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European public opinion: united in supporting Ukraine, divided on the future of NATO 欧洲舆论:一致支持乌克兰,对北约的未来看法不一
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad241
Catarina Thomson, Matthias Mader, Felix Münchow, Jason Reifler, Harald Schoen
Abstract • How strong is public support for Ukraine in Europe? Given reports that Russian President Vladimir Putin may be ‘playing for time’ in the hopes that weary publics will demand an end to supporting Ukraine, this is an important question. • In February 2023, we conducted a survey of public attitudes in ten major European countries: France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Finland, Sweden, Italy and Spain. • Our findings suggest that Europeans are (almost) unanimous in blaming Russia for the war and strongly in favour of standing by Ukraine in its war effort. • Only minorities of respondents are of the opinion that Ukraine should be urged to accept territorial losses that could help end the war, or that economic sanctions against Russia should be lifted. Even in countries where support for Ukraine is lower (Hungary and Italy), or among more sceptical groups, we typically find a majority or plurality on Ukraine's side (or, at worst, we find only a small majority are pro-Russia). • Regarding NATO, there is no widespread appetite for increasing its presence in eastern Europe (except in Poland and Estonia), and even less support for Ukraine joining the alliance. At least in the eyes of the public, fighting a war in Ukraine is perceived as a goal in itself that does not necessarily elicit broader changes to existing security alliances like NATO. • Looking ahead, if the gap between the expectations audiences had for the Ukrainian counter-offensive and what it actually delivers is too great, we would expect public support for Ukraine in the conflict to weaken overall. • If governments wish to keep support levels high, we recommend targeting communications to reach groups we have found to be less supportive. This could include utilizing non-traditional media platforms to reach younger audiences, or members of populist right-wing groups.
•乌克兰在欧洲的公众支持率有多高?有报道称,俄罗斯总统普京(Vladimir Putin)可能是在“拖延时间”,希望厌倦的公众会要求停止支持乌克兰,有鉴于此,这是一个重要的问题。•2023年2月,我们在十个主要欧洲国家进行了公众态度调查:法国、德国、英国、爱沙尼亚、匈牙利、波兰、芬兰、瑞典、意大利和西班牙。•我们的调查结果表明,欧洲人(几乎)一致将战争归咎于俄罗斯,并强烈支持乌克兰的战争努力。•只有少数受访者认为,应该敦促乌克兰接受可能有助于结束战争的领土损失,或者应该取消对俄罗斯的经济制裁。即使在对乌克兰的支持率较低的国家(匈牙利和意大利),或者在更持怀疑态度的群体中,我们通常也会发现大多数人或多数人站在乌克兰一边(或者,最坏的情况是,我们发现只有一小部分人是亲俄罗斯的)。•关于北约(NATO),人们对增加其在东欧的存在(除了波兰和爱沙尼亚)没有普遍的兴趣,对乌克兰加入该联盟的支持就更少了。至少在公众眼中,在乌克兰开战本身被视为一个目标,并不一定会引发北约(NATO)等现有安全联盟发生更广泛的变化。•展望未来,如果观众对乌克兰反攻的期望与实际效果之间的差距太大,我们预计公众在冲突中对乌克兰的支持将整体减弱。•如果政府希望保持较高的支持水平,我们建议针对我们发现支持度较低的群体进行有针对性的沟通。这可能包括利用非传统媒体平台来接触更年轻的受众,或民粹主义右翼团体的成员。
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引用次数: 0
Global justice and EU climate policy in a contested liberal international order 在一个有争议的自由国际秩序中,全球正义与欧盟气候政策
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad231
Thomas Diez, Franziskus von Lucke
Abstract Following the failure of the Conference of the Parties (COP15) in 2009 in Copenhagen, the European Union has significantly altered its negotiation strategy in the global climate regime. It moved from an emphasis on ‘leadership by example’ and an insistence on top-down, binding targets within a framework of strong global governance institutions (impartiality in global justice terms) towards a strategy of shared leadership, increased dialogue (mutual recognition) and acceptance of more voluntary instruments (non-domination). This article traces this shift through an examination of EU policy documents and makes sense of it by reference to learning effects of an EU with solidarist ambitions in a pluralist international society, and the changing power distribution and contestations of the post-Cold War liberal order on the global level. Furthermore, it assesses the consequences of the shift for international society (especially concerning different ‘solidarisms’) and global climate justice. We argue that while a changed EU approach has been vital to maintaining the EU's status as a relevant actor and to secure the Paris Agreement, too much emphasis on the pluralist dimension and non-domination may also hinder effective global solutions to climate change. It is therefore vital that the EU continues its solidarist ambitions by pushing for rigorous measures of accountability, but also by alleviating structural domination in the climate regime and particularly by better recognizing and including civil society actors from the global South.
