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The Process of Revolutionary Protest: Development and Democracy in the Tunisian Revolution 革命抗议的过程:突尼斯革命的发展与民主
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723002062
Christopher Barrie
Revolutionary protest rarely begins as democratic or revolutionary. Instead, it grows in a process of positive feedback, incorporating new constituencies and generating new demands. If protest is not revolutionary at its onset, theory should reflect this and be able to explain the endogenous emergence of democratic demands. In this article, I combine multiple data sources on the 2010–2011 Tunisian Revolution, including survey data, an original event catalogue, and field interviews. I show that the correlates of protest occurrence and participation change significantly during the uprising. Using the Tunisian case as a theory-building exercise, I argue that the formation of protest coalitions is essential, rather than incidental, to democratic revolution.
革命抗议很少以民主或革命的方式开始。相反,它是在一个积极反馈的过程中成长的,它吸收了新的支持者,产生了新的需求。如果抗议从一开始就不是革命性的,理论应该反映这一点,并能够解释民主要求的内生出现。在这篇文章中,我结合了2010-2011年突尼斯革命的多个数据来源,包括调查数据、原始事件目录和实地采访。我表明,在起义期间,抗议发生和参与的相关关系发生了显著变化。我以突尼斯的案例作为理论构建的实践,认为抗议联盟的形成对于民主革命来说是必不可少的,而不是偶然的。
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引用次数: 0
Response to Swati Srivastava’s Review of Contesting Sovereignty: Power and Practice in Africa and Southeast Asia 回应斯里瓦斯塔瓦对主权争夺的评论:非洲和东南亚的权力与实践
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001093
J. Ng
and sovereignty “understood as freedom to act” (pp. 1-6). Stephen Krasner famously introduced four types of sovereignty (international legal, Westphalian, domestic, and interdependence) that differ on internal/external control as well as legitimation. My book, also featured in this critical dialogue, catalogues over twenty definitions in IR theory that focus on different aspects related to “supreme authority.” The lack of conceptual clarity (or discussion of the impossibility of such clarity) are important because the empirics are structured around different contestations of sovereignty norms. However, in the numerous mentions of proposing or opposing norm circles defending sovereignty claims, Ng only includes two explicit mentions of sovereignty by a state leader (p. 86, p. 216). For example, when discussing how South Africa and Nigeria dealt with Gaddafi’s United States of Africa proposal, the book does not use the archival material to reveal particular sovereignty concerns, instead choosing only to emphasize that such opposition existed (pp. 89-90, 92-93, 95). Thus, while Ng remarks that “African states could be united in such negotiations without ceding sovereignty” (p. 97), we have little insight on how the leaders thought about the meaning of sovereignty and what kind of sovereignty contests were at play with Gaddafi’s proposal. The story recurs in the successful Conference on Security, Stability, Development, and Cooperation in Africa (CSSDCA), which introduced ideas of collective responsibility. CSSDCA is interesting because it features within-case variation: the proposal by Nigerian leader Olusegun Obasanjo in 1991 was initially rejected before a version was later adopted in 1999. Here, Ng calls attention to the OAU Charter’s principle of noninterference as the sovereignty norm at stake in 1991 (p. 112). However, while mentioning that states like Libya and Sudan were vocally opposed (p. 116), Ng does not present those objections in charter terms or otherwise. In the historical background, Ng refers to the “OAU’s first open debate about the nature of sovereignty” (p. 119), but the selected passage does not invoke sovereignty directly or indirectly. Crucially, the one aspect that changed between the 1991 and 1999 proposals was that CSSDCA’s challenge to sovereignty was “less directly stated” (p. 127). This is an important aspect of what I call “Idealized Sovereignty,” where state leaders maintain the convenient fiction of indivisible supreme authority even when they proceed to divide and delegate sovereign functions. Elsewhere, in the ASEAN chapters, Ng sometimes uses language of “national interests” to substitute for sovereignty (pp. 179, 188), but this is also not substantiated by diplomatic discourse. There is sometimes a sense that the meaning of sovereignty norms in regional organizations is ambiguous outside of practice (p. 183), but this point could be more clearly stated, especially given its affinity with international practice th
