Womens Studies International Forum最新文献

This article examines how Chinese digital feminists synergize with cyber nationalism to fight the patriarchy and strive to legitimize feminist discourse in Chinese digital realms, where online feminists face strict state censorship and nationalistic backlash. We situate pink feminism as a form of Internet-based nonconfrontational feminist activism revolving around nationalism, in which “pink” connotes young female nationalists, and analyze its precarity within an authoritarian state and neoliberal platform economy. We argue that while pink feminism contributes to the plurality of Chinese feminisms by legitimatizing feminist expression within nationalist frameworks and reinterpreting Chinese nationalism from a feminist perspective, it may inevitably reinforce the existing power structures that feminists seek to dismantle. We suggest that Chinese digital feminists should strategically and consciously engage with pink feminism without ceding feminist autonomy and reflexivity. This study enriches our understanding of the entanglement between feminism and nationalism in non-Western contexts.

Before mid-century, the Young Women's Christian Association of the USA (Y-US) was complicit with global northern imperial projects, as its work with women across national borders was characterised by an ethos of ‘imperial maternalism’. Applying Serene Khader's (2019) analysis of imperialism in global northern feminisms shows that Y-US's approach to ‘overseas’ work was ‘missionary’ in its use and promotion of ‘western’ values and strategies. Although Y-US inevitably worked within ‘asymmetrical power relations’ (Grewal & Kaplan, 2000, para.4), in the 1970s its approach shifted as it began to recognise these imbalances. By the 1980s, Y-US's ‘global’ programmes sought out women's context-specific knowledge to identify and critique structural inequalities and US imperialism, characteristic of ‘transnational feminist’ ethic. The contribution of Y-US to the YWCA movement was more complex, and positive, than a perpetuation of cultural imperialism. In its national policy and project planning and evaluations, Y-US continued until the 1980s to apply mixture of missionary and transnational feminist lenses to understand its role and responsibilities as a member of the worldwide YWCA movement, and to grapple with the implications of US power on the world stage.

In many instances, the medical approach to mental health issues remains a top-down process where patients are expected to act as purely passive agents. Yet, it is vital to recognize the agency individuals display in the medicalization of mental distress, from experiencing emotional suffering to becoming mental health patients engaged in their treatment. This qualitative study aims to describe the various forms of agency that men and women deploy to actively manage their emotional distress. Findings suggest a central role of agency in the entire process, revealing significant gender differences in recognizing and externalizing mental distress, deciding to seek medical help, managing of mental health diagnosis and psychotropic prescription, and the changes in patients´ subjective experience and social contexts. Highlighting these aspects, the study discusses the need for a nuanced and broader understanding of agency within the mental health field.

This study applied the Gaslighting at Work Questionnaire (GWQ), the Satisfaction with Life Scale (SWLS), and the Brief Resilience Scale (BRS) to 767 Turkish women who participated in an online survey via WhatsApp. Structural equation modeling and mediation analysis were used to determine whether psychological variables predicted the life satisfaction score, and the validity-reliability of the GWQ. We found that the GWQ scale is valid and reliable when used on that sample of Turkish women. Gaslighting directly and negatively predicted life satisfaction, but resilience directly and positively predicted life satisfaction. Gaslighting indirectly predicted life satisfaction by a significant amount. Resilience had mediating effect in the relationship between gaslighting and life satisfaction. Future research could focus on developing intervention and support programs to reduce the effects of gaslighting; assess the long-term effects of gaslighting with longitudinal studies; and examine the effects of different demographic groups (age, educational level, socio-economic status) on gaslighting.

This article seeks to unpack variations in feminist film sector activists' articulations of collective grievances and demands for change since the mid-1970s and compare them to how gender equality is articulated as a problem in public policy. Based on an analysis of problem representations found in three instances of women's mobilization – from the second wave to #metoo – the article argues that there seems to be a consensus about the appropriate boundaries of what problems can be targeted by policy. Problem representations found in gender equality policies in the film sector do not verbalize structural inequalities. However, feminist activists interpreted them to support their ariculations of structural problems. Feminist activists problem represntations include testimonies of sexual harassment and violence, articulations of structural inequalities, and the promotion of women's separatism. The article also identifies a discursive dislocation produced by critics to gender equality reforms in conjunction to #metoo. The dislocation is produced by successfully opposing gender equality to artistic freedom and denying the existence of structural gender inequalities.

