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Pensamento Feminista Hoje: Perspectivas Decoloniais. Heloísa Buarque de Hollanda, editor. Rio de Janeiro: Bazar do Tempo, 2020 (ISBN: 978-85-69924-78-4) 今天的女权主义思想:非殖民化视角。Heloísa Buarque de Hollanda,编辑。里约热内卢:Bazar do Tempo,2020(国际标准图书编号:978-85-69924-78-4)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.43
Erica L. Williams
When I received the invitation to review Pensamento Feminista Hoje: Perspectivas Decoloniais (Feminist Thought Today: Decolonial Perspectives), I was excited to engage in this work that centers leading feminist scholars from around the world, published in Portuguese. However, my second thought was, they do realize that I’m a feminist anthropologist, and not a feminist philosopher, right? In this essay, I will offer a brief description and overview of the book, as well as a detailed description of a subset of essays that offer key contributions, from my perspective as a Black feminist anthropologist. A key strength of this book is the national, regional, linguistic, racial, and ethnic diversity of the contributors. Of the twenty-two contributors, eleven are from Brazil, two are from Ecuador, two are from Bolivia, and two are from the Dominican Republic, as well as one contributor each from Colombia, Argentina, Peru, Algeria, and Nigeria. Eight of the contributors self-identify as Black. In this sense, the editor, Heloisa Buarque de Hollanda, certainly reflects an awareness of the diversity of women’s lives and transnational feminist perspectives. The book is divided into three major sections: “Desafiando Matrizes” (Challenging Matrices); “Práticas Decolonais” (Decolonial Practices); and “Outras Línguas: Três Artistas Brasileiras” (Other Languages: Three Brazilian Artists). The editor admits that these divisions are arbitrary, and that they “reinforce the urgency of eliminating the binary between theory and practice” (30). The book consists of an introduction, sixteen chapters, and includes three artist profiles at the end. In the introduction, Buarque de Hollanda offers an overview of the decolonial turn, summarizing some of the key interventions of Nelson Maldonado-Torres, Anibal Quijano, and María Lugones. Maldonado-Torres defines the decolonial turn as “a movement of political and epistemological resistance to the logic of modernity/coloniality” (16). Buarque de Hollanda asserts that decolonial feminism “denounces the structural imbrication of notions of heteronormativity, racial classification, and the capitalist system” (17). She provides a chapter overview that highlights key interventions from the contributors, such as Julieta Paredes’s concept of “community feminism,” and Maria da Graça Costa’s argument that feminism is crucial to agroecology. The “Challenging Matrices” section opens with a foundational 1988 essay by Afro-Brazilian feminist scholar Lélia Gonzalez, which denounces how feminism has often “forgotten” about the racial question. Drawing upon Lacanian thought, Gonzalez argues that Black women have been “spoken about, defined and classified
当我收到评论《Pensameto Feminista Hoje:Perspectivas Decolonias》(今日女权主义思想:非殖民化视角)的邀请时,我很高兴能参与这项以葡萄牙语出版的以世界各地领先女权主义学者为中心的工作。然而,我的第二个想法是,他们确实意识到我是一位女权主义人类学家,而不是女权主义哲学家,对吧?在这篇文章中,我将从我作为一名黑人女权主义人类学家的角度,对这本书进行简要描述和概述,并对一些有重要贡献的文章进行详细描述。这本书的一个关键优势是作者的国家、地区、语言、种族和民族多样性。在22个捐款人中,11个来自巴西,2个来自厄瓜多尔,2个玻利维亚,2个多米尼加共和国,哥伦比亚、阿根廷、秘鲁、阿尔及利亚和尼日利亚各有一个捐款人。其中八位贡献者自称为黑人。从这个意义上说,编辑Heloisa Buarque de Hollanda无疑反映了对女性生活多样性和跨国女权主义观点的认识。这本书分为三个主要部分:“Desafiando矩阵”(挑战矩阵);“Práticas Decolonais”(非殖民化实践);以及“Outras Línguas:Três Artistas Brasileiras”(其他语言:三位巴西艺术家)。编辑承认,这些划分是武断的,它们“加强了消除理论和实践之间二元性的紧迫性”(30)。这本书由十六章的引言组成,最后包括三个艺术家简介。在引言中,Buarque de Hollanda概述了非殖民化的转变,总结了Nelson Maldonado Torres、Anibal Quijano和María Lugones的一些关键干预措施。马尔多纳多·托雷斯将非殖民化转向定义为“对现代性/殖民主义逻辑的政治和认识论抵抗运动”(16)。Buarque de Hollanda断言,非殖民化女权主义“谴责非规范性、种族分类和资本主义制度概念的结构性重叠”(17)。她提供了一章概述,重点介绍了作者的关键干预措施,如Julieta Paredes的“社区女权主义”概念,以及Maria da Graça Costa关于女权主义对农业生态学至关重要的论点。“挑战矩阵”部分以1988年非裔巴西女权主义学者Lélia Gonzalez的一篇基础文章开场,该文章谴责女权主义如何经常“忘记”种族问题。冈萨雷斯借鉴拉康主义思想,认为黑人女性已经“被谈论、定义和分类”
