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Threat Perception and Democratic Support in Post-Arab Spring Egypt 后阿拉伯之春埃及的威胁感知和民主支持
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15822914282706
Shimaa Hatab
The article examines the reasons why Egyptian elites and masses withdrew their support for democracy only two years after they staged mass protests calling for regime change in 2011. I draw on basic tenets of bounded rationality and recent advances within the field of cognitive heuristics to demonstrate how cues generated from domestic and regional developments triggered stronger demands for security and stability. Drawing on elite interviews and public opinion surveys, I show how both elites and the masses paid special attention to intense and vivid events which then prompted a demand for the strong man model. Fears of Islamists pushed both elites and masses to update their preferences, seek refuge in old regime bargains, and reinstate authoritarianism.
这篇文章探讨了埃及精英和民众在2011年举行大规模抗议要求政权更迭仅两年后就撤回对民主的支持的原因。我利用有限理性的基本原则和认知启发式领域的最新进展来展示国内和地区发展如何引发对安全和稳定的更强烈需求。通过精英访谈和民意调查,我展示了精英和大众如何特别关注激烈而生动的事件,这些事件随后引发了对强人模式的需求。对伊斯兰主义者的恐惧促使精英和大众更新他们的偏好,在旧政权的交易中寻求庇护,并恢复威权主义。
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引用次数: 3
Institutions as Signals: How Dictators Consolidate Power in Times of Crisis 作为信号的制度:独裁者如何在危机时期巩固权力
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15815281661634
Joan C. Timoneda
Formal institutions in dictatorship are known to improve authoritarian governance and promote power-sharing. Yet institutions also act as tools of information propagation and can be used by autocrats for signaling purposes. In this article, I argue that in times of weakness, dictators follow an expand-and-signal strategy, expanding the ruling coalition to decrease the relative power of coup plotters and then create visible formal institutions to signal strong support. Doing so decreases (1) the probability that a coup is launched and (2) that one succeeds if staged. I propose a formal model to unpack the mechanisms of my argument and use the case of the Dominican Republic during Rafael Trujillo's rule to illustrate my theory.
众所周知,独裁统治下的正式机构可以改善威权治理,促进权力分享。然而,制度也是信息传播的工具,可以被独裁者用来发出信号。在这篇文章中,我认为在软弱时期,独裁者遵循扩张和信号策略,扩大执政联盟以减少政变策划者的相对权力,然后创建可见的正式机构来发出强有力的支持信号。这样做可以降低(1)政变发生的可能性,(2)政变成功的可能性。我提出了一个正式的模型来解开我的论点的机制,并使用拉斐尔·特鲁希略统治期间多米尼加共和国的案例来说明我的理论。
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引用次数: 2
Rebuilding the Ba'thist State: Party, Tribe, and Administrative Control in Authoritarian Iraq, 1991–1996 重建复兴党国家:政党、部落和行政控制在专制的伊拉克,1991-1996
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15839612212809
Lisa Blaydes
How do authoritarian states establish control in the wake of regime threatening shocks? The 1991 Uprisings—anti-regime protests across Iraqi provinces—were a turning point for Saddam Hussein and the Ba'th Party. I discuss two strategies deployed by the Ba'thist regime to reconsolidate political authority after the rebellion, both influenced by concerns about extending control to geographically-challenging locations. First, the regime collaborated with tribal intermediaries to outsource monitoring and social control of rural areas, particularly in border regions. Second, the regime expanded Ba'th Party influence in Iraq's "second cities," like Basra and Mosul, major population centers located near the border of rival states Iran and Turkey. These findings suggest weak states seek to increase their strength through investment in local political actors and in ways that are geographically differentiated across regions.
威权国家如何在政权威胁的冲击之后建立控制?1991年的起义——伊拉克各省的反政府抗议——是萨达姆·侯赛因和复兴党的转折点。我讨论了复兴党政权在叛乱后为重新巩固政治权威而采取的两种策略,这两种策略都受到了将控制权扩大到地理上具有挑战性的地区的担忧的影响。首先,该政权与部落中介机构合作,将农村地区,特别是边境地区的监测和社会控制外包出去。其次,该政权扩大了复兴党在伊拉克“第二城市”的影响力,如巴士拉和摩苏尔,这两个主要人口中心位于敌对国家伊朗和土耳其边境附近。这些发现表明,弱国寻求通过对地方政治行为者的投资以及不同地区的地理差异来增强实力。
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引用次数: 2
Women in Legislative Committees in Arab Parliaments 阿拉伯议会立法委员会中的妇女
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15869554405663
Marwa Shalaby, Laila Elimam
Extant studies have predominantly focused on women's numerical presence in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)'s legislatures, yet, research examining the role played by female politicians continues to be limited. To bridge this gap, we study one of the most important, albeit overlooked, bodies within these assemblies: legislative committees. Using an original dataset on committee memberships (n=4580), our data show that females are significantly marginalized from influential committees and tend to be sidelined to social issues and women's committees. To explain this, we develop a theory of provisional gender stereotyping. We argue that the duration of quota implementation shapes women's access to influential committees. We focus on two mechanisms to support our argument: a redistribution of power dynamics within legislative bodies and women's political expertise.
