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Beyond the numbers on women’s representation: Recognition of women’s leadership in global governance 超越妇女代表人数:承认妇女在全球治理中的领导作用
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000542
Hortense Jongen
Abstract To what extent has the glass ceiling in global governance been shattered? To answer this question, we need to look beyond the numbers on women’s representation and study how far women are perceived as inspiring and visionary leaders in global governance. This article offers an analysis of perceptions of inspiring and visionary leadership in global multistakeholder initiatives from a gender perspective. Based on 467 interviews with participants in a leading multistakeholder initiative, the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), it presents four findings: (1) respondents identify more men than women as inspiring and visionary leaders, with the difference roughly corresponding to the share of women in leadership roles; (2) respondents tend to ascribe more leadership attributes to women than to men when explaining why they find them inspiring and visionary; (3) both feminine and masculine leadership traits are appreciated in relation to both men and women leaders at ICANN; (4) female respondents identify more women as inspiring and visionary leaders than male respondents. These findings contribute novel insights into gendered perceptions around leadership and the importance of role models in global governance. They also shed much-needed light on the demands and expectations from leadership in global multistakeholder arrangements.
全球治理的玻璃天花板在多大程度上被打破了?要回答这个问题,我们需要超越女性代表的数字,研究女性在全球治理中被视为鼓舞人心和有远见的领导者的程度。本文从性别角度分析了对全球多利益相关者倡议中鼓舞人心和有远见的领导力的看法。基于对领先的多利益相关方倡议——互联网名称与数字地址分配机构(ICANN)的467名参与者的访谈,该研究得出了四个发现:(1)受访者认为男性比女性更多地是鼓舞人心和有远见的领导者,这一差异大致与女性在领导角色中的比例相对应;(2)受访者在解释为什么认为女性具有启发性和远见卓识时,倾向于将更多的领导特质归于女性而非男性;(3)对于ICANN的男性和女性领导者而言,女性和男性的领导特质都得到认可;(4)女性受访者比男性受访者更多地认为女性是鼓舞人心和有远见的领导者。这些发现对领导力的性别观念和全球治理中榜样的重要性提供了新的见解。它们还揭示了全球多利益攸关方安排中领导层的要求和期望。
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引用次数: 0
Violations of the heart: Parental harm in war and oppression 违反心灵:父母在战争和压迫中的伤害
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000499
Rebekka Friedman, Hanna Ketola
Abstract This article examines ‘parental harm’ – a harm that occurs when a parent loses or faces the threat of losing a child. We contend that the manipulation and severing of relationships between parents and children has played a central role in war and oppression across historical contexts. Parental harm has long-term and pervasive effects and results in complex legacies for carers and their communities. Despite its grave impact, there is little research within International Relations into parental harm and understanding of its effects. We conceptualise parental harm through two frames – the ‘harm of separation’ and ‘harm to the ability to parent’ – and theorise gendered dimensions of how it is perpetuated and experienced. As such, we advance feminist understandings of family as a gendered institution that shapes the conduct of war and institutionalises racialised oppression. Our conception of parental harm offers novel insights into the relationship between intimate relations, the family, and state power and practices. We illustrate our conceptual arguments through two examples: the control and manipulation of family in antebellum slavery in the United States and the targeting of Tamil children in disappearances in Sri Lanka. These examples demonstrate the pervasiveness of parental harm across contexts and forms of violence.