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引用次数: 0
Emancipatory Thinking: Simone de Beauvoir and Contemporary Political Thought. Elaine Stavro. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2018 (ISBN 9780773553545) 解放思想:波伏娃与当代政治思想。伊莱恩·斯塔夫罗。蒙特利尔:麦吉尔女王大学出版社,2018(ISBN 9780773553545)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.37
Lior Levy
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引用次数: 0
Devuélvannos el Oro: Cosmovisiones perversas y acciones anticoloniales. Colectivo Ayllu. Madrid: Matadero. Centro de Residencias Artísticas, 2018 把黄金还给我们:反常的世界观和反殖民行动。集体Ayllu。马德里:屠宰场。艺术住宅中心,2018年
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.38
Miguel Gualdrón Ramírez
Devuélvannos el Oro: Cosmovisiones perversas y acciones anticoloniales brings together the results of more than a year of workshops, exhibitions, public interventions, reflections, and artistic manifestations by the Colectivo Ayllu. Located in Spain, this action group brings together collective research and artistic and political intervention from racialized migrants and queer, sexual, and gender dissidents from former Spanish colonies all over the world. Devuélvannos el Oro includes more than thirty documents of this work, many of which were included in the exhibition of the same name organized in Centro de Residencias Artísticas de Matadero Madrid in 2017. Across a wide variety of genres and styles, the collection comprises photo-performances, poems, visual interventions, personal reflections, and essays. Many of the documents, like their creators and the collective itself, resist being included in the traditional categories with which we have been taught to understand the world, performing the very disruption that the book aims to describe and prescribe, a “shifting/orgasming [corrimien to] of the normative forms of rationalist and intellectualocentric knowledge” (10). The character of this resistance is already graspable in the concept of “ayllu,” which gives the collective its name and is invoked as the central image of the book. Ayllu is a Quechua and Aymara form of community that has existed in different regions of the Andes, in what today is known as South America, before the extension of the Inca empire; it still exists today. The word refers to the form of political organization in place (the shared distribution of labor in an area, not necessarily self-sufficient, based on relations of solidarity and exchange with other ayllus), but also to community ties: ayllus comprise people who see themselves as sharing a distant ancestry, and thus constitute a form of extended family defined by their location in the mountains and not necessarily by blood ties. This last element speaks eloquently of the character of those included in Devuélvannos el Oro, and of the collective itself. Their tenuous location in the “Kingdom of Spain,” particularly Madrid, sometimes makes it impossible for them to be identified as racialized migrants rejected by the racist Spanish society, undocumented and othered, exoticized and fetishized. Yet there a kind of family tie summons writers, artists, and activists to the book and to the workshops and interventions of the collective, which can also be extended toward different territories colonized by Spain in the Americas and Africa.
