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Placing the peripheries within Brazil’s rightward turn: Socio-spatial transformation and electoral realignment, 2002–2018 将边缘地区置于巴西的右转之中:2002-2018年的社会空间转型和选举重组
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231177142
M. Richmond, Elizabeth McKenna
In 2018, far right candidate Jair Bolsonaro came to power in Brazil by building a socially and geographically heterogeneous electoral coalition. A crucial and largely overlooked part of this coalition were the inhabitants of low-income peripheries in large cities in the Southeast of the country. Throughout the 2000s, these voters tended to vote for the left-leaning Workers’ Party in presidential elections, but over the 2010s they shifted electorally to the right. This article maps these shifts and analyses them in relation to major urban, social and institutional transformations. We first present longitudinal electoral data at the scale of electoral zones for the metropolitan areas of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. We then present case studies of two peripheral districts, analysing these in relation to a range of key socio-economic and institutional variables. We argue that the peripheries of both metropolises have been subject to common transformations that influenced electoral behaviour, but that there are important differences between peripheral areas that help to explain the varying strength and durability of the rightward turn at the local scale. In dialogue with the theme of this special issue, we argue that that this kind of sensitive socio-spatial analysis helps to situate and add nuance to theories of ‘revanchist populism’.
2018年,极右翼候选人雅伊尔·博尔索纳罗(Jair Bolsonaro)通过建立一个社会和地理上不同的选举联盟,在巴西上台执政。在这个联盟中,一个至关重要、但在很大程度上被忽视的部分是该国东南部大城市低收入边缘地区的居民。在整个2000年代,这些选民在总统选举中倾向于投票给左倾的工人党,但在2010年代,他们在选举中转向了右翼。本文描绘了这些变化,并分析了它们与主要城市、社会和制度变革的关系。我们首先在圣保罗和里约热内卢大都市地区的选区范围内提供纵向选举数据。然后,我们提出了两个外围地区的案例研究,分析了这些地区与一系列关键的社会经济和制度变量的关系。我们认为,这两个大都市的外围都受到了影响选举行为的共同转变的影响,但外围地区之间存在重要差异,有助于解释当地范围内向右转向的强度和持久性的不同。在与本期特刊主题的对话中,我们认为这种敏感的社会空间分析有助于定位和增加“复仇民粹主义”理论的细微差别。
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引用次数: 1
Driving across the warscape: Syrian cross-border taxi drivers and the politics of mobility 穿越战场:叙利亚跨境出租车司机和流动性政治
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231174110
Kristin V. Monroe
In this paper, I draw on ethnographic research with Syrian cross border taxi drivers in developing an argument about how their mobility is a crucible of the interlocking relations between the production of masculinity and political economy during wartime. I propose that thinking with the Syrian cross-border taxi driver advances our theoretical approaches to the temporality of war and the conceptualization of warscape. In so doing, I challenge the unidirectional (out of Syria) notions of movement which have dominated our spatial understandings of the long conflict and which circulate around the figure of the refugee.
在本文中,我借鉴了对叙利亚跨境出租车司机的人种学研究,提出了一个论点,即他们的流动性如何成为战时男性气质产生与政治经济之间环环相扣关系的熔炉。我认为,与叙利亚跨境出租车司机的思考推进了我们对战争的暂时性和战争景观概念化的理论方法。在这样做的过程中,我挑战了单向(离开叙利亚)的运动概念,这种概念主导了我们对长期冲突的空间理解,并围绕着难民的形象传播。
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引用次数: 0
Under one roof: Strategic intersectionality among women negotiating the Calais border under lockdown 在一个屋檐下:在封锁下谈判加莱边境的妇女之间的战略交集
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231173546
Martha A. Hagan
Calais has attracted the attention of numerous scholars since it emerged as a key European migration pressure point in the early 1990s. Yet in-depth discussions relating to the experiences of displaced women at this border remain rare. This article draws on my unexpected experience of spending 3 months in lockdown with border-crossing women in Calais when the field research I had been carrying out with (predominantly male) people living in makeshift camps at the border was interrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic in March 2020. Drawing on the work of feminist geographers I conceptualise the northern French border as a virilised space, where policing that imposes harsh living conditions at the border reinforces male subjectivities and exacerbates gender-based exclusion and violence. Drawing on ethnographic insights from this intimate period of living together, I then detail how lockdown prompted the women I was living with to renegotiate this terrain with physical proximity to their male counterparts ruled out. I argue that the role of domestic space changed during this period, from one of hindrance to the mobility of the female body to one of strategic potential. In the light of these findings, I propose a conceptualisation of the lockdown period as a moment of retreat and rupture that facilitated these women’s engagement in strategic intersectionality, drawing on their unique positions as a small but diverse group to endure crisis and negotiate opportunities to reach the United Kingdom.
