Womens Studies International Forum最新文献

An intersectional analysis of Syrian women's employment: Examining the experience of being an educated yet unemployed refugee in Türkiye 叙利亚妇女就业的交叉分析：审视<s:1>基耶省受过教育但失业的难民的经历

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103294

Ceren Avcil

This study critically analyzes the complex intersectionality of structural impediments to labor market integration experienced by Syrian women migrants across heterogeneous socioeconomic and educational demographics within the Turkish context. Utilizing an intersectional feminist theoretical paradigm grounded in Crenshaw's seminal work, this study interrogates the systemic disadvantages and structural impediments experienced by educated Syrian women in their pursuit of professional opportunities. The methodological approach employs a qualitative research design, implementing semi-structured interviews conducted through both in-person and virtual platforms. The study population, identified through purposive sampling methodology, comprises twenty highly educated Syrian women residing in Istanbul who have experienced significant obstacles to workforce integration. The analytical framework leverages MAXQDA 2024 software to facilitate a rigorous thematic analysis of the empirical data, enabling a nuanced examination of emergent patterns and theoretical constructs. The findings elucidate that despite being educated, these women encounter multiple intersecting barriers, including restricted work authorization, linguistic constraints, precarious employment conditions characterized by the absence of social protection and substandard remuneration, entrenched gender role expectations, and discriminatory practices. This investigation sheds light on how gender, ethnicity, and socioeconomic factors intersect to shape Syrian migrant women's labor market participation in Türkiye, employing an intersectional framework to explicate these complex interrelationships.

本研究批判性地分析了土耳其背景下叙利亚妇女移民在不同社会经济和教育人口结构中融入劳动力市场所经历的结构性障碍的复杂交叉性。本研究利用基于克伦肖开创性工作的交叉女权主义理论范式，探讨受过教育的叙利亚妇女在追求职业机会时所经历的系统性劣势和结构性障碍。方法方法采用定性研究设计，通过面对面和虚拟平台实施半结构化访谈。通过有目的抽样方法确定的研究人口包括居住在伊斯坦布尔的20名受过高等教育的叙利亚妇女，她们在融入劳动力方面遇到了重大障碍。分析框架利用MAXQDA 2024软件来促进对经验数据的严格主题分析，从而对新兴模式和理论结构进行细致入微的检查。调查结果表明，尽管受过教育，这些妇女遇到了多重交叉的障碍，包括工作许可受限、语言限制、不稳定的就业条件，其特征是缺乏社会保护和不合格的薪酬、根深蒂固的性别角色期望和歧视性做法。本调查揭示了性别、种族和社会经济因素如何相互影响，影响叙利亚移民妇女在土耳其劳动力市场的参与，并采用交叉框架来解释这些复杂的相互关系。

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引用次数: 0

Caste-ed out of #MeToo: Dalit women's silence and resistance in Indian digital feminism 被逐出“我也是”运动：达利特女性在印度数字女权主义中的沉默与抵抗

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103293

Ali Saha

Following Milano's viral post and Sarkar's List of Sexual Harassers in Academia (LoSHA) in October 2017, the #MeToo movement gained momentum in India, yet intersectional barriers continued to silence marginalised women. This study examines the exclusion of Dalit women's voices within #MeTooIndia, addressing a critical gap in research on digital feminist activism. Drawing on a netnographic analysis of over 2200 tweets tagged with #MeToo and #MeTooIndia, the findings show that algorithmic and visibility biases disproportionately amplified non-Dalit narratives, which received nearly five times more engagement than Dalit women's posts. While non-Dalit participants often framed harm as individual emotional or reputational loss, Dalit users engaged in meta-discursive labor to highlight structural marginalization and epistemic exclusion. Dalit organizations and relatively privileged Dalit women frequently acted as intermediaries, underscoring the scarcity of direct testimonies. The study demonstrates that feminist hashtag activism, while acknowledging caste-based violence, remains constrained by the hierarchies it seeks to challenge. By extending Spivak's theorization of subalternity, I argue that despite increased agency, Dalit women's digital voices continue to be filtered, appropriated, or silenced. This study contributes to intersectional feminist and digital activism scholarship by conceptualizing this reproduction of caste and gender hierarchies online as platformized casteism.