本文探讨了“父母伤害”——当父母失去或面临失去孩子的威胁时发生的伤害。我们认为,操纵和切断父母与子女之间的关系在历史背景下的战争和压迫中发挥了核心作用。父母的伤害具有长期和普遍的影响,并对照顾者及其社区造成复杂的影响。尽管其影响严重,但在国际关系中很少有关于父母伤害的研究和对其影响的理解。我们通过两个框架将父母伤害概念化——“分离的伤害”和“对父母能力的伤害”——并将其如何延续和经历的性别维度理论化。因此,我们推进女权主义者对家庭的理解,认为家庭是一个性别机构,它塑造了战争的行为,并使种族压迫制度化。我们对父母伤害的概念为亲密关系、家庭和国家权力和实践之间的关系提供了新的见解。我们通过两个例子来说明我们的概念论点:美国内战前奴隶制对家庭的控制和操纵,以及斯里兰卡失踪的泰米尔儿童的目标。这些例子表明,在各种情况和各种形式的暴力中,父母伤害是普遍存在的。
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引用次数: 1
The coloniality of the religious terrorism thesis 宗教恐怖主义的殖民主义论点
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000517
Rabea M. Khan
Abstract A dominant narrative, produced and reproduced especially by terrorism scholars, holds that terrorism in its worst form is religious. The most dangerous and non-negotiable form of terrorism, in other words, is the religious kind. At the same time, there is a recurring implication, proposed by many terrorism scholars and reflected in public discourse, that terrorism, no matter its official designation, is always inherently ‘religious’ or ‘religious-like’. Both this implication and the dominant narrative about the uniquely dangerous character of ‘religious terrorism’ – which I summarise as the Religious Terrorism Thesis – builds on colonial knowledge and assumptions about ‘religion’. Religion is also, as I argue, written into the category ‘terrorism’ and enables its negative discursive power and the colonial imagination of ‘terrorism’ as racialised and a system-threat to (Western) modernity. Terrorism, therefore, can never constitute a neutral signifier of a specific kind of political violence. Instead, it functions as a negative ideograph to Western societies, which means it functions to uphold the project of Western modernity/coloniality. The Religious Terrorism Thesis, which I identify as the foundation for the dominant discourse on terrorism today, is a crucial element of coloniality and justifies many controversial and contemporary counterterrorism practices.
一种主流观点认为,最糟糕的恐怖主义形式是宗教恐怖主义,这种观点主要由研究恐怖主义的学者提出和复制。换句话说,最危险、最不可妥协的恐怖主义形式是宗教恐怖主义。与此同时,许多恐怖主义学者提出并反映在公共话语中的一个反复出现的暗示是,恐怖主义,无论其官方名称如何,本质上总是“宗教的”或“类似宗教的”。这种暗示和关于“宗教恐怖主义”独特危险特征的主流叙述——我将其总结为“宗教恐怖主义论文”——都建立在对“宗教”的殖民知识和假设之上。正如我所说,宗教也被写进了“恐怖主义”的范畴,并使其消极的话语力量和“恐怖主义”的殖民想象成为种族化的,是对(西方)现代性的一种制度威胁。因此,恐怖主义永远不可能构成一种特定政治暴力的中立能指。相反,它对西方社会来说是一个消极的表意符号,这意味着它的功能是维护西方现代性/殖民主义的项目。宗教恐怖主义的论点,我认为是今天关于恐怖主义的主导话语的基础,是殖民主义的一个关键因素,并为许多有争议的当代反恐实践辩护。
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引用次数: 0
Visual (data) observation in International Relations: Attentiveness, close description, and the politics of seeing differently 国际关系中的视觉(数据)观察:关注、密切描述和不同视角的政治
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000426
Jonathan Luke Austin, Isabel Bramsen
Abstract Has Visual International Relations (IR) become too distant from the content of visual artefacts? This is a paradoxical question. Visual IR is a vibrant and pluralist field exploring visuals in innumerable ways. Nonetheless, the field tends to focus on ‘deep’ readings of the socio-political implications of visual artefacts at the expense of a close and attentive observation and description of the events, situations, or phenomena they may depict. Simply put, visual IR usually analyses visuals-as-visuals rather than seeing them as entry points for studying the social world. But might a video of torture teach us something about the practicality of torture? Might a video of peace negotiations teach us something about their successes or failures? Can we gain a fleeting glimpse of ‘reality’ within visuals? We address these questions by first situating our focus on close ‘visual (data) observation’ in conceptual conversation with the literature’s existing focus on deep interpretation. Second, we outline three approaches to visual observation as they are deployed outside IR. Third, we unpack how those approaches might be of value for IR, especially vis-à-vis the study of practice, materiality, and discourse. Finally, we conclude by asking if visual data observation can retain critical political potentiality.
