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Perspectives on Politics最新文献

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Montesquieu: Let There Be Enlightenment. By Catherine Volpilhac-Auger. Translated by Philip Stewart. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 262p. $39.99 cloth. 孟德斯鸠让启蒙来临。作者:Catherine Volpilhac-Auger。菲利普-斯图尔特译。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022 年。262p.39.99 美元布版。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723002074
Alex Haskins
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引用次数: 0
A Commonwealth of Hope: Augustine’s Political Thought. By Michael Lamb. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2022. 448p. $39.95 cloth. 希望的联邦:奥古斯丁的政治思想》。迈克尔-兰姆著。新泽西州普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2022 年。448p.39.95 美元布版。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s153759272300261x
Veronica Roberts Ogle
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引用次数: 0
Governing Security after War: The Politics of Institutional Change in the Security Sector. By Louis-Alexandre Berg. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 320p. $80.00 cloth. 战后安全管理:安全部门机构变革的政治学》。路易-亚历山大-伯格著。牛津大学出版社,2022 年:牛津大学出版社,2022 年。320p.320p.
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002682
Dale Copeland
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引用次数: 0
A Man’s World? The Policy Representation of Women and Men in a Comparative Perspective 男人的世界?比较视角下的女性和男性的政策代表性
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-26 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002049
Mikael Persson, Wouter Schakel, Anders Sundell
Are the preferences of women and men unequally represented in public policies? This simple yet fundamental question has remained largely unexplored in the fast-growing fields of women’s representation and inequality in the opinion-policy link. Our study analyzes gender biases in policy representation using an original dataset covering 43 countries and four decades, with citizens’ preferences regarding more than 4,000 country-year policies linked to information about actual policy change. Our analysis reveals clear and robust evidence that women’s policy preferences are underrepresented compared to those of men. While this skew is fairly modest in terms of congruence, women’s representation is driven mostly by the high correlation of preferences with men. When there is disagreement, policy is more likely to align with men’s preferences. Our analyses further suggest that women’s substantive underrepresentation is mitigated in contexts with high levels of female descriptive representation and labor market participation. In sum, our study shows that gender inequality extends to the important realm of policy representation, but there is also meaningful variation in unequal representation across contexts.
在公共政策中,女性和男性的偏好是否不平等?这个简单而又基本的问题在迅速发展的妇女代表权和意见-政策联系中的不平等领域中仍未得到很大程度的探讨。我们的研究使用涵盖43个国家和40年的原始数据集分析了政策代表中的性别偏见,并将公民对4000多个国家/年政策的偏好与实际政策变化的信息联系起来。我们的分析揭示了明确而有力的证据,表明与男性相比,女性的政策偏好被低估了。虽然这种偏差在一致性方面是相当适度的,但女性的代表性主要是由于与男性的偏好高度相关。当存在分歧时,政策更有可能与男性的偏好保持一致。我们的分析进一步表明,在女性描述性代表性和劳动力市场参与度高的背景下,女性实质性代表性不足的情况得到了缓解。总之,我们的研究表明,性别不平等延伸到政策代表的重要领域,但在不同背景下,不平等的代表也存在有意义的变化。
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引用次数: 0
Billionaire Politicians: A Global Perspective 亿万富翁政治家:全球视角
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-25 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002761
Daniel Krcmaric, Stephen C. Nelson, Andrew Roberts
We introduce an original dataset of formal political participation for over 2,000 individuals included in the Forbes Billionaires List. We find that billionaire politicians are a surprisingly common phenomenon: Over 11% of the world’s billionaires have held or sought political office. Even compared to other elite groups known for producing politicians from their ranks, this is a high rate of political participation. Moreover, billionaires focus their political ambitions on influential positions, have a strong track record of winning elections, and lean to the right ideologically. We also document substantial cross-national variation: a country’s number of billionaire politicians is not simply a product of its total number of billionaires, but is instead related to regime type. Specifically, billionaires formally enter the political sphere at a much higher rate in autocracies than in democracies. We conclude by discussing the normative implications of our findings and outlining a new research agenda on billionaire politicians.
我们介绍了一个原始的数据集,其中包括2000多名福布斯亿万富翁名单上的个人的正式政治参与。我们发现,亿万富翁政治家是一个令人惊讶的普遍现象:全球超过11%的亿万富翁曾担任或寻求担任政治职务。即使与其他以从自己的队伍中产生政治家而闻名的精英群体相比,这也是很高的政治参与率。此外,亿万富翁的政治野心集中在有影响力的职位上,在赢得选举方面有着良好的记录,并且倾向于正确的意识形态。我们还记录了大量的跨国差异:一个国家亿万富翁政治家的数量不仅仅是其亿万富翁总数的产物,而是与政权类型有关。具体来说,亿万富翁在专制国家正式进入政治领域的比例远高于民主国家。最后,我们讨论了研究结果的规范性含义,并概述了一项关于亿万富翁政治家的新研究议程。
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引用次数: 0
Party and Party System Institutionalization: Which Comes First? 政党与政党制度制度化:孰先孰后?
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002530
Fernando Casal Bértoa, Zsolt Enyedi, Martin Mölder
Parties and party systems are treated as separate phenomena in theory, but not in research practice. This is most clearly so in the literature on the institutionalization of party politics, where the party level and the systemic levels are often analyzed through combined fuzzy indices. We 1) propose separate indicators for measuring institutionalization at the party and at the party system level, 2) demonstrate their different dynamics in twentieth and twenty-first century European countries, and 3) investigate the direction of causality. Using a dataset that covers more than 700 elections, 800 parties, and 1,400 instances of government formation in 60 different historical party systems across 45 European countries, we find that party-level institutionalization tends to precede systemic institutionalization. The opposite pattern occurs only in a few countries.
政党和政党制度在理论上被视为独立的现象,但在研究实践中却没有被视为独立的现象。这一点在关于政党政治制度化的文献中表现得最为明显,在这些文献中,政党层面和制度层面往往通过模糊综合指数进行分析。我们1)提出了衡量政党和政党制度层面制度化的不同指标,2)展示了它们在20世纪和21世纪欧洲国家的不同动态,3)调查了因果关系的方向。使用涵盖45个欧洲国家60个不同政党制度的700多次选举、800个政党和1400个政府组建实例的数据集,我们发现政党层面的制度化往往先于系统性的制度化。相反的情况只发生在少数几个国家。
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引用次数: 0
A Global Analysis of Transgender Rights: Introducing the Trans Rights Indicator Project (TRIP) 跨性别权利的全球分析:跨性别权利指标项目(TRIP)
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002827
Myles Williamson
To what extent do countries protect the rights of transgender people? How does this differ from legal protections countries offer sexual orientation minorities? What conditions are beneficial for advancing trans rights? Limitations in data availability and accessibility make answering these types of trans-specific questions difficult. To address this shortcoming, I introduce a new dataset. The Trans Rights Indicator Project (TRIP) provides insight into the legal situations transgender people faced in 173 countries from 2000 to 2021. The dataset currently includes 14 indicators that capture the presence or absence of laws related to criminalization, legal gender recognition, and anti-discrimination protections. I then use this data to discuss the global status of transgender rights throughout the period and compare these trends to sexual orientation rights. Finally, I conclude with a preliminary analysis of three institutional and cultural factors that may help explain variation in transgender rights throughout the world.
各国在多大程度上保护跨性别者的权利?这与国家为性取向少数群体提供的法律保护有何不同?哪些条件有利于促进跨性别者的权利?数据可用性和可访问性方面的限制使得很难回答这些类型的跨特定问题。为了解决这个缺点,我引入了一个新的数据集。跨性别者权利指标项目(TRIP)深入了解了2000年至2021年173个国家跨性别者所面临的法律状况。该数据集目前包括14项指标,这些指标反映了与刑事定罪、法律上的性别承认和反歧视保护有关的法律是否存在。然后,我用这些数据来讨论这一时期变性人权利的全球状况,并将这些趋势与性取向权利进行比较。最后,我对可能有助于解释世界各地变性人权利差异的三个制度和文化因素进行了初步分析。
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引用次数: 0
The Process of Revolutionary Protest: Development and Democracy in the Tunisian Revolution 革命抗议的过程:突尼斯革命的发展与民主
1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002062
Christopher Barrie
Revolutionary protest rarely begins as democratic or revolutionary. Instead, it grows in a process of positive feedback, incorporating new constituencies and generating new demands. If protest is not revolutionary at its onset, theory should reflect this and be able to explain the endogenous emergence of democratic demands. In this article, I combine multiple data sources on the 2010–2011 Tunisian Revolution, including survey data, an original event catalogue, and field interviews. I show that the correlates of protest occurrence and participation change significantly during the uprising. Using the Tunisian case as a theory-building exercise, I argue that the formation of protest coalitions is essential, rather than incidental, to democratic revolution.
革命抗议很少以民主或革命的方式开始。相反,它是在一个积极反馈的过程中成长的,它吸收了新的支持者,产生了新的需求。如果抗议从一开始就不是革命性的,理论应该反映这一点,并能够解释民主要求的内生出现。在这篇文章中,我结合了2010-2011年突尼斯革命的多个数据来源,包括调查数据、原始事件目录和实地采访。我表明,在起义期间,抗议发生和参与的相关关系发生了显著变化。我以突尼斯的案例作为理论构建的实践,认为抗议联盟的形成对于民主革命来说是必不可少的,而不是偶然的。
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Freedom: Pluralism, Polarization, and Politics. By Eric MacGilvray. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 221p. $39.99 cloth. 自由主义自由:多元主义、两极分化和政治。作者:Eric MacGilvray。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022。221便士。布39.99美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001056
Frank Lovett
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引用次数: 0
PPS volume 21 issue 3 Cover and Back matter PPS第21卷第3期封面和封底
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723000348
S. Soroka
d ig ial Tran fo rm atio n s o f th e P u b lic a en a Digital technologies have changed the public arena, but there is little scholarly consensus about how they have done so. This Element lays out a new framework for the digitally mediated public arena by identifying structural changes and continuities with the pre-digital era. It examines three country cases – the United States, Germany, and China. In these countries and elsewhere, the emergence of new infrastructures such as search engines and social media platforms increasingly mediate and govern the visibility and reach of information, and thus reconfigure the transmission belt between citizens and political elites. This shift requires a rethinking of the workings and dysfunctions of the contemporary public arena and ways to improve it.
数字技术已经改变了公共领域,但关于它们是如何做到这一点,学术界几乎没有达成共识。该元素通过识别前数字时代的结构变化和连续性,为数字媒介的公共领域提供了一个新的框架。它考察了三个国家的案例——美国、德国和中国。在这些国家和其他地方,搜索引擎和社交媒体平台等新基础设施的出现越来越多地调节和管理信息的可见性和覆盖范围,从而重新配置公民和政治精英之间的传输带。这种转变需要重新思考当代公共舞台的运作和功能障碍,以及改善它的方法。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Perspectives on Politics
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