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Day care availability and awareness of gendered economic risks: How they shape work and care norms 日托的可用性和对性别经济风险的认识:它们如何形成工作和护理规范
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-08 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231219215
Silke Büchau, Marie-Fleur Philipp, Pia S. Schober, C. K. Spiess
Family policies not only provide money, time and infrastructure to families, but also convey normative assumptions about what is considered desirable or acceptable in paid work and family care. This study conceptualises and empirically investigates how priming respondents with brief media report-like information on existing day care policy entitlements and economic consequences of maternal employment interruptions may change personal normative judgements about parental work–care arrangements. Furthermore, we analyse whether these effects differ between groups of respondents assumed to vary in their degree of affectedness by the information as well as previous knowledge. The theoretical framework builds on the concept of normative policy feedback effects combined with social norm theory and human cognition theories. The study is based on a fully randomized survey experiment combined with a vignette experiment in Wave 12 of the German Family Panel (pairfam). It applies linear and ordinal logistic regressions with cluster-robust standard errors to a sample of 5,783 respondents. Our results suggest that priming respondents with information on day care policy and long-term economic risks of maternal employment interruptions increases acceptance of intensive day care use across the full sample and especially for mothers with children below school entry age. It further increases support for longer maternal hours spent in paid work among childless women and mothers with school-aged children. Norms regarding paternal working hours are largely unaffected by the information given in this survey experiment.
家庭政策不仅为家庭提供金钱、时间和基础设施,而且还传达了关于有偿工作和家庭护理中什么是可取的或可接受的规范性假设。本研究概念化并实证调查了如何用简短的媒体报道信息来启动受访者,如现有的日托政策权利和母亲就业中断的经济后果,可能会改变个人对父母工作照顾安排的规范性判断。此外,我们分析了这些影响是否在被认为受信息和先前知识影响程度不同的受访者群体之间有所不同。理论框架以规范性政策反馈效应概念为基础,结合社会规范理论和人的认知理论。本研究是基于一个完全随机的调查实验,并结合了德国家庭小组(parairfam)第12波的小插曲实验。它将线性和有序逻辑回归与集群鲁棒标准误差应用于5,783名受访者的样本。我们的研究结果表明,向受访者提供有关日托政策和母亲就业中断的长期经济风险的信息,可以增加整个样本中对强化日托使用的接受度,特别是对于孩子低于入学年龄的母亲。它进一步支持无子女妇女和有学龄儿童的母亲延长从事有偿工作的时间。关于父亲工作时间的规范在很大程度上不受本调查实验提供的信息的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Does the provision of childcare reduce motherhood penalties in job-related training participation? Longitudinal evidence from Germany 提供托儿服务是否会减少参加与工作相关培训的母亲惩罚?来自德国的纵向证据
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-05 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231217199
Gundula Zoch
Previous studies highlight gender differences in job-related training participation, particularly in countries with few family policies supporting maternal employment. This study examines whether higher levels of state-subsidized childcare provision are positively linked to mothers’ participation in job-related training. It combines individual-level data from the National Educational Panel Study for Germany (NEPS-SC6 adult cohort, N = 5504, 2008–20) with annual administrative records on county-level childcare coverage. Results from fixed effects models provide evidence that higher childcare levels reduce the negative impact of childbirth on mothers’ job-related training participation. Nevertheless, motherhood training penalties exist even in contexts with higher childcare coverage levels, especially in West Germany. The findings highlight the importance of supporting family policies to reduce motherhood training penalties and associated gender inequalities in the labour market.
以前的研究强调了与工作有关的培训参与方面的性别差异,特别是在支持产妇就业的家庭政策很少的国家。这项研究考察了是否更高水平的国家补贴托儿服务与母亲参加与工作相关的培训呈正相关。它结合了来自德国国家教育小组研究(NEPS-SC6成人队列,N = 5504, 2008-20)的个人水平数据和县级儿童保育覆盖的年度行政记录。固定效应模型的结果证明,较高的托儿水平降低了分娩对母亲参加与工作有关的培训的负面影响。然而,即使在儿童保育覆盖率较高的情况下,特别是在西德,也存在母亲培训惩罚。调查结果强调了支持家庭政策以减少母性培训惩罚和劳动力市场中相关的性别不平等的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Parental leave use among newly arrived immigrant mothers in Sweden: Causes and consequences 瑞典新移民母亲使用育儿假的情况:原因和后果
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231216688
E. Mussino, Ann‐Zofie Duvander
Immigration to Sweden is dominated by women and men of childbearing age, and many arrive with children. The labour-market integration of newly arrived mothers is of concern, and well directed social policy is crucial. Parental leave is based on residence, and until recently it was granted to all parents of foreign-born children of preschool age. This study uses population and social insurance registers to investigate whether newly arrived immigrant mothers use parental leave upon arrival, and whether use is an obstacle to future labour-market activity. Our results indicate that the majority of the newly arrived mothers do not take any parental leave, but also that there are great differences in uptake in relation to country of birth and reason for residence permit. However, there seem to be only marginal associations between parental leave use and subsequent labour-market attachment. Nevertheless, moderate use is associated with labour-market activity rather than being an obstacle to it. Our results contribute to the debate on the unintended effects of social policy on the integration of immigrants.
