Multilateral Sanctions Revisited: Lessons Learned from Margaret Doxey brings together a collective of 20 women authors to pay tribute to a pioneering female scholar of sanctions. The particularity of this work lies both in its exclusively female authorship and in the framework that the authors have derived from the lifelong conceptual research work of Margaret P. Doxey. Applied throughout the book, this framework decodes state behaviour as well as the current evolution of the practice of economic sanctions. The authors provide students of sanctions with a reminder of the definition and evolution of the key concept of multilateral sanctions, which help the reader to navigate through 281 well-researched pages of text. The first part of the book presents a precise analysis of the behaviour of each permanent member state of the United Nations Security Council in relation to using economic sanctions multilaterally, regionally and unilaterally. With a meticulous sense of detail, the authors expose the ins and outs of the political culture of each state, helping readers to understand the cautious or mixed use of sanctions by some states versus its extensive use by others. This case-by-case study of the propensity or reticence to use sanctions is a key contribution to the state of the art, since it is largely missing in the existing literature on economic sanctions. While the first part of the book focuses on the historical behaviour of the states, the second part of the book analyzes the rapid contemporary changes experienced in the practice of economic sanctions. At present, sanctions may be global, or highly targeted, or applied to specific fields such as cybersecurity and cryptocurrencies. Doxey’s research once again offers a framework for reading and deciphering topical phenomena such as cyber sanctions or the evasion of economic sanctions through digital technology. One of the key strengths of this book consists in drawing from the lessons of the past in order to decode the present and discuss prospects for the future. The authors extend Professor Doxey’s work by applying her analysis of economic sanctions to recently emerging themes. Navigating between tradition and innovation, the book provides a firm foundation for the state of the art and offers a thorough overview of multilateral sanctions from the point of view of the regimes that issue them (such as Russia), as well as an analysis of their nature and their field of application. In addition, it discusses the circumvention techniques that economic actors develop to avoid the effects of sanctions. The book contributes to our understanding—for academics, for students and for practitioners—of the complexities of both the political and economic stakes of sanctions. One limitation is that the authors do not fully construct the necessary bridge between the theoretical analysis and economic actors that would allow them to draw lessons from the research presented in this volume. If the economic sancti
重新审视多边制裁：从玛格丽特-多克西汲取的教训》汇集了 20 位女性作者，向一位研究制裁问题的女性先驱致敬。这部著作的特别之处在于其作者全部为女性，而且作者们从玛格丽特-多克西（Margaret P. Doxey）毕生的概念研究工作中得出了一个框架。多克西。该框架贯穿全书，解读了国家行为以及当前经济制裁实践的演变。作者为研究制裁的学生提供了多边制裁这一关键概念的定义和演变的提示，有助于读者浏览 281 页经过精心研究的文本。本书第一部分精确分析了联合国安理会各常任理事国在多边、地区和单边使用经济制裁方面的行为。作者以细致入微的笔触，揭示了每个国家政治文化的来龙去脉，帮助读者理解一些国家谨慎或混合使用制裁，而另一些国家则广泛使用制裁。这种对使用制裁的倾向性或缄默性的个案研究是对最新技术的重要贡献，因为在现有的有关经济制裁的文献中，这种研究基本上是缺失的。本书的第一部分侧重于国家的历史行为，而第二部分则分析了经济制裁实践在当代所经历的快速变化。目前，制裁可能是全球性的，或具有高度针对性，或适用于特定领域，如网络安全和加密货币。多克西的研究再次为解读和破解网络制裁或通过数字技术规避经济制裁等热点现象提供了一个框架。本书的主要优势之一在于汲取过去的经验教训，以解读现在并讨论未来的前景。作者将多克西教授对经济制裁的分析应用于最近新出现的主题，从而扩展了多克西教授的工作。本书在传统与创新之间游刃有余，为最新技术奠定了坚实的基础，并从发布多边制裁的制度（如俄罗斯）的角度对多边制裁进行了全面概述，还分析了制裁的性质及其应用领域。此外，该书还讨论了经济行为体为规避制裁影响而开发的规避技术。本书有助于我们了解制裁的政治和经济利害关系的复杂性--无论是对学术界、学生还是实践者而言。本书的一个局限是，作者没有在理论分析和经济行为者之间架起一座必要的桥梁，使他们能从本卷的研究中吸取经验教训。如果说经济制裁主要影响的是目标国家，那么它们也会影响私营部门行为者和公司的经济世界。如果在理论和应用实践之间架起一座更坚固的桥梁，就可以根据不断演变的制裁实践，为经济行为者提供有关当前趋势和风险的指南。