加莱自上世纪90年代初成为欧洲移民的关键压力点以来,吸引了众多学者的关注。然而,关于这一边界上流离失所妇女的经历的深入讨论仍然很少。这篇文章借鉴了我在加来与过境妇女一起被封锁3个月的意外经历,当时我与居住在边境临时营地的人(主要是男性)进行的实地研究被2020年3月的COVID-19大流行打断。借鉴女权主义地理学家的作品,我将法国北部边境概念化为一个男性化的空间,在那里,警察在边境强加了严酷的生活条件,强化了男性的主体性,加剧了基于性别的排斥和暴力。根据这段亲密同居时期的人种学见解,我详细介绍了封锁是如何促使与我住在一起的女性在排除与男性同行身体接近的情况下重新谈判这一领域的。我认为,在这一时期,家庭空间的角色发生了变化,从女性身体流动性的障碍转变为战略潜力。根据这些调查结果,我建议将封锁期概念化为撤退和破裂的时刻,这一时刻促进了这些妇女参与战略交叉性,利用她们作为一个小而多样化的群体的独特地位来忍受危机并谈判进入联合王国的机会。
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引用次数: 0
Mini-Publics as an innovation in spatial governance 迷你公共作为空间治理的创新
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231176392
Daniel Durrant, T. Cohen
Mini-publics—deliberative fora made up of randomly selected, representative groups of citizens—have attracted considerable interest as a means of resolving perceived weaknesses in existing forms of governance. In this paper, we consider the use of a mini-public or citizens’ assembly to constitute an ad hoc governance space based on the Travel to Work Area of Cambridge in the United Kingdom rather than working within the existing local government boundaries within which transport infrastructure is usually governed. Through this case study, we explore the question of embedding mini-publics in the wider processes of policy and decision-making. More specifically this is the question of the extent to which they ought to be permitted to inform and even assume responsibility for local-level transport policy decisions. We argue that, if they are to become more widely used, then it will be necessary to understand the practices associated with such democratic experiments and their potential to transform existing governance networks in contested areas of spatial policy.