移民到瑞典的主要是育龄妇女和男子,许多人是带着孩子来的。新来瑞典的母亲融入劳动力市场的问题令人担忧,指导有方的社会政策至关重要。育儿假以居住地为依据,直到最近,所有外国出生的学龄前儿童的父母都可以享受育儿假。本研究利用人口和社会保险登记册,调查新移民母亲在抵达后是否使用育儿假,以及使用育儿假是否会对未来的劳动力市场活动造成障碍。我们的研究结果表明,大多数新移民母亲没有休育儿假,但在休育儿假的情况上,与出生国和申请居留证的原因有关,存在很大差异。然而,育儿假的使用与随后的劳动力市场依附之间似乎只有微弱的联系。不过,适度使用育儿假与劳动力市场活动有关,而不是劳动力市场活动的障碍。我们的研究结果有助于讨论社会政策对移民融入社会的意外影响。
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引用次数: 0
Welfare-state selectivity, universality, and social trust in Europe, 2002–2019: Bringing deservingness back in 2002-2019 年欧洲福利国家的选择性、普遍性和社会信任:让应得回归应得
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231217377
Jan Mewes
Social trust is a moral resource with a normatively highly desirable pay-off. Previous research argues that universal welfare state programmes ‘make’ social trust whereas means-testing programmes ‘break’ it. Despite its important implications for welfare-state design, comparative longitudinal evidence for this hypothesis is scarce. To test whether within-country changes in social trust are associated with within-country changes in total, means-tested, and non-means tested social protection expenditure, I thus merge country-year specific ESSPROS welfare spending data with cross-country survey data from 30 countries that participated in the 2002–2019 European Social Survey. Results from multilevel regression models show that neither within-country changes in total nor means-tested or non-means tested social protection expenditure predict social trust. Based on insights from the welfare deservingness literature, the second part of my analysis concentrates on welfare spending directed at two different life-course risks, with sickness representing a risk that the public widely considers to be ‘deserving’ of welfare support, and unemployment acting as an ‘undeserving’ risk. I find that, within countries over time, means-tested healthcare expenditures predict decreases in social trust, whereas non-means tested healthcare expenditure is associated with increasing social trust. My results thus lend support for the hypothesis that welfare-state selectivity and universality can contribute to the making and breaking of social trust, but only when interventions target life-course risks that the public considers ‘deserving’ of welfare state support.
社会信任是一种道德资源,具有非常理想的规范回报。以往的研究认为,全民福利国家计划 "创造 "了社会信任,而经济情况调查计划则 "破坏 "了社会信任。尽管这一假设对福利国家的设计具有重要意义,但有关这一假设的纵向比较证据却很少。为了检验国内社会信任度的变化是否与国内社会保护支出总额、经济情况调查和非经济情况调查的变化相关联,我将特定国家年度的 ESSPROS 福利支出数据与参与 2002-2019 年欧洲社会调查的 30 个国家的跨国调查数据进行了合并。多层次回归模型的结果表明,无论是社会保护支出总额的国内变化,还是经济情况调查或非经济情况调查社会保护支出的国内变化,都不能预测社会信任度。基于福利应得性文献的见解,我的第二部分分析集中于针对两种不同生活风险的福利支出,其中疾病代表了公众普遍认为 "应得 "福利支持的风险,而失业则是 "不应得 "的风险。我发现,随着时间的推移,在国家内部,经过经济情况调查的医疗保健支出会导致社会信任度下降,而不经过经济情况调查的医疗保健支出则会导致社会信任度上升。因此,我的研究结果支持了以下假设:福利国家的选择性和普遍性可以促进社会信任的建立和打破,但只有当干预措施针对的是公众认为 "值得 "福利国家支持的生命过程风险时才会如此。
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引用次数: 0
Social policy, public investment or the environment? Exploring variation in individual-level preferences on long-term policies 社会政策、公共投资还是环境?探索个人层面对长期政策偏好的差异
IF 3 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231217379
Marius R Busemeyer, Liam F. Beiser‐McGrath
This article studies individual-level attitudes towards long-term investment policies using novel survey data for the case of Germany. Building on a budding literature on the relationship between environmental and social policy attitudes, our first contribution to research is to show that citizens, when prompted to think about their support for long-term investment policies, support welfare state related policies such as investments in education and pensions to a greater degree than non-welfare state issues such as public infrastructure investment or renewable energy. Citizens are most supportive of using present-day redistributive policies – in our case: increasing income taxes on the rich – in order to finance long-term investment. We also find evidence that political trust is positively associated with support for long-term investment policies, but in particular investments in education and renewables. Furthermore, our analysis reveals the importance of individual political ideology. These findings have implications for public demand for tackling the long-term issues faced by society today.