{"title":"Multilateral sanctions revisited: lessons learned from Margaret Doxey","authors":"Rory Faulkner","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad306","url":null,"abstract":"Multilateral Sanctions Revisited: Lessons Learned from Margaret Doxey brings together a collective of 20 women authors to pay tribute to a pioneering female scholar of sanctions. The particularity of this work lies both in its exclusively female authorship and in the framework that the authors have derived from the lifelong conceptual research work of Margaret P. Doxey. Applied throughout the book, this framework decodes state behaviour as well as the current evolution of the practice of economic sanctions. The authors provide students of sanctions with a reminder of the definition and evolution of the key concept of multilateral sanctions, which help the reader to navigate through 281 well-researched pages of text. The first part of the book presents a precise analysis of the behaviour of each permanent member state of the United Nations Security Council in relation to using economic sanctions multilaterally, regionally and unilaterally. With a meticulous sense of detail, the authors expose the ins and outs of the political culture of each state, helping readers to understand the cautious or mixed use of sanctions by some states versus its extensive use by others. This case-by-case study of the propensity or reticence to use sanctions is a key contribution to the state of the art, since it is largely missing in the existing literature on economic sanctions. While the first part of the book focuses on the historical behaviour of the states, the second part of the book analyzes the rapid contemporary changes experienced in the practice of economic sanctions. At present, sanctions may be global, or highly targeted, or applied to specific fields such as cybersecurity and cryptocurrencies. Doxey’s research once again offers a framework for reading and deciphering topical phenomena such as cyber sanctions or the evasion of economic sanctions through digital technology. One of the key strengths of this book consists in drawing from the lessons of the past in order to decode the present and discuss prospects for the future. The authors extend Professor Doxey’s work by applying her analysis of economic sanctions to recently emerging themes. Navigating between tradition and innovation, the book provides a firm foundation for the state of the art and offers a thorough overview of multilateral sanctions from the point of view of the regimes that issue them (such as Russia), as well as an analysis of their nature and their field of application. In addition, it discusses the circumvention techniques that economic actors develop to avoid the effects of sanctions. The book contributes to our understanding—for academics, for students and for practitioners—of the complexities of both the political and economic stakes of sanctions. One limitation is that the authors do not fully construct the necessary bridge between the theoretical analysis and economic actors that would allow them to draw lessons from the research presented in this volume. If the economic sancti","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"37 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447740","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jaguaribe and Puig are two prominent International Relations theorists from the global South. Their works have become classics in Latin American studies and demonstrate a couple of different, dissident and dissonant voices from the so-called mainstream. Their contributions are the rationale behind autonomist foreign policies in Latin America, such as those that scholars envisioned during the progressive wave of left-wing governments; thus, they are essential to understanding the dynamics and debates that have taken place in the region for at least three decades. This research is guided by the questions of what are the primary theoretical categories and common characteristics of the selected concepts. By answering those, this article sheds light on the theoretical contributions of both avant-garde and pioneering authors, while also highlighting the marginalized and little-known voices in the field of study. I undertake a comparative study of the main conceptual categories that organize these autonomist proposals. The main conclusions are that autonomy is a process achieved through incremental steps; the rational behaviour of actors would be to increase their room for manoeuvre, based on internal and regional consensus to provide a sustainable framework. The article concludes by looking at examples of and clues for identifying autonomist foreign policies.