Devuélvannos el Oro:反殖民主义的宇宙观汇集了Colectivo Ayllu一年多的研讨会、展览、公共干预、反思和艺术表现的成果。该行动小组位于西班牙,汇集了来自世界各地种族化移民以及来自西班牙前殖民地的酷儿、性和性别异见人士的集体研究以及艺术和政治干预。Devuélvannos el Oro收录了这幅作品的30多份文件,其中许多文件被收录在2017年马德里马塔德罗艺术中心组织的同名展览中。该集涵盖了多种类型和风格,包括摄影表演、诗歌、视觉干预、个人反思和散文。许多文件,就像它们的创造者和集体本身一样,都拒绝被纳入我们被教导理解世界的传统类别,这正是本书旨在描述和规定的破坏,是“理性主义和以知识为中心的知识的规范形式的转变/高潮”(10)。这种抵抗的特点已经体现在“ayllu”的概念中,它为集体命名,并被称为本书的中心形象。Ayllu是一个克丘亚和艾马拉社区,在印加帝国扩张之前,它已经存在于安第斯山脉的不同地区,即今天的南美洲;它至今仍然存在。这个词指的是现有的政治组织形式(在一个地区的共同劳动分配,不一定是自给自足的,基于与其他ayllus的团结和交流关系),也指的是社区关系:ayllus包括那些认为自己有着远祖的人,因此构成了一种由他们在山区的位置而不一定由血缘关系定义的大家庭形式。最后一个元素雄辩地说明了Devuélvannos el Oro中所包含的人的性格,以及集体本身。他们在“西班牙王国”,特别是马德里的脆弱位置,有时使他们不可能被认定为被种族主义西班牙社会拒绝的种族化移民,没有证件和其他身份,异国情调和恋物癖。然而,有一种家庭纽带将作家、艺术家和活动家召集到这本书、集体的研讨会和干预活动中,这种联系也可以扩展到西班牙在美洲和非洲殖民的不同领土。
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引用次数: 0
Notes On Contributors 关于贡献者的说明
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1093/camqtly/bfac031
ELIZABETH ANDERSON is Professor of Philosophy and Women’s Studies at the University of Michigan, A n n Arbor. She is the author of Value in Ethics and Economics (1993) and various articles on value theory, democratic theory, philosophy of law and feminist epistemology, and philosophy of science. Her recent publications include “Feminist Epistemology and Philosophy of Science,” Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (2001); and “Integration, Affirmative Action, and Strict Scrutiny,” New York University Law Review 77 (November 2002). (eandersn@umich.edu)
伊丽莎白·安德森是密歇根大学安娜堡分校的哲学和妇女研究教授。她著有《伦理学与经济学中的价值》(1993年)以及关于价值理论、民主理论、法哲学和女权主义认识论以及科学哲学的多篇文章。她最近的出版物包括“女权主义认识论和科学哲学”,斯坦福哲学百科全书(2001);《纽约大学法律评论》第77期(2002年11月)。(eandersn@umich.edu)
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引用次数: 0
Passions of Our Time. Julia Kristeva, Edited by Lawrence D. Kritzman; translated by Constance Borde and Sheila Malovany-Chevallier. New York: Columbia University Press, 2019 (ISBN: 9780231171441) 我们这个时代的激情。《茱莉亚·克里斯特娃》,劳伦斯·d·克里茨曼编辑;由Constance Borde和Sheila Malovany-Chevallier翻译。纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,2019 (ISBN: 9780231171441)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.27
Fanny Söderbäck
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引用次数: 0
Modern Motherhood and Women's Dual Identities: Rewriting the Sexual Contract. Petra Bueskens, New York: Routledge, 2018 (ISBN 978-1-138-67742-5) 现代母亲身份与女性双重身份:重写性契约。Petra Bueskens,纽约:Routledge,2018(ISBN 978-1-138-67742-5)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-08-16 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.29
M. Walsh
The COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 – 2022 highlights, once again, the many preexisting inequalities and sources of oppression cutting across and throughout our societies. Petra Bueskens ’ s Modern Motherhood and Women ’ s Dual Identities: Rewriting the Sexual Contract examines the foundations and manifestations of one of these fractures, that is, the continued oppression of women. Although written before the global pandemic, Bueskens ’ s analysis helps us to understand both the theoretical and structural roots of women ’ s oppression in modern societies and in doing so sheds light on why the pandemic hit women so hard. So hard that UN Women concluded in 2020 that “ while everyone is facing unprecedented challenges, women are bearing the brunt of the economic and social fallout of COVID-19 ” (UN Women 2020). Moreover, Bueskens claims to offer insight into one possible pathway for disrupting this continuing oppression and for rewriting the sexual contract that underwrites that oppression. Bueskens traces the theoretical and structural roots of women ’ s oppression in modern society to a “ conundrum of duality ” (91). It is through this duality that liberalism and capitalism promise women freedom while capturing them in gender roles and institutions enforcing those roles and their continued subordination. In Bueskens ’ s words, this conundrum produced conditions in which “ women ’ s freedom as individuals simultaneously produced their constraints as mothers and wives ” (91). In this way, Bueskens returns us to the rallying cry of the second wave of feminist activists and theorists: “ the personal is political. ” She demonstrates the essential relevance of this assertion for understanding women ’ s oppression today and also points to the immense unfinished work that remains if women ’ s oppression is to be, or can be, addressed within liberal or capitalist societies. Bueskens focuses on Carole Pateman
2020年至2022年的新冠肺炎疫情再次凸显了我们社会中存在的许多不平等和压迫源。Petra Bueskens的《现代母性与女性的双重身份:重写性契约》探讨了其中一种断裂的基础和表现,即对女性的持续压迫。尽管布肯斯的分析是在全球疫情之前写的,但它有助于我们理解现代社会中女性受压迫的理论和结构根源,并揭示了疫情对女性打击如此之大的原因。妇女署在2020年得出的结论是,“尽管每个人都面临着前所未有的挑战,但妇女在新冠肺炎的经济和社会影响中首当其冲”(妇女署2020)。此外,Bueskens声称提供了一种可能的途径,可以打破这种持续的压迫,并改写支持这种压迫的性契约。Bueskens将现代社会中女性受压迫的理论和结构根源追溯到“二元性难题”(91)。正是通过这种二元性,自由主义和资本主义承诺女性自由,同时将她们纳入性别角色和强制执行这些角色的机构以及她们的持续从属地位。用布埃肯斯的话来说,这个难题产生了“女性作为个体的自由同时产生了她们作为母亲和妻子的约束”的条件(91)。通过这种方式,Bueskens让我们回到了第二波女权主义活动家和理论家的口号:“个人就是政治。”,在自由主义或资本主义社会中处理。Bueskens关注Carole Pateman
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引用次数: 0
Liberalism, Neutrality, and the Gendered Division of Labor. Gina Schouten. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019 (ISBN 978-019881307) 自由主义、中立主义和性别分工。吉娜·肖滕。牛津:牛津大学出版社,2019(ISBN 978-019881307)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-08-16 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.28
Cynthia A. Stark
The gendered division of labor (GDL) is the phenomenon whereby most unpaid household and caring work is done by women, regardless of whether they also do paid work outside of the home. It is sustained by ideologies, practices, and institutional arrangements. Examples include workplace norms demanding worker dedication, which leave workers little time for domestic work, and ideals of motherhood that encourage women to devote themselves unflaggingly to their children. A gender-egalitarian division of labor obtains when domestic labor is divided more or less equally between men and women. Gina Schouten ’ s Liberalism, Neutrality, and the Gendered Division of Labor presents a careful, sophisticated, if somewhat elaborate, argument that the coercive realization of increased opportunities for a gender-egalitarian division of labor can be justified using the limited, but, we assume, independently justified, tools of political liberalism. Schouten begins by presenting data showing that the GDL is indeed entrenched and that individual strategies for avoiding it are costly and difficult. Chapter 2 first explains the obstacle political liberalism presents to combating the GDL, namely the neutrality constraint. This constraint prohibits policies justified by appeal to a particular world-view, such as Catholicism or classical liberalism. Second, it considers and rejects some options for working around this constraint. They include the claim that opposition to a gender-egalitarian division of labor is unreasonable, that the GDL is nonvol-untary, and that it violates basic liberties. Chapters 3 and 5 rebut two prominent arguments for implementing a gender-egalitarian division of labor that observe the neutrality constraint. One claims that the GDL is a type of distributive injustice and the other claims that the GDL undermines women ’ s equal citizenship. Schouten ’ s alternative “ stability argument, ” which I reconstruct below, unfolds in chapters 4, 6, and 7.
