{"title":"Support the troops: military obligation, gender, and the making of political community","authors":"Natalie Jester","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad304","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad304","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"54 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447569","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
According to conventional narratives of International Relations (IR), the vast majority—if not all—of the twentieth-century proposals to overcome war came from men, such as Norman Angell, Vladimir Lenin and Woodrow Wilson. Recent efforts show that women also contributed significantly to the topic; nevertheless, they have focused almost exclusively on women from the United States or Great Britain. Despite Argentinian Alicia Moreau's significant writings on war, her international thought remains unknown in Latin America, and in the histories of international thought and IR. Through a textual analysis of Moreau's writings and speeches, as well as a comparative approach with other socialist and feminist perspectives, this article has a double objective. First, to lay the foundations for demonstrating that women from the global South also contributed to explaining and providing practical solutions to war during the early twentieth century; and second, to draw lessons from Moreau's writings for today's policy-makers. The article shows that although Moreau's international thought does not transcend Eurocentrism, her blend of socialist democratic feminism, informed by her work as an activist and politician, offers a moderate non-violent alternative to other well-known socialist and feminist approaches, and provides insights for policy-makers on the importance of women, education and democracy to achieve a more peaceful and egalitarian world.
{"title":"Alicia Moreau's socialist feminism on war: transcending western narratives?","authors":"Ricardo Villanueva","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad287","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad287","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 According to conventional narratives of International Relations (IR), the vast majority—if not all—of the twentieth-century proposals to overcome war came from men, such as Norman Angell, Vladimir Lenin and Woodrow Wilson. Recent efforts show that women also contributed significantly to the topic; nevertheless, they have focused almost exclusively on women from the United States or Great Britain. Despite Argentinian Alicia Moreau's significant writings on war, her international thought remains unknown in Latin America, and in the histories of international thought and IR. Through a textual analysis of Moreau's writings and speeches, as well as a comparative approach with other socialist and feminist perspectives, this article has a double objective. First, to lay the foundations for demonstrating that women from the global South also contributed to explaining and providing practical solutions to war during the early twentieth century; and second, to draw lessons from Moreau's writings for today's policy-makers. The article shows that although Moreau's international thought does not transcend Eurocentrism, her blend of socialist democratic feminism, informed by her work as an activist and politician, offers a moderate non-violent alternative to other well-known socialist and feminist approaches, and provides insights for policy-makers on the importance of women, education and democracy to achieve a more peaceful and egalitarian world.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"32 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139444855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The timid response of member governments of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to Russia's invasion of Ukraine has puzzled many western observers as it flagrantly violates the most basic norms of international law to which ASEAN expressly subscribes. This article seeks to provide answers to this puzzle. Informed by practice theory, the article transcends conventional realist explanations of how small and medium-sized countries respond to great power politics. Combining material and cognitive arguments, practice theory allows identifying the cultural and ideational roots of these policies and uncovering mismatches between rhetoric and agency. It suggests that, conceptualized as communities of practice, ASEAN member countries' foreign policy elites have developed a path-dependent pragmatism, which guides their response to great power politics and hence the war in Ukraine. Employing a qualitative mixed-methods approach, the empirical part of the article examines how south-east Asia's diplomatic communities of practice define pragmatism and shows that, historically, pragmatism has strongly guided their foreign policies. It traces ASEAN governments' pragmatic responses to the war in Ukraine at three levels: the national, regional and the (global) multilateral level. The article concludes that liberal proselytism does not help the West to win over ASEAN member countries to support its pro-Ukraine course.
