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Deepening or Endangering Democracy: Demonstrations and Institutions under Representative Government 深化还是危及民主?代议制政府下的示威与制度
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-01-02 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002955
Robert M. Fishman
Do demonstrations tend to deepen or endanger democracy? I examine this theme of major debate between scholars and among political actors, analyzing how the United States and other democracies have dealt with—and been shaped by—popular pressure on representative institutions. Cases that are discussed include Martin Luther King’s 1963 March on Washington and the January 6, 2021 assault on the Capitol, as well as examples drawn from Spain, Portugal, and Italy. I offer clear principles to differentiate between types of protest that deepen democracy, advance the goal of inclusion, and others that endanger democratic principles. Among the issues I take up is whether the location of protest—for example, adjacent to or even inside legislative chambers—is decisive. Rejecting that approach, my argument instead emphasizes the difference between protests intended to influence policy-making or the political agenda and those that use intimidation or violence to replace the primacy of elections in selecting office holders. The discussion argues that conceptualizing demonstrations as complementary to the work of representative institutions can help to promote the difficult to obtain objective of political equality between citizens. The article also asks whether consensus on this matter can be attained and if so how.
示威是倾向于深化民主还是危及民主?我将探讨学者之间和政治参与者之间的这一重大争论主题,分析美国和其他民主国家如何应对民众对代议制机构施加的压力,以及这种压力对代议制机构的影响。讨论的案例包括马丁-路德-金 1963 年的华盛顿大游行和 2021 年 1 月 6 日对国会大厦的袭击,以及西班牙、葡萄牙和意大利的例子。我提出了明确的原则来区分深化民主、推进包容目标的抗议类型和危及民主原则的其他类型。我所讨论的问题之一是抗议的地点--例如在立法机构附近甚至内部--是否是决定性的。我反对这种做法,而是强调旨在影响决策或政治议程的抗议与使用恐吓或暴力手段取代选举在遴选公职人员中的首要地位的抗议之间的区别。讨论认为,将示威概念化为代议制机构工作的补充,有助于促进公民政治平等这一难以实现的目标。文章还提出了能否就这一问题达成共识以及如何达成共识的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Scattered Attacks: The Collective Dynamics of Lone-Actor Terrorism 分散攻击:独行者恐怖主义的集体动力
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-11 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002852
S. Malthaner, Francis O’Connor, Lasse Lindekilde
The proliferation of lone-actor terrorist attacks over the past decade has led to a rapidly expanding literature and a subfield of research. However, this research has only to a limited degree been brought into wider discussions on political violence and social movements. In the present article, we take up this synthetic challenge and argue the need to theorize the social and collective dynamics of lone-actor terrorism. The article proposes a novel analytical framework for understanding lone-actor terrorism. We provide a conceptualization that draws attention to the social embeddedness of terrorist lone-actor radicalization and the collective dynamic of lone-actor attacks. Our point of departure is the recurrent finding that lone-actor terrorists are in fact not that alone, and that their attacks tend to cluster in time and space. First, we propose to conceive of lone-actor radicalization as a relational pathway shaped by social ties and interactions with radical milieus/movements. Second, taking inspiration from Charles Tilly’s notion of “scattered attacks” as a pattern of dispersed, loosely coordinated collective violence, we suggest three complementary ways of analyzing these processes and their temporal and interactive dynamic. We argue that theorizing the social and collective dynamics of lone-actor political violence is not only about addressing an empirical puzzle (the abundance of social ties; the clustered pattern of violent attacks), but about analytically capturing an entirely different and potentially increasingly relevant logic of violent processes. Thereby, and paradoxically, the very notion of “lone actors” can help us to understand the social dynamics of collective political violence more generally.
过去十年来,单独行动的恐怖袭击事件激增,导致文献和研究子领域迅速扩大。然而,这些研究仅在有限的程度上被引入到有关政治暴力和社会运动的更广泛讨论中。在本文中,我们接受了这一综合挑战,并认为有必要对独行恐怖主义的社会和集体动态进行理论分析。文章提出了一个新的分析框架来理解独行恐怖主义。我们提供了一个概念化的方法,提请人们注意恐怖主义独行者激进化的社会嵌入性和独行者袭击的集体动力。我们的出发点是一个经常出现的发现,即独行恐怖分子事实上并不那么孤独,他们的袭击往往在时间和空间上聚集在一起。首先,我们建议将独行恐怖分子的激进化视为一种由社会关系以及与激进团体/运动的互动所形成的关系途径。其次,我们从查尔斯-蒂利(Charles Tilly)的 "分散攻击 "概念中汲取灵感,将其视为一种分散的、松散协调的集体暴力模式,并提出了分析这些过程及其时间和互动动态的三种互补方法。我们认为,对独行侠政治暴力的社会和集体动态进行理论分析,不仅是为了解决一个经验性难题(社会关系的丰富性;暴力袭击的集群模式),也是为了在分析中捕捉到一种完全不同的、潜在的、日益相关的暴力过程逻辑。因此,自相矛盾的是,"单独行动者 "这一概念本身可以帮助我们更广泛地理解集体政治暴力的社会动态。
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引用次数: 0
What Is It Like To Be a Partisan? Measures of Partisanship and Its Value for Democracy 党派是什么样的?党派主义的衡量标准及其对民主的价值
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-06 DOI: 10.1017/s153759272300289x
Kevin J. Elliott
What is it like to be a partisan? How do individuals experience their relationship to political parties? The most common answer today, both in popular discourse and much political science, is identity, but many individuals do not identify with parties. Rather, they relate to parties in terms of psychological closeness or affinity—they do not say “we” about the party, as do identifiers, but rather “they.” In this article, I argue that both the empirical and normative study of partisanship would be improved by recognizing that these are two fundamentally different ways for individuals to be attached to parties and that these distinct experiences coexist within most democracies today. Acknowledging this basic plurality of partisanships would remedy the current tendency among empirical studies to homogenize partisanship as either identity or closeness and so would avoid falsifying the experience of many citizens who fall into the opposite category. In polarized contexts, moreover, it could help break up dualistic and antagonistic thinking about how to perform partisanship and diversify public understandings of how to be a partisan. Recognizing the plurality of partisanships would also improve the explosion of normative theorizing about partisanship found in the ground-breaking work of scholars like Nancy Rosenblum, Russell Muirhead, and Jonathan White and Lea Ypi. I show how identity and closeness partisanship—and the interaction between them—have transformative consequences for each of these scholars’ theories of partisanship, either furthering or threatening them. The article aims to improve the conceptualization of partisanship and to model a salutary engagement between normative and empirical inquiry within political science.
当游击队员是什么感觉?个人如何体验他们与政党的关系?今天,无论是在流行话语中还是在许多政治科学中,最常见的答案都是身份认同,但许多个人并不认同政党。更确切地说,他们与聚会的关系是心理上的亲密或亲近感——他们不会像标识符那样说“我们”,而是说“他们”。在这篇文章中,我认为,通过认识到这是个人依附于政党的两种根本不同的方式,以及这些不同的经历在当今大多数民主国家共存,党派关系的实证和规范研究都将得到改善。承认党派关系的这种基本多元性将纠正目前实证研究中将党派关系同质化为认同或亲近的倾向,从而避免伪造许多属于相反类别的公民的经验。此外,在两极分化的背景下,它可以帮助打破关于如何执行党派关系的二元和对抗性思维,并使公众对如何成为党派的理解多样化。认识到党派关系的多元性也会促进党派关系规范性理论的爆发,这些理论在南希·罗森布鲁姆(Nancy Rosenblum)、拉塞尔·穆尔黑德(Russell Muirhead)、乔纳森·怀特(Jonathan White)和利亚·伊皮(Lea Ypi)等学者的开创性工作中得到了发展。我展示了身份和党派关系的亲密性——以及它们之间的相互作用——如何对这些学者的党派关系理论产生变革性的影响,要么促进了这些理论,要么威胁了它们。本文旨在改进党派关系的概念化,并在政治科学的规范和经验调查之间建立有益的接触模型。
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引用次数: 0
Localized Bargaining: The Political Economy of China’s High-Speed Railway Program. By Xiao Ma. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 248p. $99.00 cloth, $29.95 paper. 地方化谈判:中国高速铁路项目的政治经济学》。作者:Xiao Ma。牛津大学出版社,2022 年:牛津大学出版社,2022 年。248p.布版 99.00 美元,纸版 29.95 美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002323
Meina Cai
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引用次数: 0
Bargaining in the Security Council: Setting the Global Agenda. By Susan Hannah Allen and Amy Yuen. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2022. 224p. $85.00 cloth. 安全理事会中的谈判:制定全球议程》。苏珊-汉娜-艾伦和艾米-袁著。牛津大学出版社,2022 年:牛津大学出版社,2022 年。224p.85.00 美元布版。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723002190
Patrik Johansson
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引用次数: 0
Bridging State and Civil Society: Informal Organizations in Tajik/Afghan Badakhshan. By Suzanne Levi-Sanchez. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2021. 362p. $85.00 cloth. 国家与民间社会的桥梁:塔吉克/阿富汗巴达赫尚省的非正式组织。作者:Suzanne Levi-Sanchez。安阿伯:密歇根大学出版社,2021 年。362p.布版售价 85.00 美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s153759272300258x
Florian Weigand
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引用次数: 0
Fundraiser in Chief: Presidents and the Politics of Campaign Cash. By Brendan J. Doherty. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2023. 208p. $44.95 cloth, $24.95 paper. 首席筹款人:总统与竞选现金政治》。作者:布兰登-J-多尔蒂。劳伦斯:堪萨斯大学出版社,2023 年。208p.布版 44.95 美元,纸版 24.95 美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s153759272300227x
Casey B. K. Dominguez
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引用次数: 0
Jewish Self-Determination beyond Zionism: Lessons from Hannah Arendt and Other Pariahs. By Jonathan Graubart. Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2023. 218p. $29.95 paper, $104.50 cloth. 犹太自决超越犹太复国主义:汉娜-阿伦特和其他贱民的教训。乔纳森-格劳巴特著。费城:坦普尔大学出版社,2023 年。218p.纸质版 29.95 美元,布质版 104.50 美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723002669
Oren Kroll-Zeldin
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引用次数: 0
PPS volume 21 issue 4 Cover and Back matter PPS 第 21 卷第 4 期封面和封底
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002840
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引用次数: 0
Voicing Politics: How Language Shapes Public Opinion. By Efrén Pérez and Margit Tavits. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2022. 232p. $120.00 cloth, $35.00 paper. 表达政治:语言如何塑造民意。Efrén Pérez 和 Margit Tavits 著。新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022 年。232p.布版 120.00 美元,纸版 35.00 美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723002165
Justin H. Gross
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Perspectives on Politics
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