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Major Concepts in Spanish Feminist Theory Roberta Johnson, Albany: State University of New York Press, 2019 (ISBN 978-1-4384-7369-7) 西班牙女性主义理论中的主要概念罗伯塔·约翰逊,奥尔巴尼:纽约州立大学出版社,2019 (ISBN 978-1-4384-7369-7)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.22
Marta Madruga Bajo
In Major Concepts in Spanish Feminist Theory, Roberta Johnson reconstructs Spanish feminist thought in an accessible and original way. This is not a conventional history of Spanish feminism, but rather a history of Spanish feminist theory that, while preserving chronological order, is articulated around six fundamental concepts addressed in six chapters along with an introduction and an epilogue. These concepts are solitude, personality, social class, work, difference, and equality. Masterfully, Johnson takes us from one chapter to another with a unity of meaning that traverses the book. The first chapter studies the concept of solitude in the work of authors from the end of the nineteenth century to the present. From the great feminists of the nineteenth century, such as Concepción Arenal or Emilia Pardo Bazán, to the sadly and recently deceased Carmen Alborch, Spanish feminism considers solitude as a necessary condition for women in order to form their own identity and fully realize themselves as independent individuals. On the one hand, the issue of solitude can be approached from a social or external perspective, where women desire to create their own physical place. On the other, the desire for solitude can be internal, where that physical space is linked to consciousness that enables personal development, being oneself, and building an independent personality. Neither of these perspectives nullifies the importance of the relationship with others. Intimately related to solitude is the concept of personality, to which Johnson dedicates the second chapter of the book. Most of the authors that Johnson studies understand personality as a set of complex interactions between the inner and outer self. According to Johnson, Rosa Chacel was the first Spanish writer to develop the idea, suggested by other earlier authors such as Arenal or Hildegart Rodríguez, of an interaction between these two dimensions. Neither in Chacel’s works nor in María Zambrano’s (also studied by Johnson) can we find a feminist use of the concept of personality; but, as Johnson points out, their thought is easily linked to a feminist meaning. In fact, Zambrano’s concept of persona is close to other authors’ idea of personality, referring to a set of specific characteristics that distinguish one individual from others. Carmen Martín Gaite departs from the dichotomy between the interior and exterior dimensions of the person, but like Chacel and Zambrano, she believed in the possibility of discovering the authentic internal self hidden behind external impositions. Although Martín Gaite’s use of the concept of personality is ambiguous, Spanish writers generally associate it with the formation of an identity that gives women independence and dignity. That brings to light the connection with the concept of solitude, since the
在《西班牙女性主义理论的主要概念》一书中,罗伯塔·约翰逊以一种通俗易懂、新颖的方式重构了西班牙女性主义思想。这不是一部传统意义上的西班牙女权主义史,而是一部西班牙女权主义理论史,它在保持时间顺序的同时,围绕着六个基本概念进行了阐述,分为六章,还有引言和结语。这些概念是孤独、个性、社会阶层、工作、差异和平等。约翰逊巧妙地带领我们从一章到另一章,贯穿全书,意义统一。第一章研究十九世纪末至今作家作品中的孤独概念。从19世纪伟大的女权主义者Concepción Arenal或Emilia Pardo Bazán,到最近不幸去世的Carmen Alborch,西班牙女权主义认为孤独是女性形成自己身份并充分实现自己作为独立个体的必要条件。一方面,孤独的问题可以从社会或外部的角度来解决,因为女性希望创造自己的物理空间。另一方面,对独处的渴望可能是内在的,在那里,物理空间与能够促进个人发展的意识联系在一起,做自己,建立独立的个性。这两种观点都不能抵消与他人关系的重要性。与孤独密切相关的是人格的概念,约翰逊在书的第二章中专门讨论了这个概念。约翰逊研究的大多数作者都把人格理解为内在自我和外在自我之间的一系列复杂的相互作用。根据约翰逊的说法,罗莎·沙塞尔是第一个提出这一观点的西班牙作家,其他早期作家,如阿雷纳尔或希尔德加特Rodríguez,都提出了这两个维度之间的相互作用。无论是在Chacel的作品中,还是在María Zambrano (Johnson也研究过)的作品中,我们都找不到女性主义者对人格概念的使用;但是,正如约翰逊指出的那样,他们的思想很容易与女权主义的含义联系起来。事实上,桑布拉诺的人物角色概念与其他作者的人格概念很接近,指的是将一个人与其他人区分开来的一系列特定特征。卡门Martín盖特脱离了人的内部和外部维度的二分法,但像沙塞尔和桑布拉诺一样,她相信有可能发现隐藏在外部强加背后的真实的内在自我。虽然Martín盖特对人格概念的使用是模棱两可的,但西班牙作家通常将其与赋予女性独立和尊严的身份的形成联系在一起。这揭示了与孤独概念的联系,因为
