicting, penal values, competencies and orientations. In order to address their professional tensions, parole decision-makers constantly negotiate their time and space, and thereby their professional identity. First, the parole decision-makers perform temporal boundary-work—conceptualizing their work and identity through qualitative-expansive time. Second, they perform spatial boundary-work—conceptualizing their work and identity through either (a) judicial space or (b) therapeutic space. This time–space work is used both to span and demarcate their boundaries in relation to other penal actors and to increase their visibility and legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"27 1","pages":"204 - 223"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44063132","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-09DOI: 10.1177/13624806221082318
B. Arrigo, Olivia P. Shaw
This article describes the ways in which existing methods of dataveillance and big data collection have contributed to the current de-realization of Black bodies. In the present or ultramodern era, de-realization consists of datafication (i.e. digital profiling techniques and life mining strategies) in support of techno-crime control policy. The process of de-realization both de-politicizes Black identities and de-personalizes the lived experience of Blackness. In order to make explicit our thesis, section one proposes a techno-criminological theory of de-realization. The theory explains how the racialized construction of surveillance in the current age is mediated by the algorithmic logic of pre-crime and the asymmetric rationale of post-criminology. In order to situate our overall theorizing, section two explains how Black bodies have historically been the subject of excessive and invasive forms of de-realization. This history includes slavery and visceral forms of de-realization (e.g. the technologies of branding), as well as political opposition to Civil Rights and volatile forms of de-realization (e.g. the technologies of suspicion). In the present era, the de-realization of Black bodies consists of the mass digital surveillance of social movements (i.e. bodies of activist social change), including Black Lives Matter (BLM), that are policed through the technologies of information analytics. Section three speculates on the criminological fall-out stemming from present day manifestations of de-realization. This speculation emphasizes how history, theory, and culture are relevant to historicizing the administration of injustice in the ultramodern age of digital reality construction.
{"title":"The de-realization of Black bodies in an era of mass digital surveillance: A techno-criminological critique","authors":"B. Arrigo, Olivia P. Shaw","doi":"10.1177/13624806221082318","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221082318","url":null,"abstract":"This article describes the ways in which existing methods of dataveillance and big data collection have contributed to the current de-realization of Black bodies. In the present or ultramodern era, de-realization consists of datafication (i.e. digital profiling techniques and life mining strategies) in support of techno-crime control policy. The process of de-realization both de-politicizes Black identities and de-personalizes the lived experience of Blackness. In order to make explicit our thesis, section one proposes a techno-criminological theory of de-realization. The theory explains how the racialized construction of surveillance in the current age is mediated by the algorithmic logic of pre-crime and the asymmetric rationale of post-criminology. In order to situate our overall theorizing, section two explains how Black bodies have historically been the subject of excessive and invasive forms of de-realization. This history includes slavery and visceral forms of de-realization (e.g. the technologies of branding), as well as political opposition to Civil Rights and volatile forms of de-realization (e.g. the technologies of suspicion). In the present era, the de-realization of Black bodies consists of the mass digital surveillance of social movements (i.e. bodies of activist social change), including Black Lives Matter (BLM), that are policed through the technologies of information analytics. Section three speculates on the criminological fall-out stemming from present day manifestations of de-realization. This speculation emphasizes how history, theory, and culture are relevant to historicizing the administration of injustice in the ultramodern age of digital reality construction.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"27 1","pages":"265 - 282"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43644623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-09DOI: 10.1177/13624806221099631
K. Carrington, J. Rodgers, Máximo Sozzo, María Victoria Puyol
Women’s entry into policing, a traditionally masculine occupation, has been theorized almost entirely through a liberal feminist theoretical lens where equality with men is the end target. From this theoretical viewpoint, women’s police stations in the Global South established specifically to respond to gender violence have been conceptualized as relics from the past. We argue that this approach is based on a global epistemology that privileges the Global North as the normative benchmark from which to define progress. Framed by southern criminology, we offer an alternative way of theorizing the progress of women in policing using women’s police stations that emerged in Latin America in the 1980s, specifically those in the Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina.
{"title":"Re-theorizing the progress of women in policing: An alternative perspective from the Global South","authors":"K. Carrington, J. Rodgers, Máximo Sozzo, María Victoria Puyol","doi":"10.1177/13624806221099631","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/13624806221099631","url":null,"abstract":"Women’s entry into policing, a traditionally masculine occupation, has been theorized almost entirely through a liberal feminist theoretical lens where equality with men is the end target. From this theoretical viewpoint, women’s police stations in the Global South established specifically to respond to gender violence have been conceptualized as relics from the past. We argue that this approach is based on a global epistemology that privileges the Global North as the normative benchmark from which to define progress. Framed by southern criminology, we offer an alternative way of theorizing the progress of women in policing using women’s police stations that emerged in Latin America in the 1980s, specifically those in the Province of Buenos Aires, Argentina.","PeriodicalId":47813,"journal":{"name":"Theoretical Criminology","volume":"27 1","pages":"283 - 304"},"PeriodicalIF":2.2,"publicationDate":"2022-05-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47357883","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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