On the basis of revised syntactic structures for the French faire-causatives, this article argues that the placement of various clitics in these causatives can be accounted for by making reference to the feature defectivity/completeness of clitics and that of their host. I show that the faire-à construction involves a biclausal structure, where the raised causativized v in the embedded clause is defective and activates the object to prepose. In addition, I identify four types of clitics with respect to their feature contents, which are licensed by different applications of three syntactic dependency operations: Agree-match, Agree-value, and Agree-check.
{"title":"Defectivity Matters: Cliticization in French Causatives Revisited","authors":"Xiaoshi Hu","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00451","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00451","url":null,"abstract":"On the basis of revised syntactic structures for the French faire-causatives, this article argues that the placement of various clitics in these causatives can be accounted for by making reference to the feature defectivity/completeness of clitics and that of their host. I show that the faire-à construction involves a biclausal structure, where the raised causativized v in the embedded clause is defective and activates the object to prepose. In addition, I identify four types of clitics with respect to their feature contents, which are licensed by different applications of three syntactic dependency operations: Agree-match, Agree-value, and Agree-check.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46364507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Loes Koring, Eric Reuland, Nina Sangers, Kenneth Wexler
Abstract This contribution presents an account of why disjoint reference effects obtain in verbal but not in adjectival passives. Our focus will be on passives in child language, which are independently argued to be always adjectival. This allows us to use a natural experiment in child grammar that is not available in the adult grammar—predicting the lack of a disjoint reference effect in even those passives that might prima facie be conceived of as verbal. We will conduct our discussion against the background of the difference between adjectival and verbal passives in general. Our account is based on (grammatical) Implicature theory. We show that the initiator in the semantic representation of adjectival passives stays at a kind level, hence cannot introduce a discourse referent. It therefore cannot trigger a disjointness implicature, in contrast to the initiator in verbal passives (see Gehrke 2013, 2015). We show in two experiments, one in Dutch, one in English, that children’s passives do not exhibit disjoint reference, in contrast to adults’ verbal passives, even though children have no trouble computing disjointness implicatures elsewhere. Thus, our contribution confirms with a novel kind of evidence the syntactic nature of young children's difficulty with verbal passives. It offers a new perspective on the nature of the difference between verbal and adjectival passives based on Reinhart's theta-theory, while also offering additional evidence for a grammatical, rather than general pragmatic, theory of implicatures.
{"title":"On Realizing External Arguments: A Syntactic and Implicature Theory of the Disjointness Effect for Passives in Adult and Child Grammar","authors":"Loes Koring, Eric Reuland, Nina Sangers, Kenneth Wexler","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00520","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00520","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This contribution presents an account of why disjoint reference effects obtain in verbal but not in adjectival passives. Our focus will be on passives in child language, which are independently argued to be always adjectival. This allows us to use a natural experiment in child grammar that is not available in the adult grammar—predicting the lack of a disjoint reference effect in even those passives that might prima facie be conceived of as verbal. We will conduct our discussion against the background of the difference between adjectival and verbal passives in general. Our account is based on (grammatical) Implicature theory. We show that the initiator in the semantic representation of adjectival passives stays at a kind level, hence cannot introduce a discourse referent. It therefore cannot trigger a disjointness implicature, in contrast to the initiator in verbal passives (see Gehrke 2013, 2015). We show in two experiments, one in Dutch, one in English, that children’s passives do not exhibit disjoint reference, in contrast to adults’ verbal passives, even though children have no trouble computing disjointness implicatures elsewhere. Thus, our contribution confirms with a novel kind of evidence the syntactic nature of young children's difficulty with verbal passives. It offers a new perspective on the nature of the difference between verbal and adjectival passives based on Reinhart's theta-theory, while also offering additional evidence for a grammatical, rather than general pragmatic, theory of implicatures.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135718547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We argue, following Barros and Vicente (2011), that right-node raising (RNR) results from either ellipsis or multidominance. Four considerations support this claim. (a) RNR has properties of ellipsis and of multidominance. (b) Where these are combined, the structure results from repeated RNR: a pivot created through ellipsis contains a right-peripheral secondary pivot created through multidominance. (c) In certain circumstances, one or the other derivation is blocked, so that RNR behaves like pure ellipsis or pure multidominance. (d) Linearization of RNR-as-multidominance requires pruning. The same pruning operation delivers RNR-as-ellipsis, which explains why the two derivations must meet the same ordering constraints.