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引用次数: 0
Feminism for the 99%: A Manifesto Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya, and Nancy Fraser Brooklyn, N.Y.: Verso, 2019 (ISBN 978-1-78873-442-4) 99%的女权主义:Cinzia Arruzza、Tithi Bhattacharya和Nancy Fraser的宣言,纽约布鲁克林:Verso,2019(ISBN 978-1-78873-442-4)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.19
J. Otto
in the twenty-first century is at a crossroads: one path is represented by the corporate, neoliberal feminism espoused by the likes of
21世纪正处于十字路口:一条道路是由企业、新自由主义女权主义所代表的,这些女权主义者支持
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引用次数: 0
Climate Technology, Gender, and Justice: The Standpoint of the Vulnerable Tina Sikka, E-Book: Springer, 2019 (ISBN 978-3-030-01147-5) 气候技术,性别和正义:弱势群体的立场蒂娜·西卡,电子书:b施普林格,2019 (ISBN 978-3-030-01147-5)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.21
Benjamin Goldberg
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引用次数: 1
Anti-Electra: The Radical Totem of the Girl Elizabeth von Samsonow. Translated by Anita Fricek and Stephen Zepke, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2019 (ISBN: 978-15179-0713-6) 反伊莱克特拉:少女伊丽莎白·冯·萨姆索诺的激进图腾。Anita Fricek和Stephen Zepke译,明尼阿波利斯:明尼苏达大学出版社,2019 (ISBN: 978-15179-0713-6)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.20
L. Daley
, acts
,行为
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引用次数: 0
Trans Women Are (or Are Becoming) Female: Disputing the Endogeneity Constraint 跨性别女性是(或正在成为)女性:对内生性约束的争论
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.12
M. Carter
Abstract The dispute between the transgender-rights movement and “gender-critical” activists represents a stark division in British public discourse. Although the issues of contention are numerous and require their own philosophical treatment, a core metaphysical concern underlies them. Gender-critical activists, such as Kathleen Stock, tend to argue that recognizing trans women as women requires erasing the category of biological sex. This implies that all trans women are male, and thus recognizing them as women rips female biology from the root of the category “woman.” In this article, I argue that this view is mistaken. As exogenously produced sex characteristics should count toward a person's sex classification, all trans women are (or are becoming) female.
跨性别权利运动和“性别批判”活动家之间的争论代表了英国公共话语中的一个明显分歧。尽管争论的问题是众多的,需要他们自己的哲学处理,一个核心的形而上学的关注是他们的基础。凯瑟琳·斯托克(Kathleen Stock)等性别批判活动人士倾向于认为,承认跨性别女性是女性,需要消除生理性别的范畴。这意味着所有的跨性别女性都是男性,因此承认她们是女性就从“女性”这个类别的根源上撕裂了女性生物学。在这篇文章中,我认为这种观点是错误的。由于外源性产生的性特征应该被算作一个人的性别分类,所有跨性别女性都是(或正在成为)女性。
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引用次数: 1
Escaping the Corset: Rage as a Force of Resistance and Creation in the Korean Feminist Movement 逃离束身衣:韩国女权运动中作为抵抗和创造力量的愤怒
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.15
J. Yun
Abstract This article explores rage in the context of Korean feminist movements. Rage as a corporeal force can be combined with other emotional modalities to achieve consistency, durability, efficiency, and intensity. These modalities are interdependent, and rage, in relation to indignation, becomes a revolutionary affect that changes power dynamics. Women's indignant rage challenges the patriarchal value system and increases women's agency. Korean women deploy the politics of rage to “Escape the Corset” and free themselves from the oppressive devices—patriarchal family structures and traditional notions of femininity and beauty—that oppress women's bodies. The “Escape the Corset” movement, driven by indignant rage, materializes the possibility of resistance and creation that puts an end to the phallic economy of desire and meaning, and it elaborates a new modality of women's life cycle and relation to the world. Unlike indignant rage, a feminist revolutionary tool, rage combined with hatred is a conservative affect that annihilates the possibility of change and maintains the status quo. The politics of rage promotes a deconstruction of the patriarchal system, joining with a subversive and cathartic joy that contains hope for a more just future.
