Womens Studies International Forum最新文献_第3页

Climate change, resource conflicts, and rural women's empowerment in Nigeria amid democratic erosion: A feminist political economy perspective 气候变化、资源冲突和尼日利亚农村妇女在民主侵蚀中的赋权：女权主义政治经济学视角

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103270

Seun Bamidele

The crises of climate change, resource conflicts, and the decline of democracy significantly impact the empowerment of rural women in Nigeria's agrarian areas. There is increasing awareness of how environmental damage, authoritarian rule, and gender-based marginalization are linked. However, there is still little scholarly and policy attention focused on the underlying structural issues. This paper highlights a feminist political economy viewpoint to explore how climate-related resource conflicts and elite land grabbing worsen the exclusion of rural women from land, livelihoods, and political power during times of democratic decline. I look at both historical and modern processes of authoritarian consolidation and capitalist growth that uphold patriarchal control over resources and governance, harming ecological resilience and gender equality. Based on abolition feminism, I suggest a framework that examines the combined harms of environmental damage, political oppression, and gendered disempowerment. This approach reveals opportunities for meaningful action in research, policy, and collective efforts aimed at promoting rural women's empowerment and fostering fair, life-affirming futures in Nigeria's complex socio-political environment.

气候变化、资源冲突和民主衰落等危机严重影响了尼日利亚农业地区农村妇女的赋权。人们越来越意识到环境破坏、专制统治和基于性别的边缘化之间的联系。然而，对潜在的结构性问题的学术和政策关注仍然很少。本文强调了女权主义政治经济学的观点，探讨了在民主衰落时期，与气候相关的资源冲突和精英阶层的土地掠夺如何加剧了农村妇女在土地、生计和政治权力方面的排斥。我研究了专制巩固和资本主义增长的历史和现代过程，这些过程维护了对资源和治理的父权制控制，损害了生态恢复能力和性别平等。在废奴女权主义的基础上，我提出了一个框架来审视环境破坏、政治压迫和性别剥夺的综合危害。这种方法揭示了在研究、政策和集体努力方面采取有意义行动的机会，旨在促进农村妇女赋权，并在尼日利亚复杂的社会政治环境中培育公平、肯定生命的未来。

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引用次数: 0

Identity work in community volunteering: Understanding women volunteers' experiences in a Chinese context 社区义工中的身份认同工作：中国背景下女性义工的经历

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103268

Yiyi Xiong , Gong Chen , Xiao-ou Zhang

This study investigates how women volunteers in urban China perform identity work within the gendered structures of community volunteering. While community volunteerism is widely perceived as feminized, informal, and devalued labor, women actively construct, negotiate, and sometimes challenge the meanings of volunteer roles. Drawing on three months of ethnographic fieldwork in two women-led community volunteer groups in Beijing, this research shows that women navigate gendered expectations by building civic networks, formalizing their practices, and leveraging political identities. These identity strategies help volunteers gain legitimacy and resist the marginalization of their labor. Building on these findings, the study introduces the concept of permitted power to describe the bounded and state-sanctioned forms of authority that women volunteers acquire within patriarchal and bureaucratic systems. While such power remains constrained by institutional hierarchies, it enables women to act strategically within those boundaries—transforming feminized volunteer work into socially valued and politically recognized civic labor.

本研究探讨中国城市女性志愿者如何在社区志愿服务的性别结构中进行身份认同工作。虽然社区志愿服务被广泛认为是女性化的、非正式的、被贬低的劳动，但女性积极地构建、协商，有时甚至挑战志愿者角色的意义。在北京两个由女性领导的社区志愿者团体中进行了为期三个月的人种学田野调查，该研究表明，女性通过建立公民网络、使自己的行为正规化和利用政治身份来驾驭性别期望。这些身份认同策略帮助志愿者获得合法性，并抵制他们的劳动被边缘化。在这些发现的基础上，该研究引入了允许权力的概念，以描述女性志愿者在父权和官僚体系中获得的有限的和国家认可的权力形式。虽然这种权力仍然受到制度等级的限制，但它使妇女能够在这些界限内采取战略行动——将女性化的志愿工作转变为社会重视和政治认可的公民劳动。

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引用次数: 0

Gender, reggaeton and adolescence in Spain: A study with Photovoice 西班牙的性别、雷鬼舞和青春期：一项基于Photovoice的研究

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103266

María-Esther Martínez-Figueira , Silvia Sierra-Martínez , María Dolores Castro Pais

Reggaeton is the music most consumed by adolescents, constituting a sign of identity. This study analyses the image of women projected in reggaeton songs normalisation of gender violence. Photovoice allowed us to collect 944 visual-narrative representations that 118 Spanish students made about the image of women that reggaeton promotes in the 2020–22 biennium. The information was analysed by using Maxqda22. The results are organised around the two main representations of women: as sexual objects and as objects of submission. Other insights that emerge are reflections related to the reasons for the consumption of reggaeton, and feelings or considerations about the representation of women that should be promoted in this musical style. These findings show that the Spanish adolescents have the capacity to analyse the social phenomenon that violates gender policies and yet remains unscathed.