,Michelle Jurkovich,“什么不是规范?”,《国际研究评论》22[3],2020),特别是从过程的角度(见Simon Frankel Pratt,“从规范到规范配置”,国际理论12[1],2020)和研究程序规则的实践(见Mark Raymond,《世界政治中规则制定的社会实践》,2019)。这些作品同样超越了奇异逻辑,推进了实践理论和规范的争论,但没有具体化物质/概念的划分。尽管存在这些概念问题,《争夺主权》是一本重要的书,它揭示了在全球北方以外的区域一体化中与主权斗争的多重历史。它值得广泛阅读,并通过这样的对话参与其论点。
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引用次数: 0
The Return of Resentment: The Rise and Decline and Rise Again of a Political Emotion. By Robert A. Schneider. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2023. 297p. $29.00 cloth. 怨恨的回归:一种政治情感的兴起、衰落和再次兴起。罗伯特·a·施耐德著。芝加哥:芝加哥大学出版社,2023。297便士。布29.00美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001354
Christian F. Rostbøll
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引用次数: 1
Hostile Forces: How the Chinese Communist Party Resists International Pressure on Human Rights. By Jamie J. Gruffydd-Jones. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 260p. $99.00 cloth, $29.95 paper. 敌对势力:中国共产党如何抵制国际人权压力。作者:杰米·J·格鲁菲德·琼斯。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022年。260便士$99.00块布,29.95美元纸。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723001810
Dan Chen
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引用次数: 0
Rolling Transition and the Role of Intellectuals: The Case of Hungary. By András Bozoki. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2022, 618p. $115.00 cloth. 滚动转型与知识分子的作用:以匈牙利为例。作者:András Bozoki。布达佩斯:中欧大学出版社,2022年,618页$115.00布。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001615
K. Scheppele
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引用次数: 0
Liberal Freedom: Pluralism, Polarization, and Politics. By Eric MacGilvray. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022. 221p. $39.99 cloth. 自由主义自由:多元主义、两极分化和政治。作者:Eric MacGilvray。剑桥:剑桥大学出版社,2022。221便士。布39.99美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001056
Frank Lovett
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引用次数: 0
PPS volume 21 issue 3 Cover and Back matter PPS第21卷第3期封面和封底
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723000348
S. Soroka
d ig ial Tran fo rm atio n s o f th e P u b lic a en a Digital technologies have changed the public arena, but there is little scholarly consensus about how they have done so. This Element lays out a new framework for the digitally mediated public arena by identifying structural changes and continuities with the pre-digital era. It examines three country cases – the United States, Germany, and China. In these countries and elsewhere, the emergence of new infrastructures such as search engines and social media platforms increasingly mediate and govern the visibility and reach of information, and thus reconfigure the transmission belt between citizens and political elites. This shift requires a rethinking of the workings and dysfunctions of the contemporary public arena and ways to improve it.
数字技术已经改变了公共领域,但关于它们是如何做到这一点,学术界几乎没有达成共识。该元素通过识别前数字时代的结构变化和连续性,为数字媒介的公共领域提供了一个新的框架。它考察了三个国家的案例——美国、德国和中国。在这些国家和其他地方,搜索引擎和社交媒体平台等新基础设施的出现越来越多地调节和管理信息的可见性和覆盖范围,从而重新配置公民和政治精英之间的传输带。这种转变需要重新思考当代公共舞台的运作和功能障碍,以及改善它的方法。
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引用次数: 0
PPS volume 21 issue 3 Cover and Front matter PPS第21卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723000336
Vanessa Williamson, Kris-Stella Trump, K. Einstein, Jonathan Obert, Eleonora Mattiacci, Michael Leo Owens, Hannah L. Walker, A. P. S. P. Sphere, Scott Desposato, Raymond Foxworth, Terri E. Givens Brighter Higher Ed, Eileen M. Hunt, Sarah McLaughlin
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引用次数: 0
Democracy’s Child: Young People and the Politics of Control, Leverage, and Agency. By Alison L. Gash and Daniel J. Tichenor. New York: Oxford University Press, 2022. 259p. $27.95 cloth. 民主的孩子:年轻人与控制、杠杆和代理的政治。作者:艾莉森·l·加什和丹尼尔·j·蒂切诺。纽约:牛津大学出版社,2022。259便士。布27.95美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s1537592723001718
Zoe Oxley
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引用次数: 0
Settling for Less: Why States Colonize and Why They Stop. By Lachlan McNamee. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2023. 256p. $120.00 cloth, $35.00 paper. 满足于更少:为什么国家会殖民,为什么它们会停止。作者:拉克伦·麦克纳米。普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023年。256便士$120.00布,35.00美元纸。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1537592723001901
Jacob Gerner Hariri
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引用次数: 0
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Perspectives on Politics
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