摘要本文探讨了韩国女权运动背景下的愤怒。愤怒作为一种物质力量可以与其他情感模式相结合,以实现一致性、持久性、效率和强度。这些模式是相互依存的,愤怒与愤怒成为一种革命性的影响,改变了权力动态。女性的愤愤不平挑战了父权制的价值体系,增加了女性的能动性。韩国女性运用愤怒政治来“逃离Corset”,将自己从压迫女性身体的压迫手段中解放出来——父权制的家庭结构和传统的女性气质和美丽观念。在愤怒的愤怒驱使下,“逃离Corset”运动具体化了反抗和创造的可能性,终结了欲望和意义的阳具经济,并阐述了女性生命周期和与世界关系的新模式。与女性主义革命工具愤怒不同,愤怒与仇恨相结合是一种保守的影响,它消灭了变革的可能性,并维持了现状。愤怒的政治推动了对父权制的解构,加入了一种颠覆性和宣泄性的喜悦,其中包含了对更公正未来的希望。
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引用次数: 0
Imposing Values and Enforcing Gender through Knowledge: Epistemic Oppression with the Morning-after Pill's Drug Label 通过知识强加价值观和强化性别:事后避孕药药品标签的认知压迫
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-10 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.11
Christopher ChoGlueck
Abstract Among feminist philosophers, there are two lines of argument that sexist values are illegitimate in science, focusing on epistemic or ethical problems. This article supports a third framework, elucidating how value-laden science can enable epistemic oppression. My analysis demonstrates how purported knowledge laden with sexist values can compromise epistemic autonomy and contribute to paternalism and misogyny. I exemplify these epistemic wrongs with a case study of the morning-after pill (emergency contraception) during its 2006 switch to over-the-counter availability and its new drug label from the US Food and Drug Administration that it “may prevent implantation.” Antiabortion science advisers created this label to protect zygotes based on debated value judgments that were later concealed. This zygote-centric knowledge enabled them to shape potential users by instructing “good mothers” that they ought to protect zygotes and punishing “bad mothers” by refusing their requests for the drug. Therefore, I argue that the sexist values and gender norms of antiabortionists that prioritize zygotic health are illegitimate in this context because they cause epistemic injustices and perpetuate epistemic oppression. Furthermore, I advocate against blanket protections for the “right to conscience” and “religious freedom” of healthcare providers because they reinforce the epistemic oppression of women, especially those on the margins. Content Warning: This article discusses sexual assault and refusals to provide contraception to patients, including survivors.