2017年10月，在米兰诺的病毒式传播帖子和萨卡尔的学术界性骚扰者名单（LoSHA）之后，#MeToo运动在印度获得了动力，但交叉障碍继续使边缘化女性沉默。这项研究考察了达利特女性在# meooindia中被排斥的声音，解决了数字女权主义活动研究中的一个关键空白。通过对2200多条带有“我也是”和“我也是印度”标签的推文进行网络分析，研究结果表明，算法和可见性偏见不成比例地放大了非达利特叙事，这些叙事的参与度几乎是达利特女性帖子的五倍。非达利特参与者经常将伤害定义为个人情感或声誉的损失，而达利特用户则从事元话语劳动，以突出结构性边缘化和认知排斥。达利特组织和相对享有特权的达利特妇女经常充当中间人，这凸显了直接证词的稀缺。该研究表明，女权主义标签行动主义虽然承认基于种姓的暴力，但仍受到其试图挑战的等级制度的限制。通过扩展斯皮瓦克的次等性理论，我认为，尽管达利特女性的能动性有所增强，但她们的数字声音仍在被过滤、挪用或压制。本研究通过将种姓和性别等级在网上的再生产概念化为平台化的种姓主义，为交叉女权主义和数字行动主义学术做出了贡献。

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引用次数: 0

Father-daughter relationships reflected in Druze women artists' works 德鲁兹女艺术家作品中体现的父女关系

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103292

Ebtesam Barakat , Shahar Marnin-Distelfeld

This article examines the theme of father–daughter relationships in the artwork of three Druze women artists, drawn from a broader study of 15 Druze women artists aged 27 to 55, all first-generation graduates from distinct geographic regions. While the larger study explores various themes in the participants' art, this article focuses on the father–daughter dynamic, as best represented by the works of these three artists. Specifically, it investigates their depictions of relationships where the father is physically or emotionally diminished, contrasted with the daughter's significant academic or professional success.

The central argument posits that such relationships are characterized by role reversal, with the artwork revealing an unexpected inversion of traditional gender roles. Art is examined as a platform for the daughters' expressions regarding their father image and relationship with their fathers, with the artworks reflecting these themes in terms of narrative contents and material choices. Through their art, the daughters emerge as resilient, empathetic figures who exemplify strength and compassion. Methodologically, the study employs two primary approaches: visual analysis to interpret representations of gendered and socio-political identities, and verbal content analysis derived from in-depth interviews with the artists. The core insight is that educated, artistic daughters often assume a maternal caregiving role for their fathers, are willing to get closer to their fathers whether they are still alive or after their death, and demonstrate care and empathy toward their fathers' life trajectories and difficulties, challenging conventional familial roles and social expectations.

本文考察了三位德鲁兹女艺术家作品中的父女关系主题，该主题来自对15位年龄在27岁至55岁之间的德鲁兹女艺术家的更广泛研究，这些艺术家都是来自不同地理区域的第一代毕业生。虽然更大的研究探讨了参与者艺术中的各种主题，但本文关注的是父女关系，这三位艺术家的作品最能代表父女关系。具体来说，它调查了他们对父亲在身体或情感上被削弱的关系的描述，与女儿在学业或职业上的重大成功形成对比。中心论点认为，这种关系的特点是角色转换，艺术作品揭示了传统性别角色的意想不到的反转。艺术被视为女儿们表达父亲形象和与父亲关系的平台，艺术作品在叙事内容和材料选择方面反映了这些主题。通过她们的艺术，女儿们展现出坚韧、善解人意的形象，是力量和同情心的典范。在方法上，该研究采用了两种主要方法：视觉分析来解释性别和社会政治身份的表现，以及通过对艺术家的深入采访得出的口头内容分析。研究的核心观点是，受过良好教育的、有艺术气质的女儿往往会承担起父亲的母亲照顾角色，无论父亲在世还是去世后，她们都愿意亲近父亲，并对父亲的生活轨迹和困难表现出关心和同情，挑战了传统的家庭角色和社会期望。