视觉国际关系(IR)是否已经离视觉人工制品的内容太远了?这是一个自相矛盾的问题。视觉红外是一个充满活力和多元化的领域,以无数的方式探索视觉。尽管如此,该领域倾向于关注视觉人工制品的社会政治含义的“深度”阅读,而忽略了对它们可能描绘的事件、情况或现象的密切而细心的观察和描述。简单地说,视觉IR通常将视觉作为视觉来分析,而不是将其视为研究社会世界的切入点。但是一段酷刑视频能告诉我们酷刑的实用性吗?一段关于和平谈判的视频是否能让我们了解谈判的成功或失败?我们能否在视觉中瞥见“现实”?我们解决这些问题的方法是,首先将我们的重点放在近距离的“视觉(数据)观察”上,在概念对话中与文献现有的重点放在深度解释上。其次,我们概述了三种视觉观察方法,因为它们部署在红外之外。第三,我们揭示了这些方法如何对国际关系有价值,特别是对于-à-vis实践、物质性和话语的研究。最后,我们通过询问视觉数据观察是否可以保留关键的政治潜力来得出结论。
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引用次数: 0
Existentialism and International Relations: In it up to our necks 存在主义与国际关系:一直到我们的脖子
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000451
Andrew R. Hom, Cian O’Driscoll
Abstract What, this essay asks, is the relation between contemporary IR scholarship and the existentialist intellectual and cultural tradition? How is our discipline informed and animated by existentialist thinking? Is existentialism a heritage to be recovered, claimed, and embraced by IR scholars, or a shadow to be escaped? And what resources does it furnish us for thinking through the kind of issues that IR scholars are called upon to grapple with today? These questions are not purely theoretical. There are practical and political reasons, not only for considering them, but for considering them now. Living through what has been termed an unfolding ‘Age of Anxiety’, we find ourselves confronted by existential questions and existentialist ideas at almost every turn. It is, however, unclear how substantive or meaningful this apparently existentialist moment truly is. Does existentialism have something to say to contemporary IR, or does it flatter to deceive? We think the time is ripe to take stock of existentialism as it relates to IR and global politics. This is the purpose of this article and of the collection of essays it introduces.
摘要本文提出,当代国际关系研究与存在主义知识文化传统之间的关系是什么?我们的学科是如何受到存在主义思想的启发和激励的?存在主义是一种需要被国际关系学者恢复、主张和接受的遗产,还是一种需要逃避的阴影?它为我们思考当今国际关系学者需要解决的问题提供了哪些资源?这些问题并不纯粹是理论性的。不仅考虑这些问题,而且现在就考虑这些问题,既有现实的原因,也有政治的原因。生活在一个被称为“焦虑时代”的时代,我们发现自己几乎每时每刻都面临着存在主义问题和存在主义思想。然而,目前尚不清楚这个表面上存在主义的时刻究竟有多大的实质性或意义。存在主义对当代国际关系有什么可说的吗,或者它是在奉承欺骗吗?我们认为,考虑存在主义与国际关系和全球政治的关系的时机已经成熟。这是这篇文章的目的,也是它所介绍的论文集的目的。
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引用次数: 0
Conceptual politics and resilience-at-work in the European Union 欧盟的概念政治和工作弹性
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-05 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000463
Jonathan Joseph, Ana E. Juncos
Abstract International crises, most recently the Covid-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, often radically change our view of the world and our place within it. The European Union (EU) has been particularly impacted by these developments because these crises have accentuated some of its ontological and epistemological uncertainties and insecurities. While the EU’s resilience turn initiated by the EU Global Strategy of 2016 aimed at strengthening the EU’s ability to prepare and recover from external shocks and crises, since then, the concept of resilience has undergone a transformation. In recent years, we have seen the EU turning back in on itself and abandoning the radical aspects of resilience. Hence a paradox has emerged – the more complex the problems faced by the EU, the more it turns away from the logics of complexity present in the idea of resilience. In this article, we examine this conceptual shift through the lenses of concepts in action and the way these have reflected changes in the external context, but also power coalitions and institutional path dependencies. This argument will be explored by examining the recently adopted Strategic Compass and the EU’s Recovery and Resilience Facility (RRF).
