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What remains: Crisis, neoliberal capture, and care among Moldovan feminists 剩下的是:摩尔多瓦女权主义者的危机、新自由主义的俘获和关怀
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103233
Gražina Bielousova
The article interrogates the construction of Moldova as a site of permanent crisis that necessitates and justifies intervention through international aid, governance, and development frameworks. Drawing on ethnographic interviews with feminist NGO workers and activists in Moldova, it examines how crisis-thinking, deeply embedded in donor discourse and policy infrastructures, shapes the conditions under which these feminist actors operate. While engaging with critiques of NGO-ization and the neoliberal cooptation of feminist labor, the article shifts focus to what exceeds these frameworks: forms of care, and solidarity that cannot be fully captured by quantifiable outcomes or donor logic. Conceptualizing this through the lens of fugitive feminist excess—a term drawn from dialogue with the Black radical tradition—the article identifies affective, relational, and unrecognized feminist labor that persists within and beyond developmentalist discourses and structures. Rather than offering a romanticized vision of resistance, the article foregrounds exhaustion, ambivalence, and the politics of survival as sites of generative feminist work. It concludes by arguing that such unquantifiable, quiet, persistent labor of mutual care is what remains despite ongoing crises and interventions.
本文质疑摩尔多瓦的建设是一个永久性的危机场所,需要通过国际援助、治理和发展框架进行干预。通过对摩尔多瓦女权主义非政府组织工作人员和活动家的民族志采访,本书考察了深深植根于捐赠话语和政策基础设施中的危机思维如何塑造了这些女权主义行动者的运作条件。在对非政府组织和新自由主义对女权主义劳动的吸纳进行批评的同时,这篇文章将焦点转移到超越这些框架的东西上:关怀的形式,以及不能被量化结果或捐助者逻辑完全捕获的团结。通过逃亡的女权主义过度的镜头来概念化这一点——一个从与黑人激进传统的对话中得出的术语——文章确定了在发展主义话语和结构内外持续存在的情感、关系和未被认识的女权主义劳动。这篇文章并没有提供一种浪漫化的抵抗,而是将疲惫、矛盾心理和生存政治作为生成女性主义作品的场所。它的结论是,尽管危机和干预持续不断,但这种不可量化的、安静的、持久的相互关怀的劳动仍然存在。
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引用次数: 0
Employing women's rights as a racist weapon: The case of Giorgia Meloni in Italy's radical right 利用妇女权利作为种族主义武器:意大利激进右翼的乔治娅·梅洛尼案例
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103237
Diego Lasio , Emanuela Girei , João Manuel de Oliveira , Luana Piras , Francesco Serri
This study analyses how Giorgia Meloni, leader of the Italian radical right party Fratelli d'Italia and current Prime Minister, employs women's rights as a discursive strategy to legitimise nationalist and anti-immigration positions. Drawing on scholarship in gender, postcolonial and migration studies, it reveals how Meloni's standing for (carefully selected) women's rights serves to nurture and perpetuate orientalised representations of Muslim migrants, grounded in the same binary thinking that justifies colonialism and white supremacy. Based on the analysis of Meloni's social media posts published between January 2015 and September 2022, we argue that her representations of women's rights function as discursive weapons deployed to uphold racialised and exclusionary nationalist agendas. By contextualising her defence of women's rights within her broader self-positioning as the “Christian mother of the homeland”, we highlight her dismissal of gender politics, contributing to existing debates on femonationalism.