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引用次数: 0

Draupadi as the ‘Other’: A feminist reading through Simone de Beauvoir's The Second Sex 作为“他者”的德拉帕迪：西蒙娜·德·波伏娃《第二性》的女权主义解读

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103295

Kajal Verma, Dr Rupinder Kaur

Draupadi, a central figure in The Mahabharata, is often celebrated as a symbol of defiance, yet her narrative is profoundly shaped by patriarchal structures that regulate women's agency. This study examines Draupadi as a transhistorical figure whose experiences aligns with Simone de Beauvoir's theorization of woman as the ‘Other’ in The Second Sex. Using a qualitative feminist hermeneutic approach, the article applies Beauvoir's existential framework to three pivotal episodes: Draupadi's Swayamvara, her polyandrous marriage, and the attempted public disrobing, to examine how her identity is constructed, constrained, and negotiated within intersecting systems of male authority and social expectation. The analysis demonstrates that Draupadi's narrative embodies the forms of marginalization de Beauvoir identifies, while also revealing how she transforms imposed humiliation into moral and political agency. By situating Draupadi within a global feminist discourse, the study highlights the continued relevance of mythic narratives for understanding autonomy, embodiment, and women's negotiations with power across cultural and historical contexts. Extending Beauvoir's existential framework to a South Asian epical narrative, the article contributes to feminist theory by showing that epic figures can illuminate ongoing debates about gender, freedom, and female subjectivity.

德劳帕迪是《摩诃婆罗多》的核心人物，她经常被视为反抗的象征，但她的叙事深受控制女性能动性的父权结构的影响。本研究将Draupadi视为一个跨历史的人物，他的经历与西蒙娜·德·波伏娃在《第二性》中关于女性作为“他者”的理论一致。本文采用定性女权主义解释学的方法，将波伏娃的存在主义框架应用于三个关键的情节：德拉帕迪的斯瓦扬瓦拉，她的一夫多妻婚姻，以及试图在公共场合脱衣，以研究她的身份是如何在男性权威和社会期望的交叉系统中构建、约束和协商的。分析表明，德拉帕迪的叙事体现了波伏娃所认同的边缘化形式，同时也揭示了她如何将强加的羞辱转化为道德和政治代理。通过将Draupadi置于全球女权主义话语中，该研究强调了神话叙事对理解自主性、化身以及女性在文化和历史背景下与权力的谈判的持续相关性。这篇文章将波伏娃的存在主义框架扩展到南亚史诗叙事，通过展示史诗人物可以阐明关于性别、自由和女性主体性的持续辩论，为女权主义理论做出了贡献。

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引用次数: 0

The performance of masculinities in the 2025 presidential elections in Romania 2025年罗马尼亚总统选举中男性的表现

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103291

Oana Băluță , Ov Cristian Norocel

This article examines the 2025 Romanian presidential runoff through the lens of gendered political leadership. It explores the contours of different types of masculinities in politics as performed by the two candidates, George Simion and Nicușor Dan. We analyse the political meanings of gender and sexuality in the candidates' performances of masculinity and how these both reflect and contest Romania's inter-imperial positioning. The study employs a mixed-methods research design anchored in Critical Discourse Studies, based on a systematically compiled corpus of more than 21 h of televised debates and digital podcast interviews. The article contributes to scholarship on the gendered dimensions of political leadership, the centrality of masculinities in politics, and the role of gender in far-right mobilisation and anti-gender discourses. Analytically, it advances the concept of inter-imperiality to illuminate how gendered leadership is shaped by intersecting geopolitical, ideological, and cultural forces. Empirically, the study provides a novel comparative reading of two performances of masculinity in Romanian politics. Simion embodies a vigilante masculinity, positioning himself as a militant defender of “the people”. He conflates anti-institutional populist rhetoric with an affective register that frames him as the authentic protector of children, the family, and national morality, while articulating an inter-imperial populist stance. In contrast, Dan enacts a pragmatic technocratic masculinity, presenting himself as a rational leader grounded in expertise and institutional stability. By monopolising the political field into a centre-right position, he pre-emptively forecloses ideological competition while promoting an inclusive, family-oriented leadership model.