国际危机,最近的新冠肺炎大流行和俄罗斯入侵乌克兰,往往从根本上改变我们对世界的看法以及我们在世界中的地位。欧盟(EU)尤其受到这些发展的影响,因为这些危机加剧了它的一些本体论和认识论的不确定性和不安全感。2016年欧盟全球战略启动了欧盟的弹性转向,旨在加强欧盟从外部冲击和危机中准备和恢复的能力,自那时以来,弹性的概念发生了转变。近年来,我们看到欧盟开始自我封闭,放弃了弹性的激进方面。因此,一个悖论出现了——欧盟面临的问题越复杂,它就越背离弹性理念中所体现的复杂性逻辑。在本文中,我们通过行动中的概念以及这些概念在外部环境中反映变化的方式,以及权力联盟和制度路径依赖来研究这种概念转变。这一论点将通过检查最近通过的战略指南针和欧盟的恢复和弹性基金(RRF)来探讨。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Racialised violence in global politics 导言:全球政治中的种族暴力
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000347
Martin Coward, Andreja Zevnik
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RIS volume 49 issue 4 Cover and Front matter RIS第49卷第4期封面和封面问题
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000475
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引用次数: 0
RIS volume 49 issue 4 Cover and Back matter RIS第49卷第4期封面和封底
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000487
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The intimate public as a decolonial lens: “cripping” affect, nationalism and imperial violence 作为非殖民镜头的亲密公众:“跛脚”的影响、民族主义和帝国暴力
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0260210523000116
Sara Tafakori
Abstract This article brings an intimate perspective to bear upon the violence of economic sanctions, shifting attention away from an exclusive focus on state actors, in order to examine how “‘wounds” enter politics’. 1 In this research, I ‘stretch’ Berlant’s notion of the intimate public, reconfiguring it as a decolonial analytic lens on subaltern suffering in conditions of endemic imperial violence. I focus on the Facebook page of the Iranian chief negotiator, Javad Zarif, during Iran’s talks with the P5+1 powers over its nuclear programme, under the pressure of what the Obama administration itself termed ‘crippling’ economic sanctions. Examining Zarif’s audience’s readings of his back injury during the talks as representing the ‘crippled’ nation, I trace how subaltern injury is intimately narrated through a racialised framework of disablement and ‘recovery’, where ‘recovery’ signifies a desanctioned and deracialised national body. I firstly complicate the prevailing conception of the intimate public as oriented around a ‘national fantasy’, theorising it as an affective structure that simultaneously locates imperial power, as well as the nation-state, as sources of complaint and hope; secondly, I draw on a critical disability (‘crip’) lens to understand the intimate public as mediating both the debilitation of racialised underdevelopment, and the fantasy of a normative, ‘developed’ national body in a post-sanctions future. Through examining the intimate politics of economic sanctions, this study contributes to a decolonial perspective on the entanglements of affect, nationalism and imperial violence.
本文从一个亲密的角度来看待经济制裁的暴力,将注意力从对国家行为体的独家关注转移开来,以研究“伤口”是如何进入政治的。在这项研究中,我“延伸”了伯兰特关于亲密公众的概念,将其重新配置为一个非殖民化的分析镜头,以观察在帝国暴力泛滥的情况下下层人民的痛苦。我关注的是伊朗首席谈判代表贾瓦德·扎里夫(Javad Zarif)的Facebook页面。当时,伊朗在奥巴马政府所谓的“破坏性”经济制裁的压力下,与P5+1大国就其核计划进行了谈判。扎里夫的听众在会谈中把他的背伤解读为“残废”国家的代表,我从中发现,低等的伤害是如何通过残疾和“恢复”的种族化框架来密切叙述的,在这里,“恢复”意味着一个被废除和非种族化的国家机构。我首先将“亲密公众”的主流概念复杂化,认为它是一种以“国家幻想”为导向的,将其理论化为一种情感结构,它同时将皇权和民族国家定位为抱怨和希望的来源;其次,我利用一个关键的残疾(“瘸子”)镜头来理解亲密的公众,作为调解种族化的不发达的衰弱,以及在制裁后的未来一个规范的、“发达的”国家机构的幻想。通过考察经济制裁的亲密政治,本研究有助于从非殖民的角度看待情感、民族主义和帝国暴力之间的纠缠。
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Review of International Studies
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