现有的研究主要集中在妇女在中东和北非(MENA)立法机构中的人数,然而,对女性政治家所扮演角色的研究仍然有限。为了弥补这一差距,我们研究了这些议会中最重要但被忽视的机构之一:立法委员会。使用委员会成员的原始数据集(n=4580),我们的数据显示,女性在有影响力的委员会中被显著边缘化,并且往往被社会问题和妇女委员会边缘化。为了解释这一点,我们提出了一个关于临时性别陈规定型观念的理论。我们认为,配额执行的持续时间决定了妇女进入有影响力的委员会的机会。我们关注两个机制来支持我们的论点:立法机构内权力动态的再分配和妇女的政治专业知识。
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引用次数: 8
Violence, Resistance, and Rescue during the Holocaust 大屠杀期间的暴力、抵抗和救援
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15863824603010
Laia Balcells, D. Solomon
What do different forms of anti-Semitic violence during World War II teach us about the comparative study of political violence? In this essay, we review three recent political science books about the perpetrators of anti-Semitic violence, the responses of their Jewish victims, and the rescue efforts that helped European Jews evade violence. These books demonstrate promising theoretical, empirical, and methodological uses for the rich historical record about the Holocaust. We use these studies to highlight the methodological innovations that they advance, the blurry theoretical boundaries between selective and collective forms of mass violence, and the possibility of agentive action by perpetrators, victims, and rescuers alike. We conclude by highlighting the social-psychology of genocidal violence and the legacies of these episodes as areas for future inquiry.
第二次世界大战期间不同形式的反犹太暴力对政治暴力的比较研究有什么启示?在这篇文章中,我们回顾了最近三本关于反犹太暴力的肇事者、犹太受害者的反应以及帮助欧洲犹太人逃避暴力的救援努力的政治科学书籍。这些书展示了关于大屠杀的丰富历史记录在理论、经验和方法上的应用前景。我们利用这些研究来强调它们所推动的方法论创新,选择性和集体形式的大规模暴力之间模糊的理论界限,以及肇事者、受害者和救援者都采取代理行动的可能性。最后,我们强调种族灭绝暴力的社会心理学和这些事件的遗产作为未来调查的领域。
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引用次数: 3
Moving Away from Maternalism? The Politics of Parental Leave Reforms in Latin America 远离母性主义?拉丁美洲育婴假改革的政治
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15893977405559
Merike Blofield, Michael Touchton
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引用次数: 9
Constitutional Rights and Social Welfare: Exploring Claims-Making Practices in Post-Apartheid South Africa 宪法权利与社会福利:探索种族隔离后南非的索赔实践
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-10-01 DOI: 10.5129/001041520x15795426509653
Whitney K. Taylor
When do individuals choose to advance legal claims to social welfare goods? To explore this question, I turn to the case of South Africa, where, despite the adoption of a "transformative" constitution in 1996, access to social welfare goods remains sorely lacking. Drawing on an original 551-person survey, I examine patterns of legal claims-making, focusing on beliefs individuals hold about the law, rights, and the state, and how those beliefs relate to decisions about whether and how to make claims. I find striking differences between the factors that influence when people say they should file a legal claim and when they actually do so. The way that individuals interpret their own material conditions and neighborhood context are important, yet under-acknowledged, factors for explaining claims-making.