雷鬼顿是青少年消费最多的音乐，是一种身份的标志。本研究分析了雷鬼音乐中女性形象的投射与性别暴力的正常化。Photovoice使我们能够收集118名西班牙学生在2020-22两年期所做的944个视觉叙事陈述，这些陈述是关于雷鬼顿所促进的女性形象的。使用Maxqda22对信息进行分析。研究结果围绕着女性的两种主要表现形式进行组织：作为性对象和作为服从对象。其他出现的见解是与雷鬼顿消费的原因有关的反思，以及应该在这种音乐风格中促进女性表现的感受或考虑。这些发现表明，西班牙青少年有能力分析违反性别政策的社会现象，但仍然毫发无损。

引用次数: 0

Toward gender-responsive forest governance and climate actions in Myanmar: Insights from a systematic review 缅甸促进性别平等的森林治理和气候行动：来自系统审查的见解

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103265

Nyein Chan , Khin Nilar Swe , Kyaw Win , Ho Thi Phuong , Siti Kusujiarti

This study presents the first systematic review of gender dynamics in forest and climate governance in Myanmar, aiming to synthesize existing knowledge, identify research gaps, and inform policy and practice. Utilizing a structured search, 26 documents from a pool of 1027 publications were analyzed through co-word network analysis and thematic synthesis across six key areas, including gendered labor, resource access, and empowerment framing. Findings reveal persistent gender inequalities across micro, meso, and macro levels. Despite women's critical roles in local environmental management, they are systematically excluded from decision-making and equitable benefit-sharing. While national policies acknowledge gender equality, they are undermined by tokenistic implementation, weak accountability, and a lack of clear mechanisms. The study recommends shifting from superficial gender mainstreaming to gender-transformative strategies. This requires strengthening women's tenure rights and leadership, integrating gender-sensitive budgeting and monitoring, and targeted capacity-building to translate policy commitments into equitable and effective forest and climate action in Myanmar.

本研究首次系统回顾了缅甸森林和气候治理中的性别动态，旨在综合现有知识，确定研究差距，并为政策和实践提供信息。利用结构化搜索，通过共词网络分析和专题综合，对1027份出版物中的26份文献进行了分析，涉及六个关键领域，包括性别劳动、资源获取和赋权框架。研究结果揭示了微观、中观和宏观层面持续存在的性别不平等。尽管妇女在地方环境管理方面发挥了关键作用，但她们被系统地排除在决策和公平利益分享之外。虽然国家政策承认性别平等，但由于象征性的执行、薄弱的问责制和缺乏明确的机制，这些政策受到了损害。该研究建议从肤浅的性别主流化转向性别变革战略。这需要加强妇女的权属权利和领导，将对性别问题敏感的预算编制和监测结合起来，以及有针对性的能力建设，将政策承诺转化为缅甸公平有效的森林和气候行动。

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引用次数: 0

Sexual harassment in the creative and hospitality industries: a comparative media analysis to understand the mobilising power of #MeToo 创意和酒店行业的性骚扰：通过比较媒体分析了解#MeToo运动的动员力量

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103263

Anneke Meyer , Katie Milestone, Laura Watt

This article investigates British newspaper coverage of workplace sexual harassment in the creative and hospitality industries during 2024 to assess the mobilising power and limitations of #MeToo across sectors. Despite high prevalence rates of harassment reported in national surveys, the hospitality industry receives negligible media attention. In contrast, coverage of the creative industries is extensive, yet overwhelmingly dominated by celebrity cases. Using a mixed-methods design, this study combines quantitative content analysis with qualitative thematic analysis of articles published in The Sun, The Daily Mail, and The Guardian. Findings reveal two key dynamics. Firstly, celebrity status is the dominant news value driving coverage, marginalising the experiences of ordinary workers across industries. Secondly, reporting is shaped by partisan media cultures. Right-leaning newspapers The Sun and The Daily Mail routinely discredit female complainants, frame male perpetrators as the ‘real’ victims, and trivialise much harassment as ‘not real’, whereas the left-leaning The Guardian avoids such representations and adopts a victim-believing position. The analysis demonstrates that #MeToo has struggled to disrupt the celebrification of sexual harassment and to penetrate deeply into right-leaning parts of the media. Furthermore, right-leaning newspapers have politicised sexual harassment in their attacks on feminist politics, equality agendas, and the BBC, framing #MeToo as enabling a culture of left-wing ‘overreach’. As #MeToo is entangled in an increasingly polarised media environment, it becomes ever more difficult to reach audiences across the ideological spectrum and this hampers the movement's impact. What this study calls for, then, are renewed efforts to include ordinary victims, challenge media misrepresentation, and resist the cultural backlash against gender justice.