本研究分析了意大利激进右翼政党意大利自由联盟(Fratelli d’italia)领导人、现任总理乔治娅·梅洛尼(Giorgia Meloni)如何将妇女权利作为一种话语策略,使民族主义和反移民立场合法化。本书借鉴了性别、后殖民和移民研究方面的学术成果,揭示了梅洛尼对(精心挑选的)妇女权利的支持是如何培育和延续了对穆斯林移民的东方化表述,这种表述基于为殖民主义和白人至上主义辩护的二元思维。基于对梅洛尼在2015年1月至2022年9月期间发布的社交媒体帖子的分析,我们认为她对妇女权利的表述是用来维护种族化和排斥性民族主义议程的话语武器。通过将她对妇女权利的捍卫置于她更广泛的自我定位中,即“祖国的基督教母亲”,我们强调了她对性别政治的不屑一顾,为现有的关于女性民族主义的辩论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Loss, trauma, and survival: Experiences of Syrian migrant widows in Türkiye 丧失、创伤与生存:叙利亚移民寡妇在土耳其的经历
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-11-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103239
Aykut Can Demirel , Metin Gani Tapan , Ayşe Nur Katmer
Despite the growing body of research on refugee women, the specific experiences of widows who have lost their spouses in civil wars and conflicts remain underexplored. This study examines the lived experiences of eight Syrian immigrant widows residing in Kilis, Türkiye, whose husbands died or went missing during the Syrian Civil War. Using thematic analysis of in-depth qualitative interviews, four interrelated themes were identified: (1) difficulties in social life, including self-stigma, isolation, and marginalization; (2) challenges of single parenthood, marked by sacrifice, perceived inadequacy, and financial hardship; (3) impact of traditional and patriarchal structures, encompassing forced remarriage pressure, restrictions on social participation, denial of inheritance rights, self-stigma, and internalized patriarchy; and (4) a spiral of violence, reflected in psychological harassment and threats, physical violence and punishment, sexual exploitation and coercion, and faith-and child-centered resilience. The findings reveal that widowhood in exile is not merely a private condition but a socially and politically constructed identity that deepens vulnerability while fostering resilience through faith, solidarity and maternal devotion. These results contribute to the scholarship on gender and forced migration by foregrounding widows' voices as sites of compounded marginalization and agency. The policy and practice implications include the need for empowerment-oriented social work interventions that expand access to education, vocational training, psychosocial support, and economic opportunities, enabling widows to move beyond cycles of dependency and actively participate in community life.
尽管对难民妇女的研究越来越多,但在内战和冲突中失去配偶的寡妇的具体经历仍未得到充分探讨。本研究考察了居住在土耳其基利斯的八名叙利亚移民寡妇的生活经历,她们的丈夫在叙利亚内战期间死亡或失踪。通过对深度定性访谈的专题分析,确定了四个相互关联的主题:(1)社会生活中的困难,包括自我耻辱、孤立和边缘化;(2)单亲家庭面临的挑战,以牺牲、意识到的不足和经济困难为特征;(3)传统父权结构的影响,包括强迫再婚压力、限制社会参与、剥夺继承权、自我污名化和父权内化;(4)暴力螺旋式上升,反映在心理骚扰和威胁、身体暴力和惩罚、性剥削和胁迫以及以信仰和儿童为中心的复原力。研究结果表明,流亡寡妇不仅是一种私人状况,而且是一种社会和政治建构的身份,它加深了脆弱性,同时通过信仰、团结和母性奉献培养了复原力。这些结果通过突出寡妇的声音作为复合边缘化和代理的场所,有助于研究性别和强迫移民。政策和实践方面的影响包括,需要采取以赋权为导向的社会工作干预措施,扩大获得教育、职业培训、社会心理支持和经济机会的机会,使丧偶者能够摆脱依赖循环,积极参与社区生活。
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引用次数: 0
I'm just a girl in the world (That's all you'll let me be): Exploring young women's perceptions of hypersexualization and infantilization within experiences of girlhood 我只是这个世界上的一个女孩(这就是你让我成为的一切):探索年轻女性在少女时代经历中对过度性化和幼稚化的看法
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103235
Nia Rocca
Despite the visibility of ‘girl trends’ on TikTok, little research explores how women interpret and engage with these cultural messages and how they link to broader experiences of hypersexualization and infantilization. While scholars have documented how young women in North America are caught between competing expectations being hypersexualized yet infantilized, how these contradictions shape their daily lives remains unclear. Social media trends add to this complexity, blending nostalgia with empowerment while subtly reinforcing limiting gender norms. This study examines how women in their 20s navigate these tensions through engaging with girlhood and ‘girl trends’ on TikTok. Using focus groups, it captures both lived experiences and digital performances of femininity, offering insight into how social media shapes self-perception. Findings reveal that bodily awareness is central to negotiating hypersexualization, with agency mediating experiences between empowerment and shame. Participants expressed exhaustion with societal expectations, critiquing ‘girl trends’ as both acts of resistance and mechanisms of consumer-driven conformity. Nostalgia for girlhood fostered among solidarity but was also heavily commodified. Additionally, “I'm just a girl” memes functioned as coping mechanisms yet risked reinforcing infantilizing gender tropes. By extending girlhood beyond childhood, this study highlights TikTok's role in shaping female identity, challenging the tendency to dismiss girlhood as frivolous, demonstrating how media trends act as both a site of empowerment and constraint. Centering the voices of women in their 20s, this research underscores the complexities of digital femininity, revealing how social media serves as both a tool for self-expression and a reflection of broader cultural contradictions.