个人在什么时候选择对社会福利产品提出法律要求?为了探讨这个问题,我转而以南非为例。尽管南非在1996年通过了一部“变革性”宪法,但该国仍然严重缺乏获得社会福利产品的渠道。根据一项551人的原始调查,我研究了法律索赔的模式,重点关注个人对法律、权利和国家的信念,以及这些信念与是否以及如何提出索赔的决定之间的关系。我发现,当人们说他们应该提出法律索赔时,影响他们的因素与他们实际提出法律索赔时存在显著差异。个人解释自身物质条件和社区环境的方式是解释索赔的重要因素,但未得到充分承认。
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引用次数: 1
Ex-Rebel Authority after Civil War: Theory and Evidence from Côte d'Ivoire 内战后的前叛军政权:来自科特迪瓦的理论和证据
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-07-02 DOI: 10.5129/001041521x15923094954447
Philip A. Martin, G. Piccolino, Jeremy S. Speight
How do former armed militants exercise local political power after civil wars end? Building on recent advances in the study of “rebel rulers” and local goods provision by armed groups, this article offers a typology of ex-rebel commander authority that emphasizes two dimensions of former militants’ power: local-level ties to civilian populations ruled during civil war and national-level ties to post-conflict state elites. Put together, these dimensions produce four trajectories of ex-rebel authority. These trajectories shape whether and how ex-rebel commanders provide social goods within post-conflict communities and the durability of ex-rebels’ local authority over time. We illustrate this typology with qualitative evidence from northern Cote d’Ivoire. The framework yields theoretical insights about local orders after civil war, as well as implications for peacebuilding policies.
内战结束后,前武装激进分子如何行使地方政权?在研究“反叛统治者”和武装组织提供当地商品的最新进展的基础上,本文提供了一种前反叛指挥官权力的类型,强调了前武装分子权力的两个维度:地方层面与内战期间统治的平民人口的联系,以及国家层面与冲突后国家精英的联系。总之,这些维度产生了前反叛力量的四条轨迹。这些轨迹决定了前叛军指挥官是否以及如何在冲突后社区提供社会商品,以及前叛军地方当局随着时间的推移的持久性。我们用科特迪瓦北部的定性证据来说明这种类型。该框架产生了关于内战后地方秩序的理论见解,以及对建设和平政策的影响。
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引用次数: 9
1. The Relevance of Comparative Politics 1. 比较政治学的相关性
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-29 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0001
Bo Rothstein
This chapter explains what comparative politics could be relevant for, such as informing the public debate and giving policy advice. It argues that comparative politics has a huge but sometimes underdeveloped potential for being relevant for the various aspects of human well-being, economic prosperity, and social justice that most people care deeply about. Empirical research shows that the manner in which a country’s political institutions are designed and the quality of the operations of these institutions have a strong impact on measures of population health, as well as subjective well-being and general social trust. One result is that democratization without increased state capacity and control of corruption is not likely to deliver increased human well-being. The chapter also considers whether democracy generates political legitimacy, and concludes by suggesting that comparative political science has so far paid relatively little attention to issues of state capacity, control of corruption, and institutional quality.
本章解释了比较政治可能与什么相关,例如为公众辩论提供信息和提供政策建议。它认为,比较政治在与大多数人深切关心的人类福祉、经济繁荣和社会正义的各个方面相关方面具有巨大但有时不发达的潜力。实证研究表明,一个国家政治机构的设计方式和运作质量对衡量人口健康、主观幸福感和普遍社会信任有很大影响。一个结果是,如果没有提高国家能力和控制腐败,民主化就不太可能带来人类福祉的提高。本章还考虑了民主是否会产生政治合法性,并在结论中指出,迄今为止,比较政治学对国家能力、腐败控制和制度质量等问题的关注相对较少。
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引用次数: 1
8. Governments and Bureaucracies 8. 政府和官僚机构
IF 2.3 2区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-04-29 DOI: 10.1093/hepl/9780198820604.003.0008
W. Müller
This chapter examines the decision-making modes of governments and their capacities to govern, with particular emphasis on bureaucracies that support governments in their tasks of ruling and administrating the country. It first presents the relevant definitions before discussing different modes of government that reflect the internal balance of power: presidential government, cabinet government, prime ministerial government, and ministerial government. It then considers the autonomy of government, especially from political parties and the permanent bureaucracy, along with the political capacity of governments, the relevance of unified versus divided government, majority versus minority government, and single-party versus coalition government. The chapter concludes with an assessment of the bureaucratic capacities of government, focusing on issues such as classic bureaucracy, the politicization of bureaucracies, and New Public Management systems.
本章考察了政府的决策模式及其执政能力,特别强调了支持政府执政和管理国家任务的官僚机构。它首先提出了相关的定义,然后讨论了反映内部权力平衡的不同政府模式:总统政府、内阁政府、总理政府和部长政府。然后,它考虑了政府的自主权,特别是来自政党和永久官僚机构的自主权、政府的政治能力、统一政府与分裂政府、多数政府与少数政府以及一党政府与联合政府的相关性。本章最后对政府的官僚能力进行了评估,重点讨论了经典的官僚机构、官僚机构的政治化和新的公共管理系统等问题。
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引用次数: 1
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Comparative Politics
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