本文利用德国的新型调查数据研究了个人层面对长期投资政策的态度。在有关环境与社会政策态度之间关系的新兴文献的基础上,我们的第一个研究贡献是表明,当要求公民思考他们对长期投资政策的支持时,他们对教育和养老金投资等福利国家相关政策的支持程度要高于公共基础设施投资或可再生能源等非福利国家问题。公民最支持利用当前的再分配政策--在我们的案例中,即增加对富人的所得税--来为长期投资提供资金。我们还发现有证据表明,政治信任与对长期投资政策的支持呈正相关,尤其是对教育和可再生能源的投资。此外,我们的分析还揭示了个人政治意识形态的重要性。这些发现对解决当今社会面临的长期问题的公众需求有一定的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Taking stock of individual power resources in European Union law: The blurry lines between adaptable and malleable social rights 欧盟法律中个人权力资源的评估:适应性和可塑性社会权利之间的模糊界限
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231211767
Ane Aranguiz
The highly fragmented, layered and complex regulatory policy framework of the European Union hides a wealth of resources for social Europe. This article aims at exploring the social opportunities offered in this intricate legal framework on the basis of the resource-based understanding identified in the first contribution of this Special Issue by Corti, Ferrera and Keune. Accordingly, it pinpoints and discusses several guaranteed subjective powers to obtain certain social benefits or services in each of the pre-identified tripod of power resources: normative, instrumental and enforcement power resources. The analysis contradicts, to some extent, the negligible role attributed to EU law in terms of social rights. Overall, it finds that there exist abundant power resources at the EU level. Whereas these certainly add to the plethora of resources available to reach a certain standard of living, this abundancy is paired with a heightened complexity. Consequently, it is not always clear how the power resources interact among each other. Moreover, there is a disproportionate use of the tripod. Binding normative resources are used rather marginally in comparison to instrumental and enforcement resources, which is not necessarily a consequence of the lack of competence at the EU level.
欧盟高度分散、分层和复杂的监管政策框架为社会欧洲隐藏了丰富的资源。本文旨在探索在这个复杂的法律框架中提供的社会机会,其基础是在本期特刊的第一篇文章中由Corti、Ferrera和Keune确定的基于资源的理解。据此,在预先确定的权力资源三脚架:规范性权力资源、工具性权力资源和执行性权力资源中,指出并讨论了几种获得一定社会利益或服务的有保障的主观权力。在某种程度上,这种分析与欧盟法律在社会权利方面所起的微不足道的作用相矛盾。总体来看,欧盟层面存在着丰富的权力资源。然而,为了达到一定的生活水平,这些无疑增加了可用资源的过剩,而这种丰富与高度的复杂性相伴而生。因此,权力资源之间如何相互作用并不总是很清楚。此外,还有一个不成比例的使用三脚架。与工具性和强制性资源相比,具有约束力的规范性资源的使用相当有限,这并不一定是欧盟层面缺乏能力的结果。
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引用次数: 0
Invisible social Europe? Linking citizens’ awareness of European cohesion funds, individual power resources, and support for the EU 看不见的社会欧洲?连接公民对欧洲凝聚力基金、个人权力资源和对欧盟的支持的认识
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231210727
Marcello Natili, Stefano Ronchi, Francesco Visconti
In the twentieth century national social policies stabilized the European state systems, favouring domestic concordance and citizens’ support to the nation-building process. Welfare institutions have historically served this key political function also in federal systems, where social citizenship has been used as a tool to foster unity. In contrast, even though the EU devotes a consistent part of its (however limited) budget to social cohesion and inclusion programmes, it takes little credit for such efforts. Building on original survey data on public opinion collected in 2019 across ten EU countries, this article shows that, indeed, only a limited number of citizens are aware of the social role played by the EU in their local community. On the other hand, it demonstrates that citizens’ awareness of EU programmes strengthens the individual perception of power resources stemming from euro-social initiatives, the feeling of ‘being heard’ by the EU and, ultimately, the support for the European integration project as a whole. By implication, increasing the relevance and visibility of euro-social programmes could possibly reinforce the very foundations of the EU.