迷你公众——由随机选择的、有代表性的公民群体组成的协商论坛——作为解决现有治理形式中显而易见的弱点的一种手段,引起了相当大的兴趣。在本文中,我们考虑使用小型公共或公民集会来构成一个基于英国剑桥工作区域的临时治理空间,而不是在现有的地方政府边界内工作,而交通基础设施通常在其范围内进行管理。通过这个案例研究,我们探讨了在更广泛的政策和决策过程中嵌入微型公众的问题。更具体地说,这是应允许它们在多大程度上通报甚至承担地方一级运输政策决定的责任的问题。我们认为,如果它们要得到更广泛的应用,那么就有必要了解与这些民主实验相关的实践,以及它们在有争议的空间政策领域改变现有治理网络的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Ghostly murals: Tracing the politics of public art in Vancouver’s Hogan’s Alley 幽灵壁画:追踪温哥华霍根巷公共艺术的政治
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231172122
Friederike Landau-Donnelly
The article unpacks the multiple political implications of commissioned murals in contested urban space. It examines public artwork in Hogan’s Alley, a historically Black neighborhood in Vancouver, BC, situated on the unceded Indigenous territories of the Musqueam, Squamish, and Tsleil-Waututh Coast Salish Nations. Drawing from ethnographic field research and semi-structured interviews with local artists, policymakers and community activists, I read the mural Remember Hogan’s Alleny (2019), covering the sidewall of a subsidized housing project, as a contested public space. In this conflictual space, multiple pasts appear, disappear and reappear, oscillating between the celebration of Black culture, food and entertainment and the systematic displacement of Black residents and businesses. By contrasting diverging rationales, expectations and dreams regarding murals’ contributions to memory-making and cultural reconciliation, I trace where and how conflicts about public art inscribe themselves into the urban cultural fabric. The article intervenes into the predominantly ‘positive’ discussion of sanctioned public art to develop a more conflict-attuned understanding of artworks placed in the public realm. It deploys a framework of hauntology to discuss the appearance of ghosts invited into the public realm via official art commissions. These ghosts, becoming visible on urban walls via acts of placemaking, conjure memories of spatial displacement and racial discrimination, as well as stories of community care and healing. In sum, the article argues that the analytic of ghosts assists to foster an understanding of public art as always-already conflictual, thus inviting to stay with conflicts of belonging and memory, rather than to suppress them or shy away. By reflecting on what public art does politically – unpacking diverse narratives of the past that continue to mark present racial inequalities – the article contributes to sketching a conflict-oriented understanding of public space that is needed in cities wounded by racism and displacement.
这篇文章揭示了在有争议的城市空间中委托壁画的多重政治含义。它考察了霍根巷的公共艺术品,霍根巷是不列颠哥伦比亚省温哥华一个历史悠久的黑人社区,位于Musqueam, Squamish和Tsleil-Waututh海岸萨利希国家的未被割让的土著领土上。根据民族志实地研究和对当地艺术家、政策制定者和社区活动家的半结构化采访,我阅读了壁画《记住霍根的小巷》(2019年),它覆盖了一个补贴住房项目的侧壁,作为一个有争议的公共空间。在这个充满冲突的空间里,多重的过去出现、消失和重现,在对黑人文化、食物和娱乐的庆祝与黑人居民和企业的系统性流离失所之间摇摆不定。通过对比壁画对记忆和文化和解的贡献的不同原理、期望和梦想,我追踪了公共艺术的冲突在哪里以及如何融入城市文化结构。本文介入了对被认可的公共艺术的主要“积极”讨论,以发展对放置在公共领域的艺术作品的更冲突的理解。它部署了一个鬼怪学的框架来讨论通过官方艺术委员会邀请进入公共领域的鬼魂的出现。这些鬼魂通过营造场所的行为出现在城市的墙壁上,唤起人们对空间迁移和种族歧视的记忆,以及社区关怀和治疗的故事。总之,这篇文章认为,对鬼魂的分析有助于培养对公共艺术的理解,因为它一直都是冲突的,因此邀请人们留在归属感和记忆的冲突中,而不是压抑它们或回避它们。通过反思公共艺术在政治上的作用——揭开过去的各种叙事,继续标志着当前的种族不平等——这篇文章有助于勾勒出一种以冲突为导向的公共空间理解,这是受种族主义和流离失所伤害的城市所需要的。
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引用次数: 1
Landscapes of dispossession: Criminal justice and property rights in Mexico (2015–2020) 剥夺的景观:墨西哥的刑事司法和财产权(2015-2020)
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-10 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231173548
Rodrigo Meneses-Reyes, Gustavo Fondevila, Carlos Galindo
It is generally accepted that the State plays an important role in promoting and facilitating practices of dispossession; yet there is little reflection on its role in prevention, processing, and reversion (restitution). Our research focusses on dispossession understood as a crime. The criminal classification of dispossession as well as the continued reporting of its frequency and magnitude, suggest that crucial State institutions, such as those which form part of the criminal justice system, play a determining role in both how certain property conflicts are denominated as well as the trajectory, duration, and ways in which these are processed. Using a spatial analysis of criminal records of dispossession on a municipal level, from 2015 – 2020 in Mexico, we aim to demonstrate dispossession as a highly collective, contested, and concentrated process of changing relations of land and property that materialize in unequal ways on specific regulated spaces, rather than as a random occurrence on institutionally and socially empty territories.