本文调查了英国报纸在2024年期间对创意和酒店行业工作场所性骚扰的报道，以评估#MeToo在各行业的动员能力和局限性。尽管在全国调查中报告的骚扰发生率很高，但酒店业受到的媒体关注微不足道。相比之下，对创意产业的报道非常广泛，但绝大多数都是名人的案例。本研究采用混合方法设计，对《太阳报》、《每日邮报》和《卫报》发表的文章进行定量内容分析和定性主题分析。研究结果揭示了两个关键动态。首先，名人身份是推动报道的主要新闻价值，将各行各业普通工人的经历边缘化。其次，报道受到党派媒体文化的影响。右倾报纸《太阳报》和《每日邮报》经常诋毁女性投诉者，将男性施暴者诬陷为“真正的”受害者，并将许多骚扰轻描淡写为“不真实的”，而左倾的《卫报》则避免这样的表述，采取相信受害者的立场。分析表明，“我也是”（#MeToo）一直在努力打破性骚扰的名人化，并深入渗透到媒体的右倾部分。此外，右倾报纸在攻击女权主义政治、平等议程和英国广播公司（BBC）时，将性骚扰政治化，将#MeToo运动定义为左翼“越权”文化的推手。随着#MeToo卷入日益两极分化的媒体环境，它越来越难以接触到不同意识形态的受众，这阻碍了运动的影响。因此，这项研究所呼吁的是，重新努力将普通受害者纳入其中，挑战媒体的虚假报道，并抵制对性别正义的文化抵制。

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引用次数: 0

“Every miscarriage is a work accident”: Theorising miscarriage through a labour lens “每一次流产都是一次工作事故”：通过劳动镜头将流产理论化

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103245

Victoria Browne

This article explores the potentials of a materialist approach to miscarriage, taking Silvia Federici's provocation that ‘every miscarriage is a work accident’ as a catalyst. It is fifty years since Federici wrote this line in her renowned ‘Wages Against Housework’ manifesto, yet miscarriage has never been given full systematic analysis within the Wages for Housework theoretical corpus, nor the broader field of social reproduction theory. After surveying accounts of pregnancy as ‘gestational labour’ or ‘work’ under capitalism from the 1970s and 80s to the present, this article suggests that the marginalisation of miscarriage within this body of work stems in part from the centrality of refusal as an organising concept, which is not obviously applicable to miscarriage as an involuntary form of pregnancy-ending. However, the article also examines the possibilities of theorising miscarriage through a materialist labour lens, arguing it can enable greater insight into the capitalist social relations and logics of productivity that shape contemporary experiences and understandings of miscarriage. Moreover, it can prompt deeper analysis of the grossly unequal material conditions in which pregnancy-endings play out, as determined by the contradictory needs of capitalist social reproduction. Labour-focused accounts of miscarriage, I argue, can thus make an important contribution to feminist analyses of stratified reproduction and Reproductive Justice theory and activism more broadly.

本文以西尔维娅·费德里西（Silvia Federici）的挑衅“每一次流产都是一次工作事故”为催化剂，探讨了唯物主义流产方法的潜力。费代里奇在她著名的“家务劳动的工资”宣言中写这句话已经50年了，然而在家务劳动的工资理论语料库中，流产从未得到过全面系统的分析，在更广泛的社会再生产理论领域也是如此。在调查了20世纪70年代和80年代至今资本主义制度下的“妊娠劳动”或“工作”对怀孕的描述后，本文认为，在这种工作体系中，流产的边缘化部分源于拒绝作为一种组织概念的中心地位，这显然不适用于流产作为一种非自愿终止妊娠的形式。然而，本文也通过唯物主义劳动视角考察了流产理论化的可能性，认为它可以更深入地了解资本主义社会关系和生产力逻辑，这些关系和逻辑塑造了当代流产的经验和理解。此外，它还可以促使人们对严重不平等的物质条件进行更深入的分析，这种物质条件是由资本主义社会再生产的相互矛盾的需求决定的。因此，我认为，以劳动力为中心的流产描述，可以对女性主义对分层生殖和生殖正义理论的分析以及更广泛的行动主义做出重要贡献。

