{"title":"Restrictions on Long Passives in English and Brazilian Portuguese: A Phase-Based Account","authors":"Michelle Sheehan;Sonia Cyrino","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00482","DOIUrl":"10.1162/ling_a_00482","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"55 4","pages":"769-803"},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47825659","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Many three-gendered languages have in common that some nouns are assigned conceptual gender – where the value of gender correlates with the interpretation of the noun – while other nouns are assigned arbitrary gender – where there is no such correlation. Strikingly, however, such languages do not always pattern together in how they resolve agreement with gender-mismatched coordinated nominals. If coordination resolution reflects feature representation, variation across languages with similar gender categories presents a puzzle. We hypothesize that resolution with gender-mismatched human and inanimate coordinated nominals is predictable from how properties like animacy and individuation are encoded within a language’s gender system. Focusing on Greek and contrasting patterns in Icelandic and Bosnian/Coratian/Serbian (BCS), we capture resolved agreement patterns through i) an interpretable vs. uninterpretable feature distinction, ii) a feature-geometric account à la Harley and Ritter 2002; and iii) universal coordination resolution mechanisms we refer to as percolation and conversion. Our system correlates resolution with other language-internal properties for gender agreement across the languages we investigate and captures complex patterns of resolution that have not been fully appreciated.
{"title":"Gender Features and Coordination Resolution in Greek and Other Three-Gendered Languages: Implications for the Cross-Linguistic Representation of Gender","authors":"Luke James Adamson, Elena Anagnostopoulou","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00543","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00543","url":null,"abstract":"Many three-gendered languages have in common that some nouns are assigned conceptual gender – where the value of gender correlates with the interpretation of the noun – while other nouns are assigned arbitrary gender – where there is no such correlation. Strikingly, however, such languages do not always pattern together in how they resolve agreement with gender-mismatched coordinated nominals. If coordination resolution reflects feature representation, variation across languages with similar gender categories presents a puzzle. We hypothesize that resolution with gender-mismatched human and inanimate coordinated nominals is predictable from how properties like animacy and individuation are encoded within a language’s gender system. Focusing on Greek and contrasting patterns in Icelandic and Bosnian/Coratian/Serbian (BCS), we capture resolved agreement patterns through i) an interpretable vs. uninterpretable feature distinction, ii) a feature-geometric account à la Harley and Ritter 2002; and iii) universal coordination resolution mechanisms we refer to as percolation and conversion. Our system correlates resolution with other language-internal properties for gender agreement across the languages we investigate and captures complex patterns of resolution that have not been fully appreciated.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142180947","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
English infinitival relative clauses exhibit variable force deontic modality, with the restriction that whereas a weak necessity (should-like) reading is always available, a possibility (can/could-like) reading is available only under weak quantifiers. I propose: weak necessity modals have a degree semantics, whereby combination with a silent positive morpheme yields weak necessity; existential closure of the degree variable yields possibility; and existential closure is available only under weak quantifiers because only they are interpreted within VP. The account supports the view that modality is scalar, that deontic possibility and (weak) necessity occupy the same scale, and that existential closure is structurally constrained.
{"title":"Variable Force Modality in English Infinitival Relatives: A Matter of Degree","authors":"Thomas Grano","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00542","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00542","url":null,"abstract":"English infinitival relative clauses exhibit variable force deontic modality, with the restriction that whereas a weak necessity (should-like) reading is always available, a possibility (can/could-like) reading is available only under weak quantifiers. I propose: weak necessity modals have a degree semantics, whereby combination with a silent positive morpheme yields weak necessity; existential closure of the degree variable yields possibility; and existential closure is available only under weak quantifiers because only they are interpreted within VP. The account supports the view that modality is scalar, that deontic possibility and (weak) necessity occupy the same scale, and that existential closure is structurally constrained.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-09-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142180946","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper argues for an extension of current models of Agree to capture relativized EPP effects, where a probe for movement targets an element with a specific set of features. We support the proposal through a case study of long distance agreement (LDA) in the Border Lakes dialect of Ojibwe (Central Algonquian), where the patterns of LDA depend on the particular combination of person/animacy features of the embedded arguments. This can be captured by the feeding and bleeding relationships between agreement and movement probes on Voice, Infl, and C.
本文主张扩展目前的 "同意 "模型，以捕捉相对化的 EPP 效应，在这种情况下，移动探究针对的是具有特定特征集的元素。我们通过对奥吉布韦语边境湖区方言（中阿尔冈基语）中的长距离同意（LDA）进行案例研究来支持这一提议，在该方言中，长距离同意的模式取决于嵌入论据的人称/动物特征的特定组合。这可以通过语音、Infl 和 C 上的协议和动作探测之间的喂养和出血关系来捕捉。
{"title":"Linking Agreement and Movement: A Case Study of Long Distance Agreement in Border Lakes Ojibwe","authors":"Christopher Hammerly, Éric Mathieu","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00541","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00541","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues for an extension of current models of Agree to capture relativized EPP effects, where a probe for movement targets an element with a specific set of features. We support the proposal through a case study of long distance agreement (LDA) in the Border Lakes dialect of Ojibwe (Central Algonquian), where the patterns of LDA depend on the particular combination of person/animacy features of the embedded arguments. This can be captured by the feeding and bleeding relationships between agreement and movement probes on Voice, Infl, and C.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"191 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141863522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Future research could profitably explore the hypothesis that syntactic categories should be eliminated from linguistic theory and their work taken over largely by the independently motivated system of semantic types. This would be a notable gain in theoretical economy, provided that their elimination does not necessitate innovations of equivalent complexity elsewhere in the theory.
{"title":"A Program for Eliminating Syntactic Categories","authors":"Paul Elbourne","doi":"10.1162/ling_a_00540","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00540","url":null,"abstract":"Future research could profitably explore the hypothesis that syntactic categories should be eliminated from linguistic theory and their work taken over largely by the independently motivated system of semantic types. This would be a notable gain in theoretical economy, provided that their elimination does not necessitate innovations of equivalent complexity elsewhere in the theory.","PeriodicalId":48044,"journal":{"name":"Linguistic Inquiry","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.6,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141754125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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