在女性主义哲学家中,有两种观点认为性别歧视的价值观在科学中是不合法的,主要集中在认识论或伦理问题上。本文支持第三个框架,阐明了承载价值的科学如何使认知压迫成为可能。我的分析表明,充斥着性别歧视价值观的所谓知识是如何损害认知自主权的,并助长了家长式作风和厌女症。我举了一个案例来说明这些认识上的错误:事后避孕药(紧急避孕药)在2006年转为非处方药,美国食品和药物管理局(fda)给它贴上了“可能防止植入”的新药标签。反堕胎的科学顾问创造了这个标签来保护受精卵,这个标签是基于后来被掩盖的有争议的价值判断。这种以受精卵为中心的知识使他们能够指导“好母亲”保护受精卵,并通过拒绝“坏母亲”的药物请求来惩罚她们,从而塑造潜在的用户。因此,我认为,优先考虑受精卵健康的反堕胎者的性别歧视价值观和性别规范在这种情况下是不合法的,因为它们会导致认知上的不公正,并使认知上的压迫永续下去。此外,我主张反对对医疗保健提供者的“良心权”和“宗教自由”的全面保护,因为它们加强了对妇女,特别是边缘妇女的认知压迫。内容警告:本文讨论性侵犯和拒绝为患者提供避孕措施,包括幸存者。
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引用次数: 1
Ecofeminist Degrowth for Sustaining Buen Convivir 生态女权主义者对维持布恩信念的贬低
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-04 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.16
Amaia Pérez Orozco, Liz Mason-Deese
Translator’s Introduction This essay is a translation of “Decrecimiento Ecofeminista para Sostener el Buen Convivir,” by Amaia Pérez Orozco. This is a slightly revised version of the fifth chapter of Orozco’s book, Subversión Feminista de la Economía (Madrid: Traficantes de Sueños, 2014), originally titled “Ecofeminism or Barbarism.” Pérez Orozco is a Spanish feminist economist and activist, who has participated in diverse feminist and ecological movements in the Spanish state, with an eye toward connecting those with struggles in Latin America. She is currently a member of the feminist research-action collective Colectiva XXK: Feminisms, Thinking & Action, which collaborates with social movements and organizations to produce research analyses and educational workshops and materials, putting feminist thought into practice. Subversión Feminista de la Economía, now in its fourth reprinting in Spanish, was a landmark publication with major impacts in the fields of both economics and feminist philosophy, but also for social movements across the country. It was groundbreaking both in introducing concepts from Latin American struggles into the European conversation, and for drawing connections between feminist analyses of reproductive and care labor and proposals from the environmental movement for degrowth. These concepts have directly fed into conversation with the wave of social movements that grew out of the 2011 Indignados movement and the renewed wave of feminist activism that the country has seen in recent years, especially in the massive feminist strikes, through Pérez Orozco’s participation in these movements and popular education processes. Pérez Orozco’s work has also had important impacts on the international stage, especially through her collaborations with the UN International Research and Training Institute for the Advancement of Women and other interventions with the UN about care labor and global care chains. Subversión Feminista de la Economía has been widely read and engaged with throughout Latin America, especially through Pérez Orozco’s ongoing collaborations with feminist researchers and activists in Argentina, Brazil, and Ecuador, among others. However, to date, little of her work has been translated and circulated in the English language. Drawing from the wealth of knowledge produced by feminist and ecological movements across Latin America and the Spanish territory, Pérez Orozco’s work challenges both conventional economic theories and feminist theories based on Western
本文翻译自Amaia psamurez Orozco的《Decrecimiento Ecofeminista para Sostener el Buen Convivir》。这是奥罗斯科的书《Subversión Feminista de la Economía》(马德里:Traficantes de Sueños, 2014)的第五章的一个稍微修改的版本,最初的标题是“生态女权主义还是野蛮主义”。psamurez Orozco是西班牙女权主义经济学家和活动家,她参与了西班牙国家的各种女权主义和生态运动,并着眼于将这些运动与拉丁美洲的斗争联系起来。她目前是女权主义研究行动团体“XXK:女权主义,思考与行动”的成员,该团体与社会运动和组织合作,制作研究分析和教育研讨会和材料,将女权主义思想付诸实践。Subversión Feminista de la Economía,现在是西班牙语版的第四次再版,是一本具有里程碑意义的出版物,在经济学和女权主义哲学领域都产生了重大影响,而且对全国的社会运动也产生了重大影响。它在将拉丁美洲斗争的概念引入欧洲对话方面具有开创性,并且在生殖和护理劳动的女权主义分析与环境运动中关于去生长的建议之间建立了联系。这些概念直接与2011年“愤怒者运动”(Indignados)引发的社会运动浪潮以及近年来该国出现的女权主义激进主义新浪潮相呼应,尤其是通过psamurez Orozco参与这些运动和大众教育过程而引发的大规模女权主义罢工。psamurez Orozco的工作也在国际舞台上产生了重要影响,特别是通过她与联合国提高妇女地位国际研究培训所的合作,以及与联合国就护理劳动和全球护理链进行的其他干预。Subversión Feminista de la Economía在整个拉丁美洲都有广泛的阅读和参与,特别是通过p雷斯·奥罗斯科与阿根廷、巴西和厄瓜多尔等国的女权主义研究人员和活动家的持续合作。然而,到目前为止,她的作品很少被翻译成英语并流传。从拉丁美洲和西班牙领土上的女权主义和生态运动产生的丰富知识中汲取灵感,prez Orozco的作品挑战了传统的经济理论和基于西方的女权主义理论