性别分工(GDL)是一种现象,即大多数无报酬的家务和照顾工作都由女性完成,无论她们是否也在家外从事有报酬的工作。它是由意识形态、实践和制度安排支撑的。例子包括要求工人奉献精神的工作场所规范,这让工人几乎没有时间做家务,以及鼓励女性坚定不移地为孩子奉献的母性理想。当家务劳动在男性和女性之间或多或少地平均分配时,就会产生性别平等的劳动分工。Gina Schouten的《自由主义、中立和性别分工》提出了一个谨慎、复杂的论点,如果有点复杂的话,即强制性地实现性别平等分工的机会增加,可以使用有限的、但我们认为是独立合理的政治自由主义工具来证明这一点。Schouten首先介绍了数据,表明GDL确实根深蒂固,避免GDL的个别策略成本高昂且困难。第二章首先阐述了政治自由主义对对抗民主德国的障碍,即中立性约束。这种限制禁止了通过诉诸特定世界观(如天主教或古典自由主义)来证明其合理性的政策。其次,它考虑并拒绝了一些绕过这一约束的选项。其中包括反对性别平等的分工是不合理的,GDL是非暴力的,它侵犯了基本自由。第3章和第5章反驳了两个关于实施性别平等分工的突出论点,这两个论点遵循中立约束。一个声称GDL是一种分配不公,另一个则声称GDL破坏了女性的平等公民身份。Schouten的另一种“稳定性论证”,我在下面重构,在第4、6和7章中展开。
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引用次数: 1
Freedom to Care: Liberalism, Dependency Care, and Culture Asha Bhandary, New York: Routledge, 2020 (ISBN: 978-0367245481) 自由关怀:自由主义,依赖关怀,和文化阿莎班达里,纽约:劳特利奇,2020 (ISBN: 978-0367245481)
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-06-02 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.18
Lori Watson
Liberal political theory has long been criticized for its omissions regarding the concerns of justice raised by the facts of human dependency. In Freedom to Care: Liberalism, Dependency Care, and Culture, Asha Bhandary aims to reconstruct a version of Rawlsian liberalism that responds to the basic human facts of dependency and the universal need for care (to varying degrees over the course of life), as well as the fact that those who provide care for others (women, generally) are often systematically disadvantaged relative to those without caregiving responsibilities. In other words, she aims to respond to “the dependency critique” of liberalism. As is well known, Eva Feder Kittay offers the most sustained account of that critique in Love’s Labor (Kittay 1999). Kittay argues that traditional forms of liberalism, and Rawls’s view specifically, fail to account for the fact that all humans need various forms of care over the course of a life and some humans need ongoing, sustained care for the whole of life, as well as for the injustices that arise for caregivers. The theoretical bases of liberalism—including strong forms of individualism, the characterization of the moral powers of persons as requiring attainment of forms of rationality, as well as the indices for evaluating just distributions (the account of primary goods in Rawls’s work)—exclude proper theorizing about persons as dependents as well as for dependency workers and fail to provide the conceptual tools for recognizing their needs as claims of justice. Kittay suggests one solution to these problems could include adding the capacity to care to the moral powers of persons as well as including “goods related to our interdependence in state of vulnerability in the index of primary goods” (Kittay 1999, 112). Bhandary takes up Kittay’s response and frames the first chapter in terms of the Rawls–Kittay debate. However, she departs from Kittay and offers her own account of the key issues and potential solutions aiming to recover Rawls. In short, Bhandary argues that Kittay’s proposed solutions for a revised Rawlsian liberalism are inadequate because “they result in an incoherent theory when combined with other Rawslian commitments” (25). Specifically, the suggestion of adding a third moral power fails to “include all utter dependents” (for example, those with extreme cognitive impairments [31]). Rather, Bhandary argues that by making the fact of human dependency known to deliberators in the original position, representatives in that position “will know to consider that they might be a dependent charge or a dependency worker” (32). Yet Bhandary does endorse the suggestion of adding