{"title":"Bringing visibility to Latin American autonomists: a comparison between Jaguaribe and Puig","authors":"María Elena Lorenzini","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad293","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad293","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Jaguaribe and Puig are two prominent International Relations theorists from the global South. Their works have become classics in Latin American studies and demonstrate a couple of different, dissident and dissonant voices from the so-called mainstream. Their contributions are the rationale behind autonomist foreign policies in Latin America, such as those that scholars envisioned during the progressive wave of left-wing governments; thus, they are essential to understanding the dynamics and debates that have taken place in the region for at least three decades. This research is guided by the questions of what are the primary theoretical categories and common characteristics of the selected concepts. By answering those, this article sheds light on the theoretical contributions of both avant-garde and pioneering authors, while also highlighting the marginalized and little-known voices in the field of study. I undertake a comparative study of the main conceptual categories that organize these autonomist proposals. The main conclusions are that autonomy is a process achieved through incremental steps; the rational behaviour of actors would be to increase their room for manoeuvre, based on internal and regional consensus to provide a sustainable framework. The article concludes by looking at examples of and clues for identifying autonomist foreign policies.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"31 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446242","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Anna Michalski, Douglas Brommesson, Ann-Marie Ekengren
This article focuses on foreign policy role change in small liberal states caused by a weakening rules-based order illustrated by the decisions of Finland and Sweden to apply for membership of NATO, thereby abandoning longstanding policies of military non-alignment. Although both countries sought alignment with NATO in the context of intense security threats in northern Europe, the domestic processes of foreign policy role change proceeded along different trajectories. In Finland, the domestic process of role change was characterized by strong elite and public consensus on membership of NATO, whereas in Sweden there was more hesitation regarding giving up military non-alignment and losing freedom of action. In this article, we address a gap in the literature on role theory and domestic role change by conceptualizing the dilemma of small liberal states being compelled to reassess national role conceptions in their domestic settings in the face of external challenges outside their control, without jeopardizing national autonomy and deep-seated social identities. To this end, we construct a model for national action strategies based on scope conditions of domestic role change, varying according to the level of congruence in national identity and the degree of domestic elite consensus concerning national foreign policy.
{"title":"Small states and the dilemma of geopolitics: role change in Finland and Sweden","authors":"Anna Michalski, Douglas Brommesson, Ann-Marie Ekengren","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad244","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad244","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article focuses on foreign policy role change in small liberal states caused by a weakening rules-based order illustrated by the decisions of Finland and Sweden to apply for membership of NATO, thereby abandoning longstanding policies of military non-alignment. Although both countries sought alignment with NATO in the context of intense security threats in northern Europe, the domestic processes of foreign policy role change proceeded along different trajectories. In Finland, the domestic process of role change was characterized by strong elite and public consensus on membership of NATO, whereas in Sweden there was more hesitation regarding giving up military non-alignment and losing freedom of action. In this article, we address a gap in the literature on role theory and domestic role change by conceptualizing the dilemma of small liberal states being compelled to reassess national role conceptions in their domestic settings in the face of external challenges outside their control, without jeopardizing national autonomy and deep-seated social identities. To this end, we construct a model for national action strategies based on scope conditions of domestic role change, varying according to the level of congruence in national identity and the degree of domestic elite consensus concerning national foreign policy.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"34 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446562","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ricardo Villanueva, Jessica De Alba-Ulloa, Pedro González Olvera, María Elena Lorenzini
Academics working in International Relations (IR) often portray the discipline as predominantly American. The traditional orthodox narrative of the discipline, told through the ‘Great Debates’, reinforces this, as it depicts the main scholars in the history of the discipline as primarily originating from either the United States or the United Kingdom. In fact, the most popular books covering key thinkers in the discipline feature virtually no Latin American theorists. The marginalization of voices from the global South, including women, and of non-traditional perspectives has created a knowledge gap within the discipline. To address this, this special section of International Affairs, ‘Missing voices: Latin American perspectives in International Relations’, delves into the rich tapestry of international thought on world affairs, encompassing the works of several intellectuals from Latin America. We are convinced that highlighting these perspectives is vital to dispelling myths and positioning IR in the path of a truly global discipline.