尽管“女孩趋势”在TikTok上很受欢迎,但很少有研究探讨女性如何解读和参与这些文化信息,以及它们如何与更广泛的过度性化和幼稚化经历联系起来。虽然学者们已经记录了北美的年轻女性是如何在过度性化和幼稚化的相互矛盾的期望之间陷入困境的,但这些矛盾如何影响她们的日常生活仍不清楚。社交媒体趋势增加了这种复杂性,将怀旧与赋权融合在一起,同时微妙地强化了限制性的性别规范。这项研究调查了20多岁的女性如何通过参与TikTok上的少女时代和“女孩潮流”来应对这些紧张关系。通过焦点小组,它捕捉到了女性的真实经历和数字表现,为社交媒体如何塑造自我认知提供了洞见。研究结果表明,身体意识是协商超性化的核心,代理在授权和羞耻之间调解体验。参与者表达了对社会期望的厌倦,批评“女孩潮流”既是一种反抗行为,也是一种消费者驱动的从众机制。对少女时代的怀念是在团结中培养起来的,但也被严重商品化了。此外,“我只是个女孩”的表情包作为应对机制发挥了作用,但却有可能强化幼稚化的性别隐喻。通过将少女时代延伸到童年之外,这项研究强调了TikTok在塑造女性身份方面的作用,挑战了将少女时代视为轻浮的倾向,展示了媒体趋势如何既是赋权的场所,也是约束的场所。这项研究以20多岁女性的声音为中心,强调了数字女性气质的复杂性,揭示了社交媒体既是自我表达的工具,也是更广泛的文化矛盾的反映。
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引用次数: 0
Sustaining the livelihood of women migrant head porters in Kumasi, Ghana: Do social networks matter? 维持加纳库马西女移民搬运工的生计:社交网络重要吗?
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-31 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103234
Lawrence Guodaar , Justice Owusu Domfeh , Paul Kwasi Kumah , Hubert Bimpeh Asiedu , Joseph Yaw Yeboah , Emma Abena Otema Sefa , Theodora Yendoh , Godfred Addai
Social networks, defined as relationships between individuals, are paramount in building livelihood resilience among vulnerable groups and communities, particularly where formal support systems are not readily available. Yet, very limited research has explored the role of social networks in sustaining livelihoods, particularly among vulnerable women groups. This paper uses cross-sectional data involving 120 female migrant head porters from the Kumasi metropolis, Ghana, to understand how they utilize social networks to create benefits that sustain their livelihoods. Results show that social networks, including customer-employee ties, friendship ties, family ties, and ethnic ties, have a positive impact on the livelihood outcomes of female migrant head porters. Through these social networks, female migrant head porters receive various forms of support, including financial, instrumental, informational, and emotional support, which helps sustain their livelihoods. The socioeconomic characteristics of migrant head porters have a significant impact on their livelihood outcomes, largely through the social networks they establish. Results highlight the potential downside of social networks, which can include shame, embarrassment, and humiliation as unintended consequences. This study highlights the importance of maintaining social networks and leveraging them for sustaining livelihoods and reducing poverty among women migrant head porters in Ghanaian cities.