{"title":"What Divides, and What Unites, Right-Node Raising","authors":"Zoe Belk;Ad Neeleman;Joy Philip","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00454","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00454","url":null,"abstract":"We argue, following Barros and Vicente (2011), that right-node raising (RNR) results from either ellipsis or multidominance. Four considerations support this claim. (a) RNR has properties of ellipsis and of multidominance. (b) Where these are combined, the structure results from repeated RNR: a pivot created through ellipsis contains a right-peripheral secondary pivot created through multidominance. (c) In certain circumstances, one or the other derivation is blocked, so that RNR behaves like pure ellipsis or pure multidominance. (d) Linearization of RNR-as-multidominance requires pruning. The same pruning operation delivers RNR-as-ellipsis, which explains why the two derivations must meet the same ordering constraints.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47723774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract The dialect of North Hail in Saudi Arabia, a variety of Najdi Arabic, has a set of sentence-initial particles marking topics of various kinds. The kinds of topics they mark correspond closely to the three classes of topics argued by Frascarelli & Hinterhölzl (2007) to be characteristic of Italian and German: Shift-Topic, Contrastive Topic, and Familiar Topic. In their work, as in much other work in the cartographic tradition, a hierarchy of abstract Topic heads is postulated in the C-domain, which host the topical phrases as specifiers. In North Hail Arabic, the Topic heads are not abstract, but overt, spelled out as particles. Some of the Topic headsmark topics by attracting them to the C-domain, as familiar from other languages, other particles mark topics by φ-feature agreement. The particles in the C-domain agree in person, number and gender with a DP in TP, subject or object. This is analysed in terms of Agree (Chomsky 2001, 2008). Arguments and adverbials are assigned particular Topic values either by agreement or by movement. The particles thus provide evidence that topicality can be a syntactic feature, inherent in lexical items (the particles), and assigned to constituents by operations familiar from standard syntactic relations such as subject agreement and case. The theory articulated observes the Inclusiveness condition, known to be a problem for the cartographic theory of topic and focus.
{"title":"Topic Particles, Agreement and Movement in an Arabic Dialect","authors":"M Alshamari, A Holmberg","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00519","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00519","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract The dialect of North Hail in Saudi Arabia, a variety of Najdi Arabic, has a set of sentence-initial particles marking topics of various kinds. The kinds of topics they mark correspond closely to the three classes of topics argued by Frascarelli & Hinterhölzl (2007) to be characteristic of Italian and German: Shift-Topic, Contrastive Topic, and Familiar Topic. In their work, as in much other work in the cartographic tradition, a hierarchy of abstract Topic heads is postulated in the C-domain, which host the topical phrases as specifiers. In North Hail Arabic, the Topic heads are not abstract, but overt, spelled out as particles. Some of the Topic headsmark topics by attracting them to the C-domain, as familiar from other languages, other particles mark topics by φ-feature agreement. The particles in the C-domain agree in person, number and gender with a DP in TP, subject or object. This is analysed in terms of Agree (Chomsky 2001, 2008). Arguments and adverbials are assigned particular Topic values either by agreement or by movement. The particles thus provide evidence that topicality can be a syntactic feature, inherent in lexical items (the particles), and assigned to constituents by operations familiar from standard syntactic relations such as subject agreement and case. The theory articulated observes the Inclusiveness condition, known to be a problem for the cartographic theory of topic and focus.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134904233","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article challenges the view that eventive and stative passive participles are verbs and adjectives, respectively. Instead, I argue that existing diagnostics are sensitive to the eventive/stative contrast and to independent restrictions on word order. I show that both eventive and stative participles in Serbo-Croatian have the external syntax and morphology of adjectives, and propose that passive participles in various languages are adjectives that embed varying amounts of verbal structure. Finally, I contend that agentive phrases are always available with stative participles that entail a prior event in languages that obligatorily express grammatical aspect on the verb stem.