在20世纪,国家社会政策稳定了欧洲国家制度,有利于国内和谐和公民对国家建设进程的支持。历史上,福利机构在联邦制度中也发挥了这一关键的政治功能,在联邦制度中,社会公民身份被用作促进团结的工具。相比之下,尽管欧盟(EU)始终如一地将其预算的一部分(无论多么有限)用于社会凝聚力和包容性项目,但它对这些努力却没有什么功劳。基于2019年在10个欧盟国家收集的原始民意调查数据,本文表明,事实上,只有有限数量的公民意识到欧盟在当地社区中发挥的社会作用。另一方面,它表明公民对欧盟计划的认识加强了个人对源于欧洲社会倡议的权力资源的感知,欧盟“被倾听”的感觉,最终,对整个欧洲一体化项目的支持。由此可见,提高欧元-社会方案的相关性和可见度可能会加强欧盟的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Public preferences for social investment versus compensation policies in Social Europe 社会欧洲对社会投资的公众偏好与补偿政策
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231212784
Gianna M Eick, Brian Burgoon, Marius R Busemeyer
The recent enactment of the European Pillar of Social Rights (EPSR) has significantly strengthened the social dimension of the European Union (EU), including the social investment (SI) elements of that social dimension. What is not known, however, to what extent the priorization of SI is supported by the broader public. To address this research gap, we investigate public opinion on 15 different policy areas from the EPSR using Eurobarometer data from 2020 across all EU countries, asking whether the public rather prefers these policies to be delivered at EU or national level. A principal finding is that the public indeed supports more SI than CP policies with respect to EU-level social policy, and more CP than SI policies with respect to national-level social policy. We also investigate whether socioeconomic status (SES) and welfare state effort can explain this phenomenon. We find that higher socio-economic status and more generous welfare states are associated with more support for SI policies on both EU and national levels and vice versa. The findings emphasize the importance of what policies are provided versus who provides them but also pose a puzzle for trade-offs in multilevel governance settings. Hence, the article has important implications for future research on public opinion and Social Europe.
最近颁布的《欧洲社会权利支柱》大大加强了欧洲联盟(欧盟)的社会层面,包括该社会层面的社会投资要素。然而,尚不清楚的是,科学探究的优先次序在多大程度上得到了广大公众的支持。为了解决这一研究缺口,我们利用欧洲晴雨表2020年在所有欧盟国家的数据,调查了EPSR对15个不同政策领域的公众意见,询问公众是更倾向于在欧盟层面还是在国家层面实施这些政策。一项主要发现是,就欧盟层面的社会政策而言,公众确实更支持SI政策而不是CP政策,而就国家层面的社会政策而言,CP政策比SI政策更支持。我们还研究了社会经济地位(SES)和福利国家的努力是否可以解释这一现象。我们发现,更高的社会经济地位和更慷慨的福利国家与欧盟和国家层面对科学研究政策的更多支持有关,反之亦然。研究结果强调了提供什么政策与谁提供政策的重要性,但也对多层治理设置中的权衡提出了一个难题。因此,本文对未来舆论与社会欧洲的研究具有重要的启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
An examination of ‘instrumental resources’ in earmarked parental leave: The case of the work–life balance directive 专款育儿假中“工具性资源”的考察:以工作与生活平衡指令为例
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231207557
Caroline de la Porte, Zhen Im, Brigitte Pircher, Nuria Ramos Martin, Dorota Szelewa
This article examines factors that could contribute to explaining variation in take-up of leave among fathers in the light of the EU’s Work–Life Balance Directive (WLBD). The WLBD seeks to equalize care responsibilities between fathers and mothers, especially through reserved leave, with high compensation. The article begins with a cross-country overview of take-up of leave among eligible fathers, considering earmarking and the degree of compensation. Our results show variation, which cannot fully be explained by policy design (presence of high compensation with reserved leave for fathers). The article then theorizes that instrumental resources – information and accessible administrative application procedures – could be a missing link to understand the actual shift from de jure to de facto social rights. The article then carries out embedded case studies on these two aspects of instrumental resources, using original qualitative data collected during the implementation of the WLBD. The most striking finding is that countries with similar formal implementation of earmarked paid parental leave, display significant differences in commitment to instrumental resources. Put differently, the WLBD is being implemented differently, not regarding formal social rights, but on instrumental resources. This finding is important because it means that EU-initiated legislation on parental leave, could lead to differences in outcomes, that is, take-up of leave among fathers. The implication of our findings is that decision-makers and policy actors at EU level and in member states, should focus more on instrumental resources in the implementation process. This is particularly important for enhancing the de facto legitimacy of the EU in social policy, given that EU social regulation is increasing via the European Pillar of Social Rights.