The primary focus of this literature review is to address the complexities of friends with benefits relationships and explore underlying theories regarding the impact of sexual double standards in these relationships. The experience of women's sexuality within casual relationships is heavily influenced by gender norms and the persistence of sexual double standards. These standards subject women to negative evaluations for engaging in behaviors deemed acceptable for men. While some literature suggests that friends with benefits relationships can empower women, others highlight how sexual double standards may limit women's participation and enjoyment in these relationships. By adopting a feminist theory perspective, this literature review aims to critically assess sexual double standards in friends with benefits relationships, shedding light on both empowering and constraining aspects of these relationships. Additionally, by providing historical context and empirical data, the review allows for future research in this field to address literature gaps, attempt to deconstruct gender expectations in this non-traditional relationship, and provide theoretical support for gender equality movements.

Since its launch in 2000, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) and resulting WPS agenda are widely used by intergovernmental, governmental, and civil society actors to advance women's participation in peace and security matters. This paper investigates WPS-cyber sphere connections to uncover the implications for the WPS agenda in the digital realm. We ask: How can digital information and communication technologies (ICTs) facilitate solidarity building and efforts to support the WPS agenda? Building on WPS scholarship and cyberfeminism, we explore our question through Nepal and Sri Lanka, both postwar countries located in South Asia that demonstrate digital feminist future possibilities. Using primary sources from social media and secondary publications, we argue that there is potential for solidarity building in WPS digital networks. This paper contributes to understanding the digitalization of women's movements, building digital feminist solidarity, and the cyber realm's potential for the WPS agenda.

Discourses of womanhood are often associated with marriage and children, an identity that has been influenced by idealized discourses of femininity, and gender stereotypes for decades. What has been less considered are alternative definitions of womanhood drawing on discourses and practices of personal freedom and self-identity. This article draws on in-depth interviews with eight Australian women without children aged between 45 and 64 years to explore the words, terms, and labels they report have been used to describe their identity. Four interconnected themes emerged: More to womanhood than motherhood; Labels are problematic; Aliens on the social ladder; and No labels. The findings show how women's personal journeys compete with traditional gender roles ascribed to women creating a tension that acts as an obstacle to the autonomy of women's identity. The article highlights how feminist gains have inspired new avenues for alternative womanhood identities.

Amidst the intensification of global efforts to reduce emissions, China has prominently advocated for “carbon peaking” and “carbon neutrality” goals, and the issue of domestic carbon emissions has attracted widespread attention. Within this context, a thorough examination of energy consumption and carbon emissions within the household sector assumes paramount importance in delineating effective pathways for reducing Household Carbon Emissions (HCEs). Focusing on indirect energy use as a key representative, this article empirically investigates the influence of women's status on per capita HCEs and its underlying mechanisms, drawing on data from the 2017 Chinese General Social Survey (CGSS). The analysis reveals a notable finding: a higher women's status significantly correlates with increased per capita HCEs. Delving into the mechanisms at play, it becomes apparent that women's advancement correlates with heightened household income. This income augmentation, in turn, fuels consumption upgrades, thereby amplifying per capita HCEs, namely a phenomenon attributed to the “income effect”. Simultaneously, the advancement of women prompts households to adopt sustainable consumption patterns, representing a notable “substitution effect”. This shift in consumption preferences paradoxically contributes to increased per capita HCEs. Moreover, as women's status ascends, families display a proclivity towards sustainable consumption patterns, further accentuating the “substitution effect” and consequent reductions in per capita HCEs. Presently, in China, the “income effect” resulting from women's status holds a greater sway over per capita HCEs than the “substitution effect”. This nuanced analysis not only sheds light on the intricate dynamics governing HCEs but also furnishes policymakers with invaluable insights for crafting strategies aimed at mitigating such emissions.