本文通过性别政治领导的镜头审视了2025年罗马尼亚总统决选。它探讨了两位候选人乔治·西米恩（George Simion）和Nicușor丹（Dan）在政治中表现出的不同类型男子气概的轮廓。我们分析了候选人在男子气概表现中的性别和性行为的政治意义，以及这些如何反映和竞争罗马尼亚的帝国内部定位。该研究采用了基于批判性话语研究的混合方法研究设计，基于超过21小时的电视辩论和数字播客访谈的系统汇编语料库。本文对政治领导的性别维度、男性在政治中的中心地位以及性别在极右翼动员和反性别话语中的作用等方面的学术研究做出了贡献。在分析上，它提出了帝国间的概念，以阐明性别领导是如何通过交叉的地缘政治、意识形态和文化力量形成的。从实证角度来看，本研究对罗马尼亚政治中男性气质的两种表现提供了一种新颖的比较阅读。西米恩体现了一种义务警员的男子气概，将自己定位为“人民”的激进捍卫者。他将反体制的民粹主义言论与一种情感的表达结合在一起，这种情感将他塑造成儿童、家庭和国家道德的真正保护者，同时表达了一种帝国间的民粹主义立场。相比之下，丹表现出一种务实的技术官僚的男子气概，把自己塑造成一个以专业知识和制度稳定为基础的理性领导者。通过将政治领域垄断到一个中右翼位置，他先发制人地阻止了意识形态竞争，同时推广了一种包容的、以家庭为导向的领导模式。

{"title":"The performance of masculinities in the 2025 presidential elections in Romania","authors":"Oana Băluță , Ov Cristian Norocel","doi":"10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103291","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103291","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This article examines the 2025 Romanian presidential runoff through the lens of gendered political leadership. It explores the contours of different types of masculinities in politics as performed by the two candidates, George Simion and Nicușor Dan. We analyse the political meanings of gender and sexuality in the candidates' performances of masculinity and how these both reflect and contest Romania's inter-imperial positioning. The study employs a mixed-methods research design anchored in Critical Discourse Studies, based on a systematically compiled corpus of more than 21 h of televised debates and digital podcast interviews. The article contributes to scholarship on the gendered dimensions of political leadership, the centrality of masculinities in politics, and the role of gender in far-right mobilisation and anti-gender discourses. Analytically, it advances the concept of inter-imperiality to illuminate how gendered leadership is shaped by intersecting geopolitical, ideological, and cultural forces. Empirically, the study provides a novel comparative reading of two performances of masculinity in Romanian politics. Simion embodies a <em>vigilante masculinity</em>, positioning himself as a militant defender of “the people”. He conflates anti-institutional populist rhetoric with an affective register that frames him as the authentic protector of children, the family, and national morality, while articulating an inter-imperial populist stance. In contrast, Dan enacts a <em>pragmatic technocratic masculinity</em>, presenting himself as a rational leader grounded in expertise and institutional stability. By monopolising the political field into a centre-right position, he pre-emptively forecloses ideological competition while promoting an inclusive, family-oriented leadership model.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":47940,"journal":{"name":"Womens Studies International Forum","volume":"116 ","pages":"Article 103291"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2026-01-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"146039838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

The empowerment of rural Chinese women through E-commerce entrepreneurship 通过电子商务创业增强中国农村妇女的权能

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103276

Liu Liu , Zhuqin Feng , Haiyan Zhou , Changzhi Liu , Zhenni Tang

This study examines how e-commerce entrepreneurship empowers rural Chinese women to redefine their economic, familial, and socio-political roles within the context of enduring patriarchal structures. Drawing on feminist empowerment theory, a multiple-case study of three women from Gengche town explores how e-commerce facilitates economic independence, elevates women's status within the household, and expands their influence in the community. While e-commerce provides a pathway to multidimensional empowerment, these gains are often negotiated through “patriarchal bargains” that reinforce traditional gender norms. The findings highlight both the transformative potential and the limitations of digital entrepreneurship, emphasizing the need for structural support to promote more equitable gender relations in rural China.