在2009年哥本哈根缔约方会议(COP15)失败之后,欧盟在全球气候机制中显著改变了其谈判策略。它从强调“以身作则”和在强大的全球治理机构框架内坚持自上而下的约束性目标(全球正义方面的公正性)转向共同领导、增加对话(相互承认)和接受更多自愿工具(非支配)的战略。本文通过对欧盟政策文件的考察来追溯这一转变,并通过在多元化国际社会中具有团结主义野心的欧盟的学习效应,以及冷战后自由主义秩序在全球范围内不断变化的权力分配和争论来理解这一转变。此外,它还评估了这种转变对国际社会(特别是不同的“团结主义”)和全球气候正义的影响。我们认为,虽然改变欧盟的做法对于维持欧盟作为相关行动者的地位和确保《巴黎协定》至关重要,但过于强调多元维度和非支配性也可能阻碍有效的全球气候变化解决方案。因此,至关重要的是,欧盟必须通过推动严格的问责措施,以及减轻气候机制中的结构性支配,特别是更好地承认和吸收来自全球南方的民间社会行动者,来继续其团结主义的雄心。
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引用次数: 0
On safer ground? The emergence and evolution of ‘Global Britain’ 在更安全的地方?“全球化英国”的出现与演变
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad186
Kristin Haugevik, Øyvind Svendsen
Abstract Why did Theresa May's government introduce the narrative about ‘Global Britain’, and how did this narrative evolve and manifest itself in UK foreign policy discourse in the ensuing years? We make the case that Brexit distressed the United Kingdom's foreign policy identity, and that the ‘Global Britain’ narrative emerged as a means to consolidate that identity—at a time marked by uncertainty and political turmoil. Scholarship on ontological security has theorized how states employ narratives to restore and stabilize their identities when they become ontologically insecure. It has not sufficiently addressed how these narratives evolve, and the conditions under which they come to resonate with key audiences. We suggest that identity consolidating narratives are more effective when they are anchored in familiar spaces and contexts—what we call home turfs. We show how filling ‘Global Britain’ with content constituted a process of moving from existential anxiety about the country's future role, to anchoring UK foreign policy in and around such home turfs. Tracing the emergence and evolution of the ‘Global Britain’ narrative in official UK discourse, we find that ‘Global Britain’ gradually homed in on two secure narrative bases: first, security and defence; and second, the Anglosphere and Euro-Atlantic.
为什么特蕾莎·梅政府引入了“全球英国”的说法?在随后的几年里,这种说法是如何演变并在英国外交政策话语中体现出来的?我们认为,英国脱欧损害了英国的外交政策认同,而“全球英国”叙事的出现是在不确定性和政治动荡的时期巩固这种认同的一种手段。关于本体论安全的学术研究理论化了国家在本体论不安全时如何利用叙事来恢复和稳定其身份。它没有充分解决这些叙事是如何演变的,以及它们在什么条件下与关键受众产生共鸣。我们认为,在熟悉的空间和背景下——也就是我们所说的“自己的地盘”——巩固身份的叙事更有效。我们展示了如何用内容填充“全球化的英国”构成了一个过程,从对国家未来角色的存在主义焦虑,到将英国的外交政策锚定在这样的本土。追溯“全球英国”叙事在英国官方话语中的出现和演变,我们发现“全球英国”逐渐锁定在两个可靠的叙事基础上:第一,安全和防务;第二,英语圈和欧洲-大西洋。
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引用次数: 0
The struggle for Iran: oil, autocracy, and the Cold War, 1951–1954 伊朗之争:石油、独裁和冷战,1951-1954
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad273
Hassan Ahmadian
Journal Article The struggle for Iran: oil, autocracy, and the Cold War, 1951–1954 Get access The struggle for Iran: oil, autocracy, and the Cold War, 1951–1954. By David S Painter and Gregory Brew. Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press. 2023. 324pp. £98.00. Isbn978 1 46967 165 9. Available as e-book. Hassan Ahmadian Hassan Ahmadian University of Tehran, Iran Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 6, November 2023, Pages 2541–2542, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad273 Published: 06 November 2023
《伊朗之争:石油、独裁与冷战,1951-1954》。作者:David S Painter和Gregory Brew。教堂山,北卡罗来纳州:北卡罗来纳大学出版社,2023。324页。£98.00。Isbn978 1 46967 165 9。以电子书形式提供。搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际事务,第99卷,第6期,2023年11月,第2541-2542页,https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad273出版:2023年11月6日
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引用次数: 0
The European Union as a global counter-terrorism actor 欧洲联盟作为全球反恐行动者
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad267
Inés Bolaños-Somoano
Journal Article The European Union as a global counter-terrorism actor Get access The European Union as a global counter-terrorism actor. By Christian Kaunert, Alex MacKenzie and Sarah Léonard. Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. 2022. 192pp. £80.00. Isbn978 1 78254 827 0. Available as e-book. Inés Bolaños-Somoano Inés Bolaños-Somoano European University Institute, Italy Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 6, November 2023, Pages 2534–2535, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad267 Published: 06 November 2023
期刊文章欧盟作为全球反恐怖主义行动者获得访问欧盟作为全球反恐怖主义行动者。作者:克里斯蒂安·考纳特、亚历克斯·麦肯齐和莎拉·莱姆萨纳德。切尔滕纳姆:爱德华·埃尔加,2022。192页。£80.00。Isbn978 1 78254 827 0。以电子书形式提供。在以下网站搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际事务,第99卷,第6期,2023年11月,2534-2535页,https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad267出版日期:2023年11月6日
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引用次数: 0
The Dean of Shandong: confessions of a minor bureaucrat at a Chinese university; Money machine: a trailblazing American venture in China 山东院长:一名大学小官的自白赚钱机器:美国在中国的开拓性投资
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad277
Tim Summers
Journal Article The Dean of Shandong: confessions of a minor bureaucrat at a Chinese university; Money machine: a trailblazing American venture in China Get access The Dean of Shandong: confessions of a minor bureaucrat at a Chinese university. By Daniel A Bell. Princeton: Princeton University Press. 2023. 208pