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Towards an abolitionist feminist peace: State violence, anti-militarism, and the Women, Peace and Security agenda 实现废除死刑的女权主义和平:国家暴力、反军国主义和妇女、和平与安全议程
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000354
Hannah Wright, Columba Achilleos-Sarll
Ever more doubts are being raised over the ‘transformative potential’ of the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda and whether it brings us closer to realising feminist peace. Underpinning a current of WPS activism and scholarship is a radical conceptualisation of feminist peace rooted in anti-militarism, anti-capitalism, and anti-imperialism. This strand shares many commonalities with abolition feminism, yet the two literatures and movements are rarely put in conversation. While both begin from similar political commitments and analyses of the international system, they propose radically different solutions for bringing about feminist liberation. Building on this observation, we ask: (1) how would abolition feminism explain why the WPS agenda has often failed to make progress towards a radical vision of feminist peace?; and, as a corollary, (2) what does abolition feminism demand of the WPS agenda? First, using the framework of ‘reformist’ and ‘non-reformist reforms’, we argue that many WPS policies are better understood as reformist rather than transformative. Second, we argue that abolitionist thinking suggests deeper critiques of WPS than those often put forward by its anti-militarist critics, based on a broader conceptualisation of militarism. Ultimately, abolition feminism demands non-reformist, anti-carceral solutions that raise challenging questions about pathways towards feminist peace.
人们对 "妇女、和平与安全"(WPS)议程的 "变革潜力 "以及它是否使我们更接近于实现女权主义和平产生了越来越多的怀疑。妇女、和平与安全 "活动和学术研究的基础是根植于反军国主义、反资本主义和反帝国主义的激进的女权主义和平概念。这股潮流与废除奴隶制的女权主义有许多共同之处,但这两种文学和运动却很少被放在一起讨论。虽然两者都从类似的政治承诺和对国际体系的分析出发,但却为实现女权解放提出了截然不同的解决方案。在此基础上,我们提出以下问题:(1) 废除死刑的女权主义如何解释为什么 WPS 议程往往无法在实现激进的女权和平愿景方面取得进展?首先,利用 "改革派 "和 "非改革派改革 "的框架,我们认为许多 WPS 政策最好被理解为改革派而非变革派。其次,我们认为,与反军国主义批评者经常提出的批评相比,废除主义思想基于对军国主义更广泛的概念,对 WPS 提出了更深刻的批评。归根结底,废除主义的女权主义要求采取非改革性的、反军国主义的解决方案,这就为女权主义和平之路提出了具有挑战性的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Degrowth, green growth, and climate justice for Africa 非洲的脱增长、绿色增长和气候正义
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1017/s026021052400024x
C. Okereke
The concept of degrowth aligns with the principles of Climate and Environmental Justice (CEJ) in significant aspects. Both frameworks underline the need for new global structures and social movements that promote ecological conservation, local economic regeneration, and social well-being that goes beyond material accumulation. Therefore, degrowth can reinforce the pursuit of transformative global climate justice. However, I contend that significant contradictions remain between degrowth and North–South climate justice. I argue that on both conceptual and policy grounds, a ‘strong version’ of the green economy provides a better foundation for seeking international climate justice for Africa than degrowth. I also contend that green growth is a more pragmatic and realistic approach to global climate justice because it is more sensitive to the norms, structures, and dynamics of global politics.
退步增长的概念与气候与环境正义(CEJ)的原则在很多方面是一致的。这两个框架都强调需要新的全球结构和社会运动来促进生态保护、地方经济再生以及超越物质积累的社会福祉。因此,"脱增长 "可以加强对变革性全球气候正义的追求。然而,我认为,降解增长与南北气候正义之间仍存在重大矛盾。我认为,从概念和政策两方面来看,绿色经济的 "强势版本 "为非洲寻求国际气候正义提供了比 "退化 "更好的基础。我还认为,绿色增长是实现全球气候正义的一种更加务实和现实的方法,因为它对全球政治的规范、结构和动态更加敏感。
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引用次数: 0
No place to hide: The public attribution of responsibility for policy failures of international organisations 无处藏身:国际组织政策失误的公众责任归属
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-13 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000330
Bernhard Zangl, Tim Heinkelmann‐Wild, Juliane Glovania, Louisa Klein-Bölting
Who is held responsible when international organisations (IOs) fall short of public expectations? Scholarship on IO blame avoidance assumes that member states can hide behind IOs. As clarity of responsibility is assumed to be lacking in IOs, public responsibility attributions (PRA) will usually target the IO rather than individual member states. We argue, by contrast, that even in complex IOs such as the European Union (EU), clarity of responsibility is not always lacking. Therefore, whether the IO in general or individual member states become the main target of public blame attributions depends on the type of IO policy failure. In cases of failures to act and failures to comply, the responsibility of individual member states is comparatively easy to identify, and they thus become the main blame target. Only in cases of failures to perform clarity of responsibility is lacking, and the IO will become the main target of public blame attributions. To assess the plausibility of this‘failure hypothesis’, we study public blame attributions in two cases of EU foreign policy failures and two cases of EU environmental policy failures.
当国际组织(IOs)辜负公众期望时,谁来承担责任?关于国际组织避责的学术研究假定,成员国可以躲在国际组织背后。由于假定国际组织缺乏明确的责任,公共责任归因(PRA)通常会针对国际组织而非单个成员国。相比之下,我们认为,即使在复杂的国际组织中,如欧洲联盟(欧盟),也并非总是缺乏明确的责任。因此,是整个国际组织还是个别成员国成为公众指责的主要目标,取决于国际组织政策失误的类型。在不作为和不遵守的情况下,单个成员国的责任相对容易确定,因此它们成为主要的指责对象。只有在执行失败的情况下,责任才不明确,国际组织才会成为公众指责的主要对象。为了评估这一 "失败假说 "的合理性,我们研究了欧盟外交政策失败和欧盟环境政策失败两个案例中的公众责任归因。
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引用次数: 0
Images of international thinkers 国际思想家形象
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000342
Patricia Owens
This article analyses photographic portraits of three international thinkers – Merze Tate, Margery Perham, and Susan Strange – to shed new light on the intellectual and disciplinary history of Internationa Relations (IR). Photographic portraits are ubiquitous, and feminist intellectual recovery projects lend themselves to photographic representation. But IR’s historians have neglected portraits. Drawing together two thriving IR subfields for the first time, visual studies and international intellectual history, this article demonstrates the theoretical and historical gains from analysing portraits of international thinkers. When read alongside other primary and secondary sources, portraits can enable new ways of seeing IR’s history and specific thinkers, offering a distinctive and powerful resource for new narratives about the professional, gendered, and racialised contexts of international thought.
本文分析了三位国际思想家--梅兹-泰特(Merze Tate)、玛格丽-佩勒姆(Margery Perham)和苏珊-斯特兰奇(Susan Strange)--的摄影肖像,为国际关系(IR)的思想史和学科史提供了新的视角。摄影肖像无处不在,女权主义思想复兴项目也适合用摄影来表现。但是,国际关系史学家却忽视了肖像摄影。本文首次将视觉研究和国际思想史这两个蓬勃发展的国际关系分支领域结合在一起,展示了分析国际思想家肖像所带来的理论和历史收益。当与其他原始和二手资料一起阅读时,肖像画能够以新的方式看待国际关系史和特定思想家,为有关国际思想的专业、性别和种族背景的新叙事提供独特而强大的资源。
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引用次数: 0
The terrestrial trap: International Relations beyond Earth 地球陷阱:地球以外的国际关系
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000184
Enrike van Wingerden, D. Vigneswaran
Human capacity to explore and shape outer space will increase substantially over the next 50 years. Yet, International Relations (IR) theory still treats outer space as an isolated, unique, or inconsequential realm of political life. This paper moves IR beyond its ‘terrestrial trap’ by theorising planetary politics as inherently embedded in relations with environments and actors that are located beyond Earth. To face the momentous and often alarming political developments taking place in outer space, from space militarisation to space colonisation, we challenge two of IR’s terrestrial biases. First, we confront the assumption that developments in international relations take place only or primarily on Earth. We show how the historically constituted ideologies and political economies of colonisation and domination are extended to – but also transformed within – outer space exploration and settlement. Second, we challenge the notion that developments in outer space form a logical extension of politics as it has emerged on the habitable surface of our planet. We move beyond zones of human habitation and explore how the material conditions of space intersect with situated histories of political governance and control. By analysing politics beyond Earth, we retool IR theory to confront an extraterrestrial political future.
未来 50 年,人类探索和塑造外层空间的能力将大幅提高。然而,国际关系(IR)理论仍将外层空间视为孤立、独特或无足轻重的政治生活领域。本文将行星政治理论化为与地球以外的环境和行动者的内在关系,从而使国际关系超越其 "地球陷阱"。面对外太空从太空军事化到太空殖民化等重大且往往令人震惊的政治发展,我们对国际关系学的两个地球偏见提出了挑战。首先,我们正视国际关系的发展只发生或主要发生在地球上的假设。我们展示了历史上形成的殖民化和统治的意识形态和政治经济是如何延伸到外太空探索和定居的,同时又是如何在外太空探索和定居中发生转变的。其次,我们对外层空间的发展是地球可居住表面政治的逻辑延伸这一观点提出质疑。我们超越人类居住区,探索太空的物质条件如何与政治治理和控制的历史相互交织。通过分析地球以外的政治,我们重新调整了国际关系理论,以面对地外政治的未来。
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引用次数: 0
Reproducing socio-ecological life from below: Towards a planetary political economy of the global majority 从下往上复制社会生态生活:实现全球多数人的地球政治经济学
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000251
Cemal Burak Tansel, Lisa Tilley
Confronting the coming five decades from our present conjuncture demands – to paraphrase Antonio Gramsci’s famous mantra – both critical pessimism and a wilful politics of hope. In this article, we engage with the politics of climate breakdown and the responses to wider socio-ecological crises with a necessary critical pessimism. Specifically, we confront the capture of green transition imperatives by finance capital, as well as the troubling orientation of transition towards building new structures of accumulation around the vision of an electrified consumer society. We also see the coming decades being marked by the ever-increasing wealth of global asset-owning classes – who, by definition, enclose the atmospheric commons faster than any other community. Against this dystopian picture of increasingly concentrated wealth, corporate excess, and terrestrial crisis, we focus on the stubborn reproduction of socio-ecological life through various grounded projects across the world. We engage with communities who work against structural constraints to reproduce life from below through urban commoning, food sovereignty, Indigenous organising, and caretaking economies – all of which are scaling out their visions through alternative internationals. All of these projects, we argue, present a planetary and multiscalar political economy in practice, which connects grounded experience with resistance to the dynamics of capitalism at the state, corporate, and transnational levels. With lessons from these communities in mind, we call for a ‘planetary political economy of the global majority’, which prioritises the reproduction of socio-ecological life according to the visions of grounded anti-systemic projects.
套用安东尼奥-葛兰西(Antonio Gramsci)著名的口头禅,面对未来五十年,我们需要批判性的悲观主义和一厢情愿的希望政治。在这篇文章中,我们以必要的批判性悲观主义态度来探讨气候破坏的政治问题以及应对更广泛的社会生态危机的对策。具体而言,我们正视金融资本对绿色转型必要性的攫取,以及围绕电气化消费社会愿景建立新的积累结构这一令人不安的转型方向。我们还看到,在未来的几十年里,全球资产所有者阶层的财富将不断增长--顾名思义,他们比任何其他群体都更快地圈占了大气公域。在这种财富日益集中、企业过剩和陆地危机的乌托邦式景象下,我们通过世界各地的各种落地项目,关注社会生态生命的顽强再生。我们通过城市共有、粮食主权、土著组织和看护经济等方式,与那些反对结构性限制、从底层再生产生活的社区进行接触,所有这些社区都在通过替代性国际组织扩展其愿景。我们认为,所有这些项目都在实践中展示了一种地球和多领域的政治经济学,它将基础经验与国家、企业和跨国层面的资本主义动态抵制联系在一起。考虑到这些社区的经验教训,我们呼吁建立 "全球多数人的地球政治经济学",根据立足现实的反系统项目的愿景,优先考虑社会生态生活的再生产。
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引用次数: 0
On making peace with nature: Visions and challenges towards an ecological diplomacy 与自然和平相处:生态外交的愿景与挑战
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000172
C. Constantinou, Eleni Christodoulou
This article interrogates United Nations (UN) calls that ‘making peace with nature’ should become the crucial mission of the 21st century. It ponders the kind of diplomacy envisioned for such a reconciliation ecology to be credible. Drawing on one of the most promising and less known programmes of the UN system – namely, Harmony with Nature (HwN), which pioneers Earth-based jurisprudence and rights of nature – it conceptualises this diplomatic shift and assesses the conditions under which ecological diplomacy can be productively operationalised in the 21st century vis-à-vis a mere rhetorical appropriation and co-optation by intergovernmental agendas. Building on Indigenous thought and animist epistemologies, programmes such as HwN espouse a new relationship with Planet Earth and make it possible to explore ‘nature’ as diplomatic interlocutor. We argue that existing paradigms of peacebuilding fail to sufficiently capture the diplomatic aspects and complex local dynamics of the human–nature relationship and suggest a reconceptualisation based on an ecological diplomacy that is both expansive and transformative and views this relationship as one of troubled coexistence.
联合国(UN)呼吁 "与自然和平相处 "应成为 21 世纪的关键使命,本文对此提出了质疑。文章探讨了为使这种和解生态可信而设想的外交类型。它借鉴了联合国系统最有前途但鲜为人知的计划之一,即 "与自然和谐相处"(HwN)计划,该计划开创了以地球为基础的法理学和自然权利,它将这一外交转变概念化,并评估了生态外交在 21 世纪能够有效运作的条件,而不仅仅是政府间议程在言辞上的挪用和采纳。在土著思想和万物有灵论认识论的基础上,HwN 等计划主张与地球建立一种新的关系,并将 "自然 "作为外交对话者进行探讨。我们认为,现有的和平建设范式未能充分捕捉到人与自然关系的外交层面和复杂的地方动态,并建议在生态外交的基础上重新构思,这种外交既具有扩张性又具有变革性,并将这种关系视为一种麻烦共存的关系。
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引用次数: 0
On the horizon: The futures of IR 地平线上:投资者关系的未来
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000263
Martin Coward, Matthew Paterson, Richard Devetak, Carolina Moulin, Nisha Shah, Maja Zehfuss, Andreja Zevnik
This Special Issue celebrates the 50th anniversary of Review of International Studies. Since 1975, the Review has published over 200 issues and over 1300 articles. The journal has played a key role in shaping the discipline of International Relations (IR), leading, or critically intervening in, key debates. To celebrate 50 years of Review of International Studies, we have curated a Special Issue examining the challenges facing global politics for the next 50 years. IR has regularly turned its attention backwards towards its historical origins. Instead, we look to the future. In this Introduction, we start by outlining four traditions of future-oriented thinking: positivist, realist prediction; planning, forecasting, and scenario-building; utopian dreams of an ideal political future; and prefigurative thinking in activist politics. From these traditions, we learn that thinking about the future is always thinking about the present. We then outline four themes in the Special Issue articles: How do we think about the future at all? How do we think about imperial pasts and the ongoing questions of colonization and racialization in the present? How will technological change mediate and generates geopolitical change? How are socioecological crises, and in particular climate change, increasingly shaping how we think about the future of global politics? Overall, these provide us with a diverse, stimulating, and thought-provoking set of essays about the future of global politics, as both discipline and set of empirical problems.