人们普遍认为,国家在促进和便利剥夺财产的做法方面起着重要作用;然而,它在预防、处理和恢复(恢复)方面的作用却很少得到反思。我们的研究集中在被理解为犯罪的剥夺。剥夺财产的刑事分类以及对其频率和程度的持续报告表明,关键的国家机构,例如构成刑事司法系统一部分的国家机构,在某些财产冲突的命名方式以及这些冲突的轨迹、持续时间和处理方式方面发挥着决定性作用。通过对墨西哥2015年至2020年城市层面的剥夺犯罪记录进行空间分析,我们的目标是证明剥夺是一个高度集体性的、有争议的、集中的土地和财产关系变化过程,这种变化以不平等的方式在特定的监管空间中实现,而不是在制度和社会空白的领土上随机发生。
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引用次数: 0
Politicizing the “unknown”: Territorial narratives, shared spatial imaginaries, and Bermuda’s oceans 将“未知”政治化:领土叙事、共享空间想象和百慕大海洋
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-05 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231174115
L. Acton
Marine conservation advocates have promoted the designation of large-scale marine protected areas (LSMPAs) in the EEZs of small island states and territories. These offshore spaces, early proponents argued, are too remote for people to use and are thus “politically less risky” than nearshore areas to promote conservation. This paper counters this assertion through an empirical examination of how the mistaken assumption that offshore spaces are unpeopled contributed to a failed LSMPA designation attempt in Bermuda. Drawing on policy documents, speech transcripts, media, and 104 semi-structured interviews, it presents an analysis of the territorial narratives used to discursively (re)produce Bermuda’s EEZ during LSMPA negotiations. Three major findings emerge. First, rather than a blank slate on which conservation values could be easily inscribed, these narratives showed Bermuda’s EEZ to be a space entangled with diverse values, identities, and goals. Second, the narratives that actors used revealed broadly overlapping values related to Bermuda’s EEZ, even among people promoting opposing governance outcomes, demonstrating that opportunities for broad agreement on the EEZ’s purpose and governance did, and may still, exist. Third, by using an imaginary of Bermuda’s EEZ as “unknown” to legitimize its decision to delay negotiations, the Bermuda government effectively reinstated the “blank slate,” aligning itself with popular values while avoiding a definitive stance on the contentious national debate. This decision and the broader negotiations demonstrate how the use of territorial narratives and spatial imaginaries can alter offshore spaces, even when no regulatory changes occur, with implications for future ocean governance options.