{"title":"Missing voices: Latin American perspectives in International Relations","authors":"Ricardo Villanueva, Jessica De Alba-Ulloa, Pedro González Olvera, María Elena Lorenzini","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad320","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad320","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Academics working in International Relations (IR) often portray the discipline as predominantly American. The traditional orthodox narrative of the discipline, told through the ‘Great Debates’, reinforces this, as it depicts the main scholars in the history of the discipline as primarily originating from either the United States or the United Kingdom. In fact, the most popular books covering key thinkers in the discipline feature virtually no Latin American theorists. The marginalization of voices from the global South, including women, and of non-traditional perspectives has created a knowledge gap within the discipline. To address this, this special section of International Affairs, ‘Missing voices: Latin American perspectives in International Relations’, delves into the rich tapestry of international thought on world affairs, encompassing the works of several intellectuals from Latin America. We are convinced that highlighting these perspectives is vital to dispelling myths and positioning IR in the path of a truly global discipline.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"12 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139446928","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article argues that China's rhetorical support for prevention at the United Nations obscures its underlying contestation of atrocity prevention in both conception and practice. It introduces a novel conceptual framework, coined as the two-level norm cluster of prevention, which includes three conceptually aligned yet distinct parts: operational conflict prevention, direct atrocity prevention and root-cause prevention. Drawing on interviews and policy documents, this article finds that China conflates direct atrocity prevention with operational conflict prevention, with a preference for the agenda of conflict prevention, as seen in China's divergent commitments to preventing armed conflicts and peacetime atrocities. This conflation represents a deliberate political choice rather than a result of misunderstanding or lack of knowledge regarding their distinctions. China also endorses a strong linkage between direct atrocity prevention and development-focused root cause prevention. Despite China's growing assertiveness in shaping liberal norms and the favourable perception of its development-focused approaches among elite groups in host states, the Chinese government hesitates to officially promote the scholarly concept of developmental peace and present it as an alternative to the existing liberal principles. This reluctance reflects China's intention to avoid explicit confrontation with liberal norms and its concerns about the potential failure of norm entrepreneurship.
{"title":"Prevention as a norm cluster? Mapping China's contestation on atrocity prevention","authors":"Qiaochu Zhang","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad224","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad224","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article argues that China's rhetorical support for prevention at the United Nations obscures its underlying contestation of atrocity prevention in both conception and practice. It introduces a novel conceptual framework, coined as the two-level norm cluster of prevention, which includes three conceptually aligned yet distinct parts: operational conflict prevention, direct atrocity prevention and root-cause prevention. Drawing on interviews and policy documents, this article finds that China conflates direct atrocity prevention with operational conflict prevention, with a preference for the agenda of conflict prevention, as seen in China's divergent commitments to preventing armed conflicts and peacetime atrocities. This conflation represents a deliberate political choice rather than a result of misunderstanding or lack of knowledge regarding their distinctions. China also endorses a strong linkage between direct atrocity prevention and development-focused root cause prevention. Despite China's growing assertiveness in shaping liberal norms and the favourable perception of its development-focused approaches among elite groups in host states, the Chinese government hesitates to officially promote the scholarly concept of developmental peace and present it as an alternative to the existing liberal principles. This reluctance reflects China's intention to avoid explicit confrontation with liberal norms and its concerns about the potential failure of norm entrepreneurship.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"54 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447206","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Forgotten warriors: a history of women on the front line; The women behind the few: the Women's Auxiliary Air Force and British intelligence during the Second World War","authors":"Tara Zammit","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad322","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad322","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"42 22","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447470","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The United States has declared an era of strategic competition with China but how might this rivalry end—assuming a positive outcome for US interests? US policy-makers have chosen not to pick a favoured end state for strategic competition, hoping to maintain flexibility. However, the decision not to choose a termination point could make the rivalry more difficult to resolve. The ‘negativity bias’ in psychology means that threats tend to loom large, limiting the odds of ending strategic competition. This article applies the negativity bias to potential end-state scenarios—China's accommodation of US interests, China's democratization and China's collapse—and shows that none of these scenarios will likely end strategic competition. A study of the resolution of US great power rivalries over the last two centuries suggests there is a high bar to end strategic competition. Washington should choose a favoured end-game for strategic competition and the best option is sustained Chinese reform or ‘accommodation plus’. The negativity bias may powerfully influence the course and resolution of the Sino-US rivalry, and it can also help to explain many wider behaviours in international relations.