本特刊旨在庆祝《国际研究评论》创刊 50 周年。自 1975 年以来,《国际研究评论》已出版了 200 多期,发表了 1300 多篇文章。该期刊在塑造国际关系(IR)学科方面发挥了关键作用,引领或批判性地介入了重要辩论。为庆祝《国际研究评论》创刊 50 周年,我们策划了一期特刊,探讨未来 50 年全球政治面临的挑战。国际关系经常将目光转向其历史渊源。相反,我们着眼于未来。在本导言中,我们首先概述了面向未来的四种思维传统:实证主义、现实主义预测;规划、预测和情景构建;理想政治未来的乌托邦梦想;以及积极政治中的预示性思维。从这些传统中,我们了解到,对未来的思考总是对现在的思考。然后,我们在特刊文章中概述了四个主题:我们如何思考未来?我们如何思考帝国的过去以及当前持续存在的殖民化和种族化问题?技术变革将如何调解和产生地缘政治变革?社会生态危机,尤其是气候变化,如何日益影响我们对全球政治未来的思考?总之,这些文章为我们提供了关于全球政治的未来(既是一门学科,也是一系列经验问题)的多样化、激励性和发人深省的文章。
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引用次数: 0
RIS volume 50 issue 3 Cover and Back matter RIS 第 50 卷第 3 期封面和封底
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000329
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引用次数: 0
Coming of age within ‘implosion’ 在 "内爆 "中成长
IF 3 1区 社会学 Pub Date : 2024-05-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210524000226
Luise Bendfeldt, Emily Clifford, Hannah K. Richards
In a recent article, Maria Eriksson Baaz and Swati Parashar1 trace the continued salience of Eurocentrism in critical International Relations (IR), demonstrating how the ‘master’s outlook’ continues to stifle the study of global politics; they ultimately encourage an unsettling and even implosion of the discipline. Starting from this proposed ‘implosion’ of critical IR, this article reflects on our hopes, as two current PhD candidates and one early career researcher in global politics, for teaching and learning in this future world. We begin by reflecting on our own complicity in reproducing the Western-centrism of the discipline and consider how this discomfort can be used productively. The article then considers the radical potential of the classroom and the necessity of empathetic, collaborative inquiry to the future of the discipline of global politics. We advocate for an IR which is imaginative, relational, messy, and vulnerable – and are hopeful about how this may animate a meaningful and sustainable implosion. Embracing our discomfort and the possibility of failure, we hope to contribute to the ongoing ‘unsettling’ of academia from the standpoint of incipient feminist scholars and hopeful early-career teachers.
在最近的一篇文章中,玛丽亚-埃里克森-巴兹(Maria Eriksson Baaz)和斯瓦蒂-帕拉夏(Swati Parashar1)追溯了欧洲中心主义在批判性国际关系(IR)中的持续突出地位,展示了 "大师观 "如何继续扼杀全球政治研究;他们最终鼓励了该学科的不安甚至内爆。本文以批判性国际关系的 "内爆 "为出发点,反思了我们作为全球政治学领域的两名在读博士生和一名早期职业研究人员对未来世界中教学的希望。我们首先反思了自己在重现该学科的西方中心主义中的共谋行为,并思考了如何有效利用这种不适感。然后,文章考虑了课堂的激进潜力以及移情、合作探究对全球政治学科未来的必要性。我们倡导一种富有想象力、关系性、混乱和脆弱的国际关系--并对这种关系如何能够促进有意义和可持续的内爆充满希望。我们拥抱不适和失败的可能性,希望从初出茅庐的女权主义学者和满怀希望的青年教师的立场出发,为学术界正在进行的 "不安 "做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
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Review of International Studies
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