{"title":"ASEAN, Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the politics of pragmatism","authors":"Jürgen Rüland","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad286","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad286","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The timid response of member governments of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to Russia's invasion of Ukraine has puzzled many western observers as it flagrantly violates the most basic norms of international law to which ASEAN expressly subscribes. This article seeks to provide answers to this puzzle. Informed by practice theory, the article transcends conventional realist explanations of how small and medium-sized countries respond to great power politics. Combining material and cognitive arguments, practice theory allows identifying the cultural and ideational roots of these policies and uncovering mismatches between rhetoric and agency. It suggests that, conceptualized as communities of practice, ASEAN member countries' foreign policy elites have developed a path-dependent pragmatism, which guides their response to great power politics and hence the war in Ukraine. Employing a qualitative mixed-methods approach, the empirical part of the article examines how south-east Asia's diplomatic communities of practice define pragmatism and shows that, historically, pragmatism has strongly guided their foreign policies. It traces ASEAN governments' pragmatic responses to the war in Ukraine at three levels: the national, regional and the (global) multilateral level. The article concludes that liberal proselytism does not help the West to win over ASEAN member countries to support its pro-Ukraine course.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"31 13","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139444916","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Various studies have explored the role of International Relations research in policy-making, predominantly focusing on countries in the global North. However, there needs to be a better understanding of this dynamic in peripheral countries of the global South. This article addresses this gap by examining the relationship between theory and practice in Latin American foreign policy; the synergy between scholarly research and practical implementation offers valuable insights. This interplay sheds light on the impact research can have by developing unique theoretical frameworks and guiding current foreign policy strategies. Using Argentine foreign policy as a case-study, I explore specialized knowledge networks that have driven foreign policy studies, their inception in Latin America and pivotal theoretical developments that have influenced both academia and policy. Employing qualitative analysis, I triangulate data from diverse sources such as archives, official documents, journals, institutional histories, reports and expert interviews. This investigation underscores the collaborative efforts of Latin American scholars and policy-makers, driven by a shared goal to address regional challenges through both theoretical insights and practical solutions.
{"title":"The scholarship–practitioner nexus: lessons from Latin American foreign policy","authors":"Melisa Deciancio","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad288","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Various studies have explored the role of International Relations research in policy-making, predominantly focusing on countries in the global North. However, there needs to be a better understanding of this dynamic in peripheral countries of the global South. This article addresses this gap by examining the relationship between theory and practice in Latin American foreign policy; the synergy between scholarly research and practical implementation offers valuable insights. This interplay sheds light on the impact research can have by developing unique theoretical frameworks and guiding current foreign policy strategies. Using Argentine foreign policy as a case-study, I explore specialized knowledge networks that have driven foreign policy studies, their inception in Latin America and pivotal theoretical developments that have influenced both academia and policy. Employing qualitative analysis, I triangulate data from diverse sources such as archives, official documents, journals, institutional histories, reports and expert interviews. This investigation underscores the collaborative efforts of Latin American scholars and policy-makers, driven by a shared goal to address regional challenges through both theoretical insights and practical solutions.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"21 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445605","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
One of the long-standing questions for scholars and policy-makers—in particular in western capitals—is how to treat the rise of new powers in world politics. Although past research has paved the way for studying power transitions, we still lack conceptual tools to understand the behaviour of peripheral states which move between different power positions. How can we explain, from the point of view of those in the margins, how such power transitions happen? To put it differently, how does a rise to power happen for states in the peripheries and semi-peripheries? I argue in this article that not all states have agentic capacities to act (e.g., to rise to a less peripheral position or to seek better status). There has been a silent and tacit consensus around the fact that peripheral states must first be recognized and accepted by systemic/hierarchy gatekeepers as actors who can fully exercise their agency in global hierarchies. I present the concept of international insertion, which contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how rising powers behave in world politics, and helps to explain why there are no discernible heightened tensions from a strategic–military perspective when peripherical countries move (or try to move) towards mid-system (or improved status) positions within regional and global hierarchies.
{"title":"The challenge for the ‘rest’: insertion, agency spaces and recognition in world politics","authors":"Fabrício H Chagas-Bastos","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad246","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad246","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 One of the long-standing questions for scholars and policy-makers—in particular in western capitals—is how to treat the rise of new powers in world politics. Although past research has paved the way for studying power transitions, we still lack conceptual tools to understand the behaviour of peripheral states which move between different power positions. How can we explain, from the point of view of those in the margins, how such power transitions happen? To put it differently, how does a rise to power happen for states in the peripheries and semi-peripheries? I argue in this article that not all states have agentic capacities to act (e.g., to rise to a less peripheral position or to seek better status). There has been a silent and tacit consensus around the fact that peripheral states must first be recognized and accepted by systemic/hierarchy gatekeepers as actors who can fully exercise their agency in global hierarchies. I present the concept of international insertion, which contributes to a more nuanced understanding of how rising powers behave in world politics, and helps to explain why there are no discernible heightened tensions from a strategic–military perspective when peripherical countries move (or try to move) towards mid-system (or improved status) positions within regional and global hierarchies.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"34 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article addresses the diversity of digital diplomatic strategies used by governmental actors to fight international stigmatization. Faced with structural limitations, the leaders of small states use it to defend their political project's image or reputation when they come under international criticism for deviating from or transgressing international norms. Borrowing from Erving Goffman, I draw on the idea that social networks can be conceptualized as orders of interaction, in which digital diplomatic strategies can be put in place and international politicization and normative debates can develop. An examination of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele's Twitter posts from January 2019 to May 2022, during a period of increasing international criticism regarding the authoritarian–populist drift in El Salvador, improves our knowledge of the diversity of digital diplomatic strategies. Consequently, this enlightens us on the constitutive elements of how small states manage their relationship with external actors, their image and status, and eventually how they challenge the international order, international norms and powers.