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引用次数: 2
Responsibility for Sexual Injustices: Toward an Intersectional Account 性不公正的责任:走向跨部门的解释
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.8
E. Gilson
Abstract Public discussion of sexual victimization has intensified within the US context and globally. One noteworthy feature of recent public discourse in the US is that it calls for a broadening of responsibility with respect to both the parties involved and the forms of sexual victimization for which people are held to account. Yet often the narratives about responsibility and practices of responsibility-taking that dominate in this discussion remain individualizing and penalizing. This essay takes stock of the myriad failures of responsibility for sexual injustices in these existing practices and narratives. The first section outlines four philosophical objections to common ways of thinking about responsibility. The second section extends these objections by analyzing the dominant neoliberal narrative framework for responsibility so as then to critique how responsibility is thought about and practiced in relation to sexuality. Finally, given the failures of these narratives and practices, the third section elaborates an alternative that can redress them: an intersectional feminist account of responsibility for sexual injustices that is nonpunitive and takes responsibility to be an intentional practice of altering social relations.
在美国和全球范围内,公众对性受害的讨论愈演愈烈。最近美国公共话语的一个值得注意的特点是,它呼吁扩大责任范围,既要考虑涉及的各方,也要考虑人们要为之负责的性侵害形式。然而,在这一讨论中占主导地位的关于责任和承担责任的实践的叙述往往仍然是个体化和惩罚性的。这篇文章盘点了在这些现有的实践和叙述中,对性不公正负责的无数失败。第一部分概述了对责任的一般思考方式的四种哲学异议。第二部分通过分析占主导地位的新自由主义责任叙事框架来扩展这些反对意见,从而批评责任是如何被思考和实践与性有关的。最后,考虑到这些叙述和实践的失败,第三部分阐述了一种可以纠正它们的替代方案:一种交叉的女权主义对性不公正责任的描述,这种描述是非惩罚性的,并将责任视为改变社会关系的有意实践。
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引用次数: 0
Daoist Ecofeminism as a New Democracy: An Analysis of Patriarchy in Contemporary China and a Tentative Solution 作为新民主主义的道家生态女性主义——对当代中国父权制的分析及解决之道
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-05-02 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.14
Jing Liu
Abstract The pain caused by the patriarchal totalitarianism of different modern political regimes is felt by everyone in our time: poverty, unemployment, high exploitation of both nature and humans, systematic oppression, persecution and domination, and pollution that threatens human existence. This article analyzes the different forms of patriarchy in contemporary China and explores a feminist way out. The first part examines how modern patriarchy unfolds itself through the land-enclosure movement that has caused serious pollution in China. I will show that the patriarchal process of development is a double exploitation of both nature and humans. The second part turns to the patriarchy in traditional Chinese philosophies and explores possible dangers in Confucian feminism. In the last part I try to posit as a solution Daoist ecofeminism as a new democracy, wherein the feminist ontology and the freedom of all beings will be explored.
摘要不同现代政治制度的父权极权主义所造成的痛苦在我们这个时代人人都能感受到:贫困、失业、对自然和人类的高度剥削、系统性压迫、迫害和统治,以及威胁人类生存的污染。本文分析了当代中国父权制的不同形式,并探讨了女性主义的出路。第一部分考察了现代父权制是如何通过在中国造成严重污染的圈地运动展开的。我将表明,父权制的发展过程是对自然和人类的双重剥削。第二部分从中国传统哲学中的父权制入手,探讨儒家女性主义可能存在的危险。在最后一部分中,我试图将道家生态女性主义作为一种新的民主来作为一种解决方案,其中将探讨女性主义本体论和所有人的自由。
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引用次数: 1
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Hypatia-A Journal of Feminist Philosophy
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