{"title":"Forever competition: the end-game of Sino–US rivalry","authors":"Dominic Tierney","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad294","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The United States has declared an era of strategic competition with China but how might this rivalry end—assuming a positive outcome for US interests? US policy-makers have chosen not to pick a favoured end state for strategic competition, hoping to maintain flexibility. However, the decision not to choose a termination point could make the rivalry more difficult to resolve. The ‘negativity bias’ in psychology means that threats tend to loom large, limiting the odds of ending strategic competition. This article applies the negativity bias to potential end-state scenarios—China's accommodation of US interests, China's democratization and China's collapse—and shows that none of these scenarios will likely end strategic competition. A study of the resolution of US great power rivalries over the last two centuries suggests there is a high bar to end strategic competition. Washington should choose a favoured end-game for strategic competition and the best option is sustained Chinese reform or ‘accommodation plus’. The negativity bias may powerfully influence the course and resolution of the Sino-US rivalry, and it can also help to explain many wider behaviours in international relations.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"55 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447507","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Lumumba plot: the secret history of the CIA and a Cold War assassination","authors":"Luca Trenta","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad312","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad312","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"42 15","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139447521","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Deborah Avant, Naazneen H Barma, George F Demartino, Ilene Grabel
Social scientists must grapple with how to pursue knowledge about an uncertain and complex world. This challenge is accentuated when scholars wish to engage responsibly with policy-makers and the public in the interests of social betterment. In this article, we use the scholarly literature on uncertainty and complexity to examine how these issues complicate the practice of engaged scholarship. We ground our analysis in interviews with publicly engaged scholars on the ethical challenges they have faced and how they have navigated uncertainties and complexities in their applied work in peace and security. We identify four broad ethical dilemmas associated with publicly engaged scholarship and propose ways that scholars might begin to navigate these challenges. Our analysis urges greater acceptance of uncertainty and complexity in the social science community and associated epistemic humility in collective scholarship, pedagogy and public engagement.
{"title":"The ethics of engaged scholarship in a complex world","authors":"Deborah Avant, Naazneen H Barma, George F Demartino, Ilene Grabel","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad292","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Social scientists must grapple with how to pursue knowledge about an uncertain and complex world. This challenge is accentuated when scholars wish to engage responsibly with policy-makers and the public in the interests of social betterment. In this article, we use the scholarly literature on uncertainty and complexity to examine how these issues complicate the practice of engaged scholarship. We ground our analysis in interviews with publicly engaged scholars on the ethical challenges they have faced and how they have navigated uncertainties and complexities in their applied work in peace and security. We identify four broad ethical dilemmas associated with publicly engaged scholarship and propose ways that scholars might begin to navigate these challenges. Our analysis urges greater acceptance of uncertainty and complexity in the social science community and associated epistemic humility in collective scholarship, pedagogy and public engagement.","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"3 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445183","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Positive security: collective life in an uncertain world","authors":"Maya Nguyen","doi":"10.1093/ia/iiad313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad313","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48162,"journal":{"name":"International Affairs","volume":"24 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.5,"publicationDate":"2024-01-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139445420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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