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引用次数: 0

The hidden chains: Exploring pathways of women trafficking in Bangladesh 隐藏的锁链：探索孟加拉国妇女贩运的途径

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103264

Nasif Sadik , Subrata Banarjee

Human trafficking, particularly of women, is one of the most serious violations of human rights. Bangladesh, due to its geopolitical location, the socioeconomic status of its women, and its insecure borders with neighbouring countries on all sides, is a common country of origin and transit for human trafficking. The main objective of this study is to determine the pathways of women trafficking in Bangladesh, and explore the vulnerabilities of victims. To conduct this study, an exploratory qualitative research design was employed, with participants selected from the Dhaka Metropolitan Area. The findings of the study reveal that the majority of victims are young and come from a disadvantaged socioeconomic background. Traffickers exploit the vulnerabilities of these women by offering false promises of employment and a better lifestyle, ultimately leading to sexual exploitation. During this process, trafficking groups organize themselves and seek assistance from border security forces, middlemen, and politicians, using various deceptive methods to evade detection by law enforcement agencies. Additionally, unlike traditional trafficking methods, traffickers now utilize social media and digital platforms to target their victims. Most victims endure rape, gang rape, drug injection, threats of murder, extreme physical and mental torture, and are denied access to basic necessities. Policy implications of the study include strengthening border security, addressing socioeconomic vulnerabilities, enhancing law enforcement efforts, regulating digital platforms, and providing comprehensive support services for trafficking survivors to prevent and combat human trafficking.

贩卖人口，特别是贩卖妇女，是最严重侵犯人权的行为之一。由于其地缘政治位置、妇女的社会经济地位以及与邻国的边界不安全，孟加拉国是人口贩运的常见来源国和过境国。本研究的主要目的是确定孟加拉国妇女贩运的途径，并探讨受害者的脆弱性。为了进行这项研究，采用了探索性质的研究设计，参与者来自达卡大都市区。研究结果显示，大多数受害者都是年轻人，来自弱势的社会经济背景。人贩子利用这些妇女的脆弱性，提供就业和更好的生活方式的虚假承诺，最终导致性剥削。在这一过程中，贩运集团组织起来，寻求边境安全部队、中间人和政客的帮助，利用各种欺骗手段逃避执法机构的侦查。此外，与传统的贩运方法不同，贩运者现在利用社交媒体和数字平台来瞄准受害者。大多数受害者忍受强奸、轮奸、注射毒品、谋杀威胁、极端的身心折磨，并且无法获得基本必需品。该研究的政策影响包括加强边境安全，解决社会经济脆弱性，加强执法工作，规范数字平台，为人口贩运幸存者提供全面支持服务，以预防和打击人口贩运。

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引用次数: 0

“When you're the femme, you're the mummy” “当你是女人时，你就是木乃伊”

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-11-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103246

Laura Ansloos , Rhea Ashley Hoskin , Lilith A. Whiley

While research has documented the challenges faced by working mothers in heterosexual relationships, our understanding of how sexual minority women parents negotiate divisions of labor in a dual-career household is more limited. Moreover, existing studies have primarily focused on binary gender categories—men and women—without adequately accounting for the role of gender expression (e.g., masculinity, femininity) in shaping domestic dynamics. To illuminate both and build diverse understandings of “working motherhood,” we apply femme theory to analyze 11 interviews with sexual minority femme working mothers in dual-career partnerships. We identify two central themes in femmes' experiences of managing divisions of labor: 1) feeling overwhelmed and overworked, but still better than heterosexual partnerships; and 2) queerness does not disrupt gender ideologies, femmes are still expected to perform feminine-coded tasks such as childcare. Our findings demonstrate that gender expression, not just gender, shapes the division of labor. The egalitarian ideals at the heart of LGBTQ+ communities do not shield couples from femmephobic hegemonic gender structures. We theorize that gender expression (as well as gender) shapes relationship dynamics.