社会网络被定义为个人之间的关系,对于建立弱势群体和社区的生计复原力至关重要,特别是在不容易获得正式支持系统的情况下。然而,很少有研究探讨社会网络在维持生计方面的作用,特别是在弱势妇女群体中。本文使用了来自加纳库马西大都市的120名女性移民搬运工的横断面数据,以了解她们如何利用社交网络创造维持生计的利益。研究结果显示,社会网络(客户-员工关系、友谊关系、家庭关系、族群关系)对女性流动搬运工生计结果有正向影响。通过这些社会网络,女性移徙搬运工获得各种形式的支持,包括财政、工具、信息和情感支持,帮助她们维持生计。移民搬运工的社会经济特征对他们的生计结果有重大影响,主要是通过他们建立的社会网络。研究结果强调了社交网络潜在的负面影响,包括羞耻、尴尬和羞辱等意想不到的后果。这项研究强调了维持社会网络的重要性,并利用它们来维持生计和减少加纳城市中女性移民搬运工的贫困。
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引用次数: 0
Voices of resistance and solidarity: A feminist critical discourse analysis of #AuratMarch discourse on Twitter 反抗与团结的声音:推特上#AuratMarch话语的女权主义批评话语分析
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-28 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103232
Nayab Iqbal , Nor Fariza Mohd Nor , Azianura Hani Shaari , Kaukab Abid Azhar
This study employs Feminist Critical Discourse Analysis (FCDA) to examine the #AuratMarch discourse on X (previously known as Twitter) during its 2024 occurrence in Pakistan, with a focus on key themes such as interdiscursivity, intertextuality, power and ideology. Through qualitative analysis of purposively sampled tweets from March 7th to 10th, this paper investigates how digital discourse shapes and reflects feminist ideologies and identities. The findings reveal how the #AuratMarch challenges entrenched patriarchal structures and conservative ideologies. Moreover, the study highlights the march's role in promoting systemic change and addressing gender-based violence, which illustrates the power of digital platforms as crucial spaces for feminist expression and activism. It also addresses the resistance from conservative elements within the society, illustrating the ongoing ideological conflict over gender equality. The findings suggest future research directions, including the exploration of digital activism across other platforms and in different conservative environments to further understand effective feminist advocacy strategies. This paper contributes to the discourse on digital feminism by demonstrating how social media can be a powerful tool for societal change and gender equality advocacy.
本研究采用女权主义批评话语分析(FCDA)来研究2024年在巴基斯坦发生的#AuratMarch X(以前称为Twitter)上的话语,重点关注话语间性、互文性、权力和意识形态等关键主题。本文通过对3月7日至10日有目的采样的推文进行定性分析,探讨数字话语如何塑造和反映女性主义意识形态和身份。调查结果揭示了#AuratMarch是如何挑战根深蒂固的父权结构和保守意识形态的。此外,该研究还强调了游行在促进系统性变革和解决性别暴力方面的作用,这说明了数字平台作为女权主义表达和行动的重要空间的力量。它还讲述了社会中保守分子的抵制,说明了围绕性别平等的意识形态冲突。研究结果表明了未来的研究方向,包括探索跨其他平台和不同保守环境的数字行动主义,以进一步了解有效的女权主义倡导策略。本文通过展示社交媒体如何成为社会变革和倡导性别平等的有力工具,为数字女权主义的论述做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
A social semiotic analysis of visual representation in science textbooks for Maarif Model for Turkey's century 土耳其世纪Maarif模型科学教科书中视觉表征的社会符号学分析
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103229
Menşure ALKIŞ KÜÇÜKAYDIN
Textbooks are visual tools that convey not only academic knowledge but also social norms and values. These visuals play a crucial role in shaping students' perceptions of gender and their identification with science. In this context, the study examines the visual representations of female figures in science textbooks developed within the scope of the Maarif Model for Turkey's Century, utilizing a social semiotic framework. In the study, the frequency of representation, narrative roles, conceptual structures, gaze, frame distances, and on-page positions of male and female figures are analyzed in terms of their numerical and semantic dimensions. The results showed that female representation was quantitatively limited. However, no clear gender-based distinctions were observed at some interactional and compositional levels. This bears traces of structural efforts toward visual equality. The study's results highlight the need for a reevaluation of educational materials to design more inclusive visual narratives that promote gender equality.