本研究考察了电子商务创业如何使中国农村妇女在持久的父权结构背景下重新定义她们的经济、家庭和社会政治角色。以女权主义赋权理论为基础，通过对三名庚车镇女性的多案例研究，探讨电子商务如何促进经济独立，提升女性在家庭中的地位，并扩大她们在社区中的影响力。虽然电子商务提供了多维赋权的途径，但这些成果往往是通过加强传统性别规范的“父权制讨价还价”来谈判的。研究结果强调了数字创业的变革潜力和局限性，强调需要提供结构性支持，以促进中国农村更公平的性别关系。

引用次数: 0

The online discourse of Arab-Bedouin girls in Israel 以色列阿拉伯-贝都因女孩的网络话语

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2025.103275

Aref Abu- Gweder

This study explores how Arab-Bedouin girls in Israel use new communication technologies—chiefly social media—as a mechanism for identity construction, emotional expression, and subtle resistance to traditional gendered structures. Through in-depth interviews with 15 girls aged 16–18, conducted with full confidentiality and under pseudonyms, the findings reveal that digital platforms offer these girls alternative spaces where they can freely express emotions, engage in cross-cultural interactions, and navigate sexual and social boundaries. Anonymous identities, emotional support groups, and intergroup connections are formed beyond the confines of tribal supervision, while preserving a strong sense of cultural identity. The research highlights digital discourse as a space of belonging and cultural transformation, where these girls are not merely caught between tradition and modernity—but actively reshaping their boundaries.

本研究探讨了以色列的阿拉伯-贝都因女孩如何使用新的通信技术——主要是社交媒体——作为身份建构、情感表达和对传统性别结构的微妙抵抗的机制。通过对15名年龄在16-18岁之间的女孩进行的深度访谈，在完全保密和化名的情况下，研究结果显示，数字平台为这些女孩提供了另一种空间，她们可以自由地表达情感，参与跨文化互动，并在性和社会界限中穿行。匿名身份、情感支持团体和群体间联系的形成超越了部落监督的范围，同时保留了强烈的文化认同感。该研究强调，数字话语是一个归属感和文化转型的空间，在这里，这些女孩不仅被夹在传统与现代之间，而且还在积极地重塑自己的界限。

引用次数: 0

Legalizing anti-gender ideology and civil society resistance in Turkey 土耳其反性别意识形态合法化与公民社会抵抗

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103281

Asuman Özgür Keysan

This study investigates how feminist, LGBTQI+, labour, and human rights organisations in Turkey frame and negotiate the legal institutionalisation of anti-gender ideology and how these processes generate strategic yet fragile cross-movement alliances. Drawing on Benford and Snow's framing theory and Yuval-Davis's transversal politics, the analysis is based on semi-structured interviews conducted with activists from ten organisations between April and June 2025 and organisational documents. The study conceptualises anti-gender politics in Turkey not as a societal backlash but as a state-driven, multi-layered project of “masculinist entrenchment (Yetiş & Özdüzen, 2024)” that restructures legal, ideological, and affective arenas. The findings demonstrate that activists increasingly reframe anti-gender assaults as systemic attacks on democracy, rights, and equality, producing a shift from issue-based coordination to what this article terms “strategic coexistence”, a hybrid alliance formed across previously distant ideological and organisational positions. Diagnostic framing identifies anti-gender reforms as an existential threat, prognostic framing centres on alliance-building, movement memory, and inclusive organisational practices and motivational framing foregrounds shared destiny, solidarity, and the symbolic significance of LGBTQI+ rights. The analysis reveals that while this recontextualisation widens the basis for coalition, the resulting alliance remains structurally unbalanced and fragile. Hierarchical power relations, uneven exposure to political risk, and selective silence, particularly regarding LGBTQI+ concerns, limit the depth and durability of alliances. In this context, LGBTQI+ rights serve both as a catalyst for broad-based mobilisation and as a litmus test for democratic commitment, disclosing the limitations of transversal solidarity under authoritarian regimes.