{"title":"Revisiting Passive Participles: Category Status and Internal Structure","authors":"Maša Bešlin","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00463","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00463","url":null,"abstract":"This article challenges the view that eventive and stative passive participles are verbs and adjectives, respectively. Instead, I argue that existing diagnostics are sensitive to the eventive/stative contrast and to independent restrictions on word order. I show that both eventive and stative participles in Serbo-Croatian have the external syntax and morphology of adjectives, and propose that passive participles in various languages are adjectives that embed varying amounts of verbal structure. Finally, I contend that agentive phrases are always available with stative participles that entail a prior event in languages that obligatorily express grammatical aspect on the verb stem.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41633562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents obligatory control constructions in San Martín Peras Mixtec, a language in which PRO must be exponed with an overt pronoun. I propose a morphological analysis of this phenomenon in which this language lacks a null allomorph for bound minimal pronouns (Kratzer 2009, Safir 2014, Landau 2015, 2018), posited to underlie silent PRO in other languages. This suggests that null exponence ought not be ontologically tethered to PRO’s distribution or interpretation, but can rather be reduced to the routine functions of language-specific contextual allomorphy.
{"title":"Obligatorily Overt PRO in San Martín Peras Mixtec","authors":"Jason Ostrove","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00518","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00518","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article presents obligatory control constructions in San Martín Peras Mixtec, a language in which PRO must be exponed with an overt pronoun. I propose a morphological analysis of this phenomenon in which this language lacks a null allomorph for bound minimal pronouns (Kratzer 2009, Safir 2014, Landau 2015, 2018), posited to underlie silent PRO in other languages. This suggests that null exponence ought not be ontologically tethered to PRO’s distribution or interpretation, but can rather be reduced to the routine functions of language-specific contextual allomorphy.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44814610","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We introduce a novel locality violation and its repair in Southeastern Sierra Zapotec: an object pronoun cannot cliticize when the subject is a lexical DP. We develop an account in which pronouns and lexical DPs interact with the same probe because they share featural content. In particular, we suggest that the Person domain extends to include non-pronominal DPs, so that all nominals are specified for a feature we call [δ] (to resonate with DP), while all and only personal pronouns are specified for [π]. This account aims to unify the locality violation with the Weak Person Case Constraint (PCC), as well as parallel constraints based on animacy, and requires a departure from Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) classical system of featural co-variation (Agree). A functional head must be able to overprobe: that is, interact with more than one goal, even if its requirements appear to be met. We introduce a probe activation model for Agree in which, after applying once, the operation can apply again, subject to certain restrictions. We compare probe activation to two other systems recently proposed to account for overprobing: Deal’s (2015, to appear) “insatiable probes” and Coon and Keine’s (2021) “feature gluttony.” Neither can account for the locality pattern in Zapotec.
{"title":"The Featural Life of Nominals","authors":"I. Sichel, M. Toosarvandani","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00517","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00517","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 We introduce a novel locality violation and its repair in Southeastern Sierra Zapotec: an object pronoun cannot cliticize when the subject is a lexical DP. We develop an account in which pronouns and lexical DPs interact with the same probe because they share featural content. In particular, we suggest that the Person domain extends to include non-pronominal DPs, so that all nominals are specified for a feature we call [δ] (to resonate with DP), while all and only personal pronouns are specified for [π]. This account aims to unify the locality violation with the Weak Person Case Constraint (PCC), as well as parallel constraints based on animacy, and requires a departure from Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) classical system of featural co-variation (Agree). A functional head must be able to overprobe: that is, interact with more than one goal, even if its requirements appear to be met. We introduce a probe activation model for Agree in which, after applying once, the operation can apply again, subject to certain restrictions. We compare probe activation to two other systems recently proposed to account for overprobing: Deal’s (2015, to appear) “insatiable probes” and Coon and Keine’s (2021) “feature gluttony.” Neither can account for the locality pattern in Zapotec.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-08-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47854141","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This squib documents a novel empirical generalization from selection in Semitic: lexically selected PPs can vary by (verbal) template. This discovery is problematic for current analyses which take (lexically) selected arguments to either be introduced by the root (Harley 2014a) or by the categorizing head (Merchant 2019), both of which are lower than the functional heads realized as Semitic templates. Templates can induce alternations in argument structure (e.g. causativization) and diathesis (e.g. passivization)—characteristics typically associated with v/Voice. A preliminary solution is sketched whereby PPs can be jointly selected by the root, categorizing head, and template-defining head.