教科书不仅是传达学术知识的视觉工具,也是传达社会规范和价值观的视觉工具。这些视觉效果在塑造学生的性别观念和他们对科学的认同方面发挥着至关重要的作用。在此背景下,本研究利用社会符号学框架,考察了土耳其世纪Maarif模型范围内科学教科书中女性形象的视觉表现。本研究从数字和语义两个维度分析了男女形象的再现频率、叙事角色、概念结构、凝视、框架距离和页面位置。结果表明,女性代表在数量上是有限的。然而,在某些相互作用和构成水平上没有观察到明显的基于性别的差异。这是为了实现视觉平等而进行的结构性努力。研究结果强调,需要重新评估教育材料,设计更具包容性的视觉叙事,促进性别平等。
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引用次数: 0
Controlling women's voices: Legal repression and the silencing of the #MeToo movement in India 控制女性的声音:印度对#MeToo运动的法律压制和沉默
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103226
Vera Heuer
In India and other states with a common law system, defamation laws enable alleged perpetrators to sue survivors of gender violence if the latter has not attempted to file formal charges but identified the perpetrator in public. In the context of India's #MeToo movement, the cultural and political elite actively silenced survivors' voices speaking out against sexual harassment perpetrated by men in power position by relying on strategic defamation suits. Studying the politicization of defamation law in India as a tool for controlling the public discourse on sexual harassment, will shed light on the impact of legal repression. The limited traction of the #MeTooIndia campaign, which has so far been attributed to the movement's lack of inclusivity and integrating marginalized women of lower caste and economic background, cannot be fully explained without accounting for the role of repression. To advance the argument on the impact of targeted legal repression, prominent cases of public allegations of sexual misconduct will be used to trace the evolution of the #MeToo movement in India and to illustrate how strategic defamation suits contributed to the erosion of the discourse on sexual violence and thereby aided in the decline of the #MeToo movement in India.
在印度和其他实行普通法制度的邦,诽谤法允许被指控的施暴者起诉性别暴力的幸存者,如果后者没有试图提出正式指控,而是公开指认了施暴者。在印度的#MeToo运动背景下,文化和政治精英通过战略性诽谤诉讼,积极压制幸存者对掌权男性性骚扰的声音。研究印度诽谤法的政治化,作为控制公众对性骚扰言论的工具,将有助于揭示法律压制的影响。迄今为止,人们一直将“我也是印度”(# meooindia)运动的影响力有限归因于该运动缺乏包容性,无法整合低种姓和经济背景的边缘化女性。如果不考虑镇压的作用,就无法充分解释这一点。为了推进有针对性的法律压制的影响的论点,将使用公开指控性行为不端的突出案例来追溯印度#MeToo运动的演变,并说明战略性诽谤诉讼如何导致性暴力话语的侵蚀,从而帮助印度#MeToo运动的衰落。
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引用次数: 0
#MeToo/EuTambém: Going too far, not going far enough? #MeToo/ eutamb郁闷:走得太远,还是不够远?
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103231
Maria João Faustino
The Portuguese #MeToo, #EuTambém, was triggered by a television interview in 2021 where Sofia Arruda, a well-known actress, shared her story of sexual harassment by an unnamed powerful producer. The interview sparked a national debate on sexual harassment, leading to claims that the #MeToo movement had finally reached Portugal. This article analyses the media representations of the Portuguese #MeToo based on a dataset of opinion articles and interviews published in 2021 in three national newspapers and two news magazines. Mapping the Portuguese mediascape, I analyse how sexual harassment was mediatised after Arruda's interview and the tensions and arguments that emerged. Sexual harassment was broadly framed in terms of gendered power dynamics, but the debate was polarised. On one hand, #MeToo and public disclosures of sexual harassment were framed as going too far, by threatening due process and the presumption of innocence, thus risking discrediting “the real victims,” as well as overlapping seduction with harassment in the public discourse. On the other hand, #MeToo was criticized for not going far enough: several people commented on the lack of nominal accusations and reflected on how the Portuguese context, its scale and cultural conditions, blocked a lasting and transformative debate on sexual violence. I conclude by reflecting on the possibilities, limitations and contradictions posed by the #MeToo/EuTambém and its contribution to the public awareness of sexual violence and its gendered patterns in Portugal.
葡萄牙人的#MeToo (# eutamb2013.com)运动是由2021年的一次电视采访引发的,著名女演员索菲亚·阿鲁达(Sofia Arruda)在采访中分享了她被一位不知名的有权势的制片人性骚扰的故事。这一采访引发了一场关于性骚扰的全国性辩论,有人声称#MeToo运动终于到达了葡萄牙。本文基于2021年在三家全国性报纸和两家新闻杂志上发表的观点文章和采访数据集,分析了葡萄牙#MeToo运动的媒体表现。我描绘了葡萄牙的媒体景观,分析了在阿鲁达接受采访后,性骚扰是如何被调解的,以及由此产生的紧张关系和争论。从性别权力动态的角度来看,性骚扰的框架很宽泛,但辩论却两极分化。一方面,“我也是”运动和公开披露性骚扰被认为走得太远了,它们威胁到正当程序和无罪推定,从而有可能使“真正的受害者”失去信誉,并在公共话语中使诱惑与骚扰重叠。另一方面,“我也是”也被批评不够深入:一些人评论缺乏名义上的指控,并反思葡萄牙的背景、规模和文化条件如何阻碍了关于性暴力的持久和变革的辩论。最后,我反思了#MeToo/ eutambsamim运动带来的可能性、局限性和矛盾,以及它对提高葡萄牙公众对性暴力及其性别模式认识的贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Regulating female sexuality through honor killings: A symbolic violence perspective on a girl in the river 通过荣誉杀人来规范女性的性行为:一个河中女孩的象征性暴力视角
IF 1.9 3区 社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES Pub Date : 2025-10-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103230
Muhammad Kamran Butt , Farahat Ali
Honor killings represent an extreme form of gender-based violence that functions as a mechanism for regulating female sexuality in patriarchal societies. This study examines how the 2015 documentary A Girl in the River: The Price of Forgiveness highlights the intersection of cultural, religious, and legal frameworks that perpetuate honor-based violence in Pakistan. Using Pierre Bourdieu's theory of symbolic violence, this study analyzes how patriarchal values are reinforced through societal validation, religious misinterpretations, and legal loopholes that enable perpetrators to evade justice. Employing a thematic analysis on the documentary, the study identifies key themes, including the social legitimization of honor killings, the internalization of patriarchal norms by women, and the role of legal forgiveness in perpetuating impunity. Findings reveal that honor killings are not merely individual acts of violence but are deeply embedded in cultural ideologies that seek to maintain male control over female sexuality. This study places A Girl in the River within the wider discussion of gender violence and Islamic patriarchy, emphasizing the critical need for dialogue aimed at dismantling honor-based violence in society.
荣誉谋杀是基于性别的暴力的一种极端形式,是男权社会中调节女性性行为的一种机制。本研究考察了2015年的纪录片《河里的女孩:宽恕的代价》如何突出了巴基斯坦文化、宗教和法律框架的交叉,这些框架使基于荣誉的暴力行为永久化。运用皮埃尔·布迪厄的象征暴力理论,本研究分析了父权价值观是如何通过社会认可、宗教误解和使犯罪者逃避正义的法律漏洞而得到强化的。通过对纪录片的专题分析,该研究确定了关键主题,包括荣誉杀人的社会合法化,女性父权规范的内化,以及法律宽恕在使有罪不罚现象永久化中的作用。调查结果显示,荣誉谋杀不仅仅是个人暴力行为,而且深深植根于寻求维持男性对女性性欲控制的文化意识形态中。本研究将《河里的女孩》置于关于性别暴力和伊斯兰父权制的更广泛讨论中,强调迫切需要开展对话,以消除社会中基于荣誉的暴力。
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引用次数: 0
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