本文考察了可能有助于解释欧盟工作与生活平衡指令(WLBD)中父亲休假变化的因素。WLBD试图平衡父亲和母亲之间的照顾责任,特别是通过保留假,高补偿。本文首先对符合条件的父亲休假的跨国概况进行了概述,并考虑了指定用途和补偿程度。我们的研究结果显示了差异,这不能完全用政策设计来解释(为父亲保留假期的高补偿的存在)。然后,本文从理论上认为,工具性资源——信息和可获得的行政申请程序——可能是理解从法律上的社会权利向事实上的社会权利的实际转变所缺失的环节。然后,本文利用在实施WLBD期间收集的原始定性数据,对工具性资源的这两个方面进行了嵌入式案例研究。最引人注目的发现是,正式实施专用带薪育儿假的国家在对工具性资源的投入方面表现出显著差异。换句话说,《世界人权公约》的执行方式不同,不是关于正式的社会权利,而是关于工具性资源。这一发现很重要,因为它意味着欧盟发起的关于育儿假的立法,可能会导致结果的差异,也就是说,父亲们休假的情况。我们的研究结果表明,欧盟层面和成员国的决策者和政策参与者应该在实施过程中更多地关注工具性资源。这对于加强欧盟在社会政策方面的事实上的合法性尤其重要,因为欧盟的社会监管正在通过欧洲社会权利支柱得到加强。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Marshall in Brussels? A new perspective on social citizenship and the European Union 简介:马歇尔在布鲁塞尔?社会公民权与欧盟的新视角
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1177/09589287231210464
Maarten Keune, Maurizio Ferrera, Francesco Corti
This introductory article to the Special Issue Marshall in Brussels? A new perspective on social citizenship and the European Union first argues that there is a need for a novel systematic framework that captures the increasingly complex web of relationships between the European level and the national and local levels in the creation and implementation of social rights. It then summarizes the contributions of the articles included in the Special Issue, starting with the first article that provides such a novel framework, a power resource-based and multi-layered conception of social rights which looks at social rights as bundles of three key power resources: normative, enforcement and instrumental resources. It then shows how the other articles apply this framework when analysing a variety of issues related to European social citizenship. Finally, it sums up the main contributions of the Special Issue: its contribution to the further development of power resource theory; to the theory of social citizenship; and to capturing how social rights in the EU increasingly result from the creative assemblage of different resources provided by different actors and levels of government, resulting in a ‘marble cake’ pattern akin to that existing in historical federations like the US or Switzerland.
这篇《马歇尔在布鲁塞尔》特刊的介绍文章?社会公民权和欧盟的新视角首先认为,在创造和实施社会权利的过程中,需要一个新的系统框架来捕捉欧洲层面与国家和地方层面之间日益复杂的关系网络。然后总结特刊中包含的文章的贡献,从第一篇文章开始,它提供了这样一个新颖的框架,一个基于权力资源的多层次社会权利概念,它将社会权利视为三种关键权力资源的捆绑:规范资源,执行资源和工具资源。然后,它展示了其他文章如何在分析与欧洲社会公民身份相关的各种问题时应用这一框架。最后,总结了特刊的主要贡献:对权力资源理论进一步发展的贡献;论社会公民权理论;并抓住欧盟的社会权利如何越来越多地来自不同行为者和各级政府提供的不同资源的创造性组合,从而产生类似于美国或瑞士等历史联邦中存在的“大理石蛋糕”模式。
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引用次数: 2
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Journal of European Social Policy
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