海洋保护倡导者推动在小岛屿国家和领土的专属经济区内指定大规模海洋保护区(LSMPAs)。早期的支持者认为,这些近海空间太遥远,不适合人们使用,因此与近岸地区相比,在促进保护方面“政治风险更小”。本文通过一项实证研究来反驳这一说法,该实证研究表明,“海上空间无人居住”的错误假设是如何导致百慕大LSMPA认定失败的原因。根据政策文件、演讲文稿、媒体和104个半结构化访谈,本文分析了在LSMPA谈判期间用于话语(重新)产生百慕大专属经济区的领土叙述。主要发现有三个。首先,这些叙述表明百慕大的专属经济区是一个与各种价值观、身份和目标纠缠在一起的空间,而不是一张可以轻易铭刻保护价值的白板。其次,参与者使用的叙述揭示了与百慕大专属经济区相关的广泛重叠的价值观,甚至在促进相反治理结果的人群中也是如此,这表明就专属经济区的目的和治理达成广泛协议的机会曾经存在,而且可能仍然存在。第三,通过将百慕大专属经济区想象为“未知”,使其推迟谈判的决定合法化,百慕大政府有效地恢复了“白板”,使自己与大众价值观保持一致,同时避免在有争议的全国辩论中采取明确立场。这一决定和更广泛的谈判表明,即使在没有发生监管变化的情况下,使用领土叙事和空间想象如何改变近海空间,并对未来的海洋治理方案产生影响。
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引用次数: 1
Spatial justice as a prerequisite for a just transition in rural areas? The case study from the Irish peatlands 空间公正是农村地区公正转型的先决条件?爱尔兰泥炭地的案例研究
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231173210
Aparajita Banerjee, G. Schuitema
Energy production from fossil fuels is gradually phased out as many countries aim to transition to a low-carbon society. As society and technology are intertwined, phasing out fossil fuels impacts people and communities. Especially those who heavily rely on the fossil fuel industry will be worse off. Therefore, calls are being made for ajust transitionthat ensures the rehabilitation of workers, regions, and communities negatively affected by fossil fuel industry closures. We argue that spatial justice can help inform just transition’s theoretical and practical aspects. Therefore, a spatial justice approach should be a prerequisite for a just transition. The concept of spatial justice is intertwined with the social justice principles of procedural, distributive, and restorative justice, which are central to the current conceptual understanding of just transition. We use the case of the closure of peat-based electricity production in rural Ireland to demonstrate how a spatial justice approach can underpin a just transition and how it can help with practicalities like identifying and addressing the issues and concerns in local communities. To ensure a just transition, a spatial justice approach is needed to identify and address the deeper problems affecting the resiliency of rural and mono-industrial regions dependent on fossil fuels.
随着许多国家致力于向低碳社会转型,化石燃料的能源生产正在逐步淘汰。随着社会和技术的交织,逐步淘汰化石燃料会影响到人们和社区。尤其是那些严重依赖化石燃料工业的国家,情况将会更糟。因此,人们呼吁进行调整转型,以确保受化石燃料行业关闭负面影响的工人、地区和社区得到恢复。我们认为,空间公正有助于为公正过渡提供理论和实践方面的信息。因此,空间公正是实现公正过渡的先决条件。空间正义的概念与程序正义、分配正义和恢复性正义的社会正义原则交织在一起,这是当前对正义过渡概念理解的核心。我们以爱尔兰农村关闭泥炭发电的案例为例,展示了空间正义方法如何支撑公正的过渡,以及它如何帮助识别和解决当地社区的问题和关切等实用性。为了确保公平过渡,需要采取空间公正的方法,以确定和解决影响依赖化石燃料的农村和单一工业地区恢复能力的更深层次问题。
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引用次数: 0
Militarized urbanism in the cold war era: The resettlement of the refugees in Khan Younis 冷战时期的军事化都市主义:汗尤尼斯难民的重新安置
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231170571
Fatina Abreek-Zubiedat
The resettlement of Palestinian refugees is often studied through two distinct approaches: the first uses settler colonialism as an analytical framework to explore structural violence and Indigenous transfer, expressed through counterinsurgency and urbicide; the second investigates practices of care and governance and their representations within a universalized discourse of humanitarianism. This article introduces a new approach, exploring historical (post)colonial architectural narratives—rooted in international discourses of humanitarian relief and development aid—to interrogate the complex settler-colonial conditions and practices of Israel’s resettlement of refugees. Such narratives emphasis the materialization of resettlement, in which structural violence is culturally co-produced. The article focuses on the Khan Younis refugee resettlement project in the Gaza Strip (1983-1993), drawing on archival materials and in-depth interviews to offering ‘militarized urbanism’ as a novel description of the violence of resettlement. Situated at the junction between military technologies and cultural practices, ‘militarized urbanism’ represents the transformation of the geopolitics of colonial warfare to the colonization of the everyday, where urban and architectural knowledge are reshaped by security logics in the mediation of conflicting civilian and political agendas.