{"title":"Verbal Templates Can Influence L-Selection in Semitic","authors":"Matthew R Hewett","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00516","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00516","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This squib documents a novel empirical generalization from selection in Semitic: lexically selected PPs can vary by (verbal) template. This discovery is problematic for current analyses which take (lexically) selected arguments to either be introduced by the root (Harley 2014a) or by the categorizing head (Merchant 2019), both of which are lower than the functional heads realized as Semitic templates. Templates can induce alternations in argument structure (e.g. causativization) and diathesis (e.g. passivization)—characteristics typically associated with v/Voice. A preliminary solution is sketched whereby PPs can be jointly selected by the root, categorizing head, and template-defining head.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44780439","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Icelandic, part of the complex reciprocal hvor annar matches in case with the reciprocal’s antecedent. In structures where the reciprocal is embedded in a PP, the P intervenes between the two parts. A recent analysis of these data suggests that part of the reciprocal overtly moves to the base position of the antecedent by an operation termed e-raising. We show that such an analysis makes a number of wrong predictions about the constituencies of such structures and also about the behavior of reciprocals in coordinations. We show that this is also the case for other languages that show case-agreeing reciprocals. We instead argue that matching in case between antecedent and reciprocal can occur with the reciprocal staying in situ. Instances with PPs do involve movement but only to the edge of PP and not further. This analysis is in line with a number of recent approaches that advocate for a morphosyntactic feature matching relation between antecedent and locally bound anaphors.
{"title":"E-Raising Reconsidered: Constituency, Coordination and Case-Matching Reciprocals","authors":"T. Messick, G. R. Harðarson","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00515","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00515","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In Icelandic, part of the complex reciprocal hvor annar matches in case with the reciprocal’s antecedent. In structures where the reciprocal is embedded in a PP, the P intervenes between the two parts. A recent analysis of these data suggests that part of the reciprocal overtly moves to the base position of the antecedent by an operation termed e-raising. We show that such an analysis makes a number of wrong predictions about the constituencies of such structures and also about the behavior of reciprocals in coordinations. We show that this is also the case for other languages that show case-agreeing reciprocals. We instead argue that matching in case between antecedent and reciprocal can occur with the reciprocal staying in situ. Instances with PPs do involve movement but only to the edge of PP and not further. This analysis is in line with a number of recent approaches that advocate for a morphosyntactic feature matching relation between antecedent and locally bound anaphors.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46223670","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Nonderived Environment Blocking (NDEB), a phonological process applies across morpheme boundaries or morpheme-internally when fed by another phonological process but is otherwise blocked. I present a theory of NDEB that attributes blocking to an interaction between morpheme structure constraints (which constrain possible URs in the lexicon) and the usual phonological mapping from URs to surface forms. The theory has some unusual aspects that make it conceptually suspicious, but I will argue that it receives empirical support. Using several case studies, I discuss three puzzles for theories of NDEB previously proposed in the literature, including the Strict Cycle Condition (Mascaró, 1976), Kiparsky’s (1993) theory of underspecification, Sequential Faithfulness (Burzio, 2000), Coloured Containment (van Oostendorp, 2007), and Optimal Interleaving with Candidate Chains (Wolf, 2008). I show that none of those theories can deal with all three puzzles and that the proposed theory with morpheme structure constraints succeeds. This result supports a dual-component architecture of phonology (as in SPE) over architectures that eliminate language-specific morpheme structure constraints (i.e., the principle of Richness of the Base in Optimality Theory).
{"title":"Morpheme Structure Constraints Solve Three Puzzles for Theories of Blocking in Nonderived Environments","authors":"E. Rasin","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00514","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00514","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In Nonderived Environment Blocking (NDEB), a phonological process applies across morpheme boundaries or morpheme-internally when fed by another phonological process but is otherwise blocked. I present a theory of NDEB that attributes blocking to an interaction between morpheme structure constraints (which constrain possible URs in the lexicon) and the usual phonological mapping from URs to surface forms. The theory has some unusual aspects that make it conceptually suspicious, but I will argue that it receives empirical support. Using several case studies, I discuss three puzzles for theories of NDEB previously proposed in the literature, including the Strict Cycle Condition (Mascaró, 1976), Kiparsky’s (1993) theory of underspecification, Sequential Faithfulness (Burzio, 2000), Coloured Containment (van Oostendorp, 2007), and Optimal Interleaving with Candidate Chains (Wolf, 2008). I show that none of those theories can deal with all three puzzles and that the proposed theory with morpheme structure constraints succeeds. This result supports a dual-component architecture of phonology (as in SPE) over architectures that eliminate language-specific morpheme structure constraints (i.e., the principle of Richness of the Base in Optimality Theory).","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44224258","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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