虽然研究记录了职场母亲在异性恋关系中所面临的挑战，但我们对性取向少数的女性父母如何在双职工家庭中协商劳动分工的理解更为有限。此外，现有的研究主要集中在二元性别范畴——男性和女性——没有充分考虑性别表达（例如，男性气质，女性气质）在塑造家庭动态中的作用。为了阐明这两者，并建立对“职业母亲”的不同理解，我们运用女性理论分析了11位对双职业伙伴关系中性少数女性职业母亲的采访。我们在女性管理劳动分工的经历中发现了两个中心主题：1)感到不堪重负和过度劳累，但仍然比异性恋伙伴关系要好；2)酷儿身份并没有扰乱性别意识形态，女性仍然被期望去做一些女性化的任务，比如照顾孩子。我们的研究结果表明，性别表达，而不仅仅是性别，塑造了劳动分工。LGBTQ+社区核心的平等主义理想并不能保护夫妻免受女性恐惧症的霸权性别结构的影响。我们的理论认为，性别表达（以及性别）塑造了关系的动态。

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引用次数: 0

From hours to agency: Time use as a proxy for gendered work and well-being of women 从小时到代理：时间使用作为性别工作和妇女福祉的代理

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-11-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103262

Bornali Borah

The gender binary used to classify, analyse and understand gender differences by dividing the population into two groups undermines the social construct of gender and how it plays out to affect individual well-being. Conventional well-being measures too, often neglect the geographical variations in gender norms. To address this gap, the study employs time use as a gender-neutral indicator, drawing on Sen's Capability Approach and Bourdieu's concept of habitus to demonstrate how time—often viewed as an objective resource—is socially shaped by deeply embedded gendered dispositions. Using a time use survey in Assam and Meghalaya—two neighboring North East Indian states with distinct gender norms—the study examines both gendered and intra-gender differences in time allocation to avoid treating women as a monolithic group. In line with Sen's Capability Approach, the findings demonstrate that when time is understood as a resource, time poverty is not just limited discretionary hours but a restriction on women's substantive freedoms and overall well-being.

通过将人口分为两组来对性别差异进行分类、分析和理解的二元性别破坏了性别的社会结构及其对个人福祉的影响。传统的幸福指标也常常忽视性别规范的地域差异。为了解决这一差距，该研究采用时间使用作为性别中立的指标，借鉴了森的能力方法和布迪厄的习惯概念，以证明时间（通常被视为客观资源）是如何被根深蒂固的性别倾向在社会上塑造的。通过对阿萨姆邦和梅加拉亚邦（印度东北部两个性别规范截然不同的相邻邦）的时间使用情况进行调查，研究调查了两性和性别内部在时间分配方面的差异，以避免将女性视为一个单一的群体。与Sen的能力方法一致，研究结果表明，当时间被理解为一种资源时，时间贫困不仅仅是有限的可自由支配的时间，而是对妇女实质性自由和整体福祉的限制。

引用次数: 0

Understanding resilience and resistance against sexual harassment in a patri-authoritarian context 了解在父权专制背景下对性骚扰的恢复力和抵抗力

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103253

Yuchen Viveka Li , Lisa Eklund

This article adds to the growing body of literature on the #MeToo movement in non-Western contexts. It explores the concept of resilience in the context of workplace sexual harassment in China, drawing on 26 cases from the #MeToo in China Archives (2018–2019). Using thematic analysis, the study examines the actions of the harassed individuals, the support they received, and how they handled and coped with trauma, highlighting how resilience and resistance are shaped within the constraints of a patri-authoritarian context. In such a context, deeply entrenched male-centered ideology and traditional values, coupled with state control and surveillance and limited freedom of expression, create an environment in which sexual harassment is enabled and sustained. Findings reveal that resilience in this context is a dynamic process that unfolds over time. The study demonstrates how resilience can, under shifting structural conditions, evolve into visible acts of resistance. Additionally, resilience is not only externalized through social and political action but also internalized as cognitive resilience, as victim-survivors move beyond internalized self-blame and patriarchal definitions of love and sexuality.

这篇文章增加了非西方背景下关于#MeToo运动的文献。该报告以2018-2019年“我也是”中国档案中的26个案例为例，探讨了中国工作场所性骚扰背景下的弹性概念。通过主题分析，该研究考察了被骚扰者的行为、他们得到的支持，以及他们如何处理和应对创伤，强调了在父权专制背景下，韧性和抵抗力是如何形成的。在这种背景下，根深蒂固的以男性为中心的意识形态和传统价值观，加上国家的控制和监视以及言论自由的限制，创造了一个使性骚扰成为可能和持续的环境。研究结果表明，在这种情况下，弹性是一个随时间展开的动态过程。这项研究表明，在不断变化的结构条件下，弹性如何演变成可见的抵抗行为。此外，复原力不仅通过社会和政治行动外化，而且作为认知复原力内化，因为受害者-幸存者超越了内化的自责和父权制对爱和性的定义。

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引用次数: 0