本研究调查了土耳其的女权主义者、LGBTQI+、劳工和人权组织如何构建和谈判反性别意识形态的法律制度化，以及这些过程如何产生战略性但脆弱的跨运动联盟。利用本福德和斯诺的框架理论以及尤瓦尔-戴维斯的横向政治理论，该分析基于对2025年4月至6月期间来自10个组织的活动家进行的半结构化访谈和组织文件。该研究将土耳其的反性别政治概念化，并不是将其视为一种社会反弹，而是将其视为一种国家驱动的、多层次的“男性主义壕沟”项目（yetiki &； Özdüzen, 2024），该项目重组了法律、意识形态和情感领域。研究结果表明，积极分子越来越多地将反性别攻击重新定义为对民主、权利和平等的系统性攻击，从而产生了从基于问题的协调向本文所称的“战略共存”的转变，这是一种混合联盟，跨越了以前遥远的意识形态和组织立场。诊断性框架将反性别改革视为一种生存威胁，预测性框架以联盟建设、运动记忆和包容性组织实践为中心，而激励性框架则强调LGBTQI+权利的共同命运、团结和象征意义。分析表明，虽然这种重新背景化扩大了联盟的基础，但由此产生的联盟在结构上仍然不平衡和脆弱。等级权力关系、不均衡的政治风险暴露以及选择性沉默，特别是在LGBTQI+问题上，限制了联盟的深度和持久性。在这种背景下，LGBTQI+权利既是广泛动员的催化剂，也是民主承诺的试金石，揭示了专制政权下横向团结的局限性。

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引用次数: 0

“A mother is a mother, and a father is a father.” (Anti-)gender at play in the 2024 Romanian elections “母亲是母亲，父亲是父亲。”（反）性别在2024年罗马尼亚选举中发挥作用

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103282

Ionela Băluță , Claudiu D. Tufiș

We examine in this article how anti-gender discourses affected Romania's 2024 mega-electoral year, contributing to an ongoing democratic backsliding. Based on electoral programs and an in-depth case study of the far-right Alliance for the Union of Romanians, we explore the official platforms of parliamentary parties and the performative rhetoric of candidate-launch events. We operationalize anti-gender politics through five theoretically defined and empirically updated clusters of issues, ranging from opposition to gender equality and LGBTQI+ rights to opposition to sex education and gender ideology. We find evidence of discourse capture, with anti-gender frames being normalized and spreading across the political spectrum. Through a strategy of “democratic washing,” far-right actors published sanitized manifestos while circulating homophobic, transphobic, and chauvinistic messages via social media, thereby undermining democratic norms. At the same time, mainstream parties displayed contagion effects, marginalizing or omitting gender equality, women's rights, and LGBTQ issues. Romania's semi-peripheral and inter-imperial positionality, along with its post-socialist trajectory give power and meaning to the traditional / Christian / natural family, as well as to the colonizer and neoMarxism threat. Our findings show how the anti-gender discourse functions both as a domestic mobilization tool and as a node within semi-peripheral and transnational political projects. Our article highlights the Romanian case as an example of wider European trends.