{"title":"Digital diplomacy against international stigmatization: the Bukele case","authors":"Kevin Parthenay","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad285","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The article addresses the diversity of digital diplomatic strategies used by governmental actors to fight international stigmatization. Faced with structural limitations, the leaders of small states use it to defend their political project's image or reputation when they come under international criticism for deviating from or transgressing international norms. Borrowing from Erving Goffman, I draw on the idea that social networks can be conceptualized as orders of interaction, in which digital diplomatic strategies can be put in place and international politicization and normative debates can develop. An examination of Salvadoran president Nayib Bukele's Twitter posts from January 2019 to May 2022, during a period of increasing international criticism regarding the authoritarian–populist drift in El Salvador, improves our knowledge of the diversity of digital diplomatic strategies. Consequently, this enlightens us on the constitutive elements of how small states manage their relationship with external actors, their image and status, and eventually how they challenge the international order, international norms and powers.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"53 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446072","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Le monarchie arabe del Golfo: nuovo centro di gravità in Medio Oriente","authors":"Riccardo Gasco","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad305","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"53 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446080","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nuclear governance in the Asia-Pacific","authors":"R. Akhtar","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad317","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad317","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"59 34","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446785","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
States are keen to send representatives to international organizations, instructing them to pursue national interests and monitor staff. Yet academics tend to ignore these individuals and approximate state influence by vote shares and other state-level attributes. Against this background, I examine when state representatives in international organizations wield outsize influence on decision-making. Based on scholarship of bureaucrats in international organizations, European studies and an interdisciplinary literature on negotiation, I argue that state delegates matter beyond their national affiliation. Empirically, I study one especially powerful institution in global governance: the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Elite interviews with IMF state representatives demonstrate that delegates carefully plan their interventions, behaving independently while also extending their constituents' interests. Based on the analysis of these interviews, I theorize ‘respected individuals’ to describe state representatives who can wield outsize influence on decision-making. Their prestige and impact depend on: first, perceived autonomy from their home governments; and second, relevant expertise, social skills and deliberative craft. In the IMF, respected individuals are most likely to represent relatively weak states; more generally, my work speaks to debates on the power of small states in international financial institutions and multilateral negotiations. Together, the findings explicate how individuals impact organizational decision-making, with important implications for practitioners in such institutions.
{"title":"Respected individuals: when state representatives wield outsize influence in international organizations","authors":"Timon Forster","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad226","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad226","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 States are keen to send representatives to international organizations, instructing them to pursue national interests and monitor staff. Yet academics tend to ignore these individuals and approximate state influence by vote shares and other state-level attributes. Against this background, I examine when state representatives in international organizations wield outsize influence on decision-making. Based on scholarship of bureaucrats in international organizations, European studies and an interdisciplinary literature on negotiation, I argue that state delegates matter beyond their national affiliation. Empirically, I study one especially powerful institution in global governance: the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Elite interviews with IMF state representatives demonstrate that delegates carefully plan their interventions, behaving independently while also extending their constituents' interests. Based on the analysis of these interviews, I theorize ‘respected individuals’ to describe state representatives who can wield outsize influence on decision-making. Their prestige and impact depend on: first, perceived autonomy from their home governments; and second, relevant expertise, social skills and deliberative craft. In the IMF, respected individuals are most likely to represent relatively weak states; more generally, my work speaks to debates on the power of small states in international financial institutions and multilateral negotiations. Together, the findings explicate how individuals impact organizational decision-making, with important implications for practitioners in such institutions.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"14 5","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Nation branding and international politics","authors":"Lauren Rogers","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad315","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"46 16","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：