巴勒斯坦难民的重新安置通常通过两种不同的方法进行研究:第一种方法使用定居者殖民主义作为分析框架,探索结构性暴力和土著转移,通过镇压叛乱和杀害城市来表达;第二部分调查了关怀和治理的实践及其在人道主义的普遍话语中的表现。本文介绍了一种新的方法,探索历史(后)殖民建筑叙事-植根于人道主义救济和发展援助的国际话语-来询问复杂的定居者-殖民条件和以色列重新安置难民的做法。这种叙事强调重新安置的物质化,其中结构性暴力在文化上是共同产生的。本文聚焦于加沙地带的汗尤尼斯难民安置项目(1983-1993),利用档案资料和深度访谈,以“军事化都市主义”作为对安置暴力的新颖描述。“军事化城市主义”位于军事技术和文化实践的交汇处,代表了殖民战争的地缘政治向日常殖民的转变,在冲突的平民和政治议程的调解中,城市和建筑知识被安全逻辑重塑。
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引用次数: 0
Border hotels: Spaces of detention and quarantine 边境旅馆:拘留和检疫场所
IF 2.7 2区 社会学 Q3 ENVIRONMENTAL STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-04-12 DOI: 10.1177/23996544231157254
Ari Jerrems, Kaya Barry, A. Burridge, Umut Ozguc
‘Border hotels’ have come to prominence during the COVID-19 pandemic as spaces of detention and quarantine. Despite the longer history of using hotels for immigrant detention, efforts to contain outbreaks have led to the proliferation of hotels used for border governance. Ad hoc quarantine facilities have been set up around the world acting as choke points for mobility. The use of hotels as sites of detention has also gained significant attention, with pandemic related restrictions impacting on access to services for detained refugees and asylum seekers. Inhumane conditions and mobilisations against these conditions have recently received substantial media coverage. This symposium initiates a discussion about ‘border hotels’, closely engaging with these developments. Contributors document the shifting infrastructures of the border, and explore how these sites are experienced and resisted. They draw attention to divergent experiences of immobility, belonging, exclusion, and intersections of detention and quarantine. In exploring different - and controversial - aspects of ‘border hotels’, this symposium theorises modalities of governance implemented through hotels. Following in the footsteps of the ‘hotel geopolitics’ agenda (Fregonese and Ramadan 2015) it illustrates how hotels become integrated into border regimes. In doing so, it contributes to debates on the material and infrastructural dimensions of bordering practices and specifically to the literature on carceral geographies, polymorphic bordering and the politics of mobility.
在2019冠状病毒病大流行期间,作为拘留和隔离场所的“边境酒店”引起了人们的关注。尽管使用酒店拘留移民的历史较长,但控制疫情的努力导致用于边境治理的酒店激增。世界各地已经建立了临时隔离设施,作为流动的瓶颈。利用酒店作为拘留地点也引起了极大关注,与大流行病有关的限制影响到被拘留的难民和寻求庇护者获得服务。非人道的条件和反对这些条件的动员最近得到了大量的媒体报道。本次研讨会就“边境酒店”展开讨论,密切关注这些发展。作者记录了边境基础设施的变化,并探讨了这些地点是如何经历和抵制的。它们让人们注意到不动、归属、排斥以及拘留和隔离的交集等不同的经历。在探索“边境酒店”的不同和有争议的方面时,本次研讨会将通过酒店实施的治理模式理论化。紧随“酒店地缘政治”议程(2015年弗雷贡语和斋月)的脚步,它说明了酒店如何融入边境制度。在这样做的过程中,它有助于关于边界实践的物质和基础设施维度的辩论,特别是关于地理位置、多态边界和流动性政治的文献。
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引用次数: 3
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