长期以来,自由主义政治理论一直受到批评,因为它忽略了人类依赖事实所引起的对正义的关注。在《照顾的自由:自由主义、照顾依赖和文化》一书中,阿莎·班德里旨在重建罗尔斯式自由主义的一个版本,这个版本回应了人类的基本事实,即依赖和普遍的照顾需要(在生命过程中程度不同),以及那些照顾他人的人(一般是女性)往往相对于那些没有照顾责任的人处于系统的不利地位。换句话说,她旨在回应自由主义的“依赖批判”。众所周知,Eva Feder Kittay在《爱的劳动》(Kittay 1999)一书中对这一批评提供了最持久的描述。Kittay认为,传统形式的自由主义,特别是罗尔斯的观点,未能解释这样一个事实,即所有人在一生中都需要各种形式的照顾,有些人一生都需要持续不断的照顾,以及照顾者所产生的不公正。自由主义的理论基础——包括强烈的个人主义形式,将人的道德力量描述为需要达到理性的形式,以及评估公正分配的指标(罗尔斯作品中对初级商品的描述)——排除了将人作为依赖者和依赖者的人进行适当的理论化,并且未能提供概念性工具来承认他们的需求是正义的要求。Kittay建议,解决这些问题的一种方法可能包括增加照顾人的道德力量的能力,以及将“与我们在脆弱状态下的相互依赖相关的商品纳入初级商品指数”(Kittay 1999,112)。班达里采纳了基蒂的回应,并以罗尔斯与基蒂之争为第一章的框架。然而,她离开了Kittay,提出了她自己的关键问题和潜在的解决方案,旨在恢复罗尔斯。简而言之,班达里认为,基泰提出的修正罗尔斯自由主义的解决方案是不充分的,因为“当与其他罗尔斯的承诺结合在一起时,它们会导致一个不连贯的理论”(25)。具体来说,增加第三种道德力量的建议未能“包括所有完全依赖的人”(例如,那些有极端认知障碍的人)。相反,Bhandary认为,通过让处于原始位置的审议者知道人类依赖的事实,处于该位置的代表“将知道考虑他们可能是一个依赖者或依赖工作者”(32)。然而,班达里确实赞同增加的建议
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引用次数: 0
A Pregnant Pause: Pregnancy, Miscarriage, and Suspended Time 怀孕暂停:怀孕,流产和暂停时间
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.5
Victoria Browne
Abstract This article takes the rupturing of normative, linear, reproductive time that occurs in the event of miscarriage as a potentially generative philosophical moment—a catalyst to rethink pregnancy aside from the expectation of child-production. Pregnant time is usually imagined as a linear passage toward birth. Accordingly, the one who “miscarries” appears as suspended within an arrested journey that never arrived at its destination, or indeed, as ejected from pregnant time altogether. But here I propose to rethink both pregnancy and miscarriage through the lens of “suspended time”—a theoretical move that shifts the accent from the future as the dominating frame of reference to the lived present. Drawing on work by Kathryn Bond Stockton, Lauren Berlant, Lisa Baraitser, and others, the article explores overlooked temporalities of pregnancy and miscarriage that operate not in the mode of futural projection or futural loss, but rather through present-oriented forms of adjustment and sensing, attachment and intimacy, maintenance and care. By “suspending the future,” then, we can resist the oppositional framing of pregnancy and miscarriage, because if pregnant time is not represented in exclusively future-oriented terms as being-toward-birth, then miscarriage need not be understood as pregnancy's undoing.
摘要本文将流产时发生的规范性、线性生殖时间的断裂视为一个潜在的生成性哲学时刻,这是一个催化剂,可以在期待孩子出生的同时重新思考怀孕问题。怀孕时间通常被想象成一段直线的分娩过程。因此,“流产”的人看起来是在从未到达目的地的被捕旅程中被停职,或者实际上是完全从怀孕期被驱逐。但在这里,我建议通过“暂停时间”的视角来重新思考怀孕和流产——这是一个理论上的举措,将重点从未来作为生活现在的主要参照系。这篇文章借鉴了Kathryn Bond Stockton、Lauren Berlant、Lisa Baraitser等人的作品,探讨了被忽视的怀孕和流产的暂时性,这些暂时性不是以未来预测或未来损失的模式运作的,而是通过以当下为导向的调整和感知、依恋和亲密、维持和护理形式运作的。那么,通过“暂停未来”,我们可以抵制怀孕和流产的对立框架,因为如果怀孕时间不是完全以未来为导向的,那么流产就不必被理解为怀孕的毁灭。
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引用次数: 1
A Love Ethic for Black Feminisms: The Necessity of Love in Black Feminist Discourses and Discoveries 黑人女性主义的爱伦理:黑人女性主义话语与发现中爱的必要性
IF 1.1 1区 哲学 0 PHILOSOPHY Pub Date : 2022-05-11 DOI: 10.1017/hyp.2022.13
Ezinwanne Toochukwu Odozor
Abstract Black feminisms offer lenses through which Black women can resist and re-exist under new emancipatory conditions. Part of that work is uncovering roots and routes through which Black women's lives can come to the fore as articulated centers. Such a mandate, I argue, must center love. This article's work, therefore, is to articulate the function of love, as an ethic and a discourse of love as a dialectic space, in the creation of emancipatory spaces for Black women. In particular, this article aims to articulate how a love ethic, as a princple, can be used to support a citational politics for Black women toward a Black feminist reclamatory past, liberatory present, and emancipated future.
抽象的黑人女性主义提供了镜头,通过这些镜头,黑人女性可以抵抗并在新的解放条件下重新存在。这项工作的一部分是揭示黑人女性的生活作为铰接中心脱颖而出的根源和途径。我认为,这样的授权必须以爱为中心。因此,本文的工作是阐明爱作为一种伦理的作用,以及爱作为一个辩证空间的话语,在为黑人女性创造解放空间中的作用。特别是,这篇文章旨在阐明如何将爱情伦理作为一项原则,用于支持黑人女性对黑人女权主义复兴的过去、解放的现在和解放的未来的引用政治。
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引用次数: 2
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Hypatia-A Journal of Feminist Philosophy
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