我们在本文中研究反性别话语如何影响罗马尼亚2024年的大型选举年，导致持续的民主倒退。基于选举计划和对极右翼罗马尼亚联盟的深入案例研究，我们探讨了议会政党的官方平台和候选人发布活动的表演修辞。从反对性别平等和LGBTQI+权利到反对性教育和性别意识形态，我们通过五个理论定义和经验更新的问题群来操作反性别政治。我们发现了话语捕获的证据，反性别框架被正常化并在政治范围内蔓延。通过“民主清洗”策略，极右翼分子发表了经过消毒的宣言，同时通过社交媒体传播恐同、恐变性和沙文主义信息，从而破坏了民主规范。与此同时，主流政党表现出传染效应，将性别平等、妇女权利和LGBTQ问题边缘化或忽略。罗马尼亚的半边缘和帝国内部位置，以及它的后社会主义轨迹，赋予传统/基督教/自然家庭权力和意义，以及殖民者和新马克思主义的威胁。我们的研究结果表明，反性别话语既是一种国内动员工具，也是半外围和跨国政治项目中的一个节点。我们的文章强调罗马尼亚的案例是欧洲更广泛趋势的一个例子。

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引用次数: 0

Transgressing “docile bodies”: Women's poetry in Bangla little magazines, 1950s–1970s 越界的“温顺的身体”：1950 - 1970年代孟加拉小杂志中的女性诗歌

IF 1.9 3区社会学 Q2 WOMENS STUDIES

Womens Studies International Forum

Pub Date : 2026-01-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.wsif.2026.103279

Ayan Choudhury , Seemita Mohanty , Akshaya K. Rath

During the 1950s, Bangla little magazines created a space for women poets such as Kabita Sinha, Bijaya Mukhopadhyay, and Debarati Mitra, who significantly redefined “female” subjectivity and disrupted the prevailing silence about women's body and sexuality, thereby challenging the hegemonic cultural norms and patriarchal ideologies. This article analyzes women's poetry published in two significant Bangla little magazines — Shatavisha (1951–1972) and Krittibas (1953–2020) — to explore how these periodicals functioned as alternative media that documented and enabled poetic expressions challenging regulatory frameworks of gender conformity, particularly by showcasing oppression and transgressing “taboos” surrounding the female body and sexuality. Drawing upon Michel Foucault's notion of “docile bodies” and Judith Butler's “undoing gender,” it argues that by transgressing “docility,” women poets in post-independence West Bengal established “women's poetry” as a unique category that disrupted the conventional representation of “femininity” in contemporary Bangla literature by providing “female” perspectives on gender and sexuality which were largely absent until then. In short, the article demonstrates that while little magazines allowed women poets a crucial space to experiment, they also contributed uniquely to the development of this print culture by creating a distinct tradition of “women's poetry” that reconfigured notions of body, gender, and sexuality in post-independence Bangla literature.

20世纪50年代，孟加拉的小杂志为Kabita Sinha、Bijaya Mukhopadhyay和Debarati Mitra等女性诗人创造了一个空间，她们显著地重新定义了“女性”主体性，打破了对女性身体和性的普遍沉默，从而挑战了霸权主义的文化规范和男权意识形态。本文分析了两本重要的孟加拉小杂志——《Shatavisha》（1951-1972）和《kritibas》（1953-2020）上发表的女性诗歌，以探索这些期刊如何作为另类媒体，记录和实现挑战性别顺从的监管框架的诗歌表达，特别是通过展示围绕女性身体和性的压迫和违反“禁忌”。借鉴米歇尔·福柯（Michel Foucault）的“温顺的身体”（温顺的身体）概念和朱迪思·巴特勒（Judith Butler）的“不平等的性别”（undoing gender），文章认为，独立后的西孟加拉邦的女诗人通过超越“温顺”，将“女性诗歌”建立为一个独特的类别，通过提供性别和性方面的“女性”视角，打破了当代孟加拉文学中“女性气质”的传统表现，而这在当时基本上是不存在的。简而言之，这篇文章表明，虽然小杂志给女性诗人提供了一个重要的实验空间，但她们也为这种印刷文化的发展做出了独特的贡献，创造了一种独特的“女性诗歌”传统，重新定义了独立后孟加拉国文学中的身体、性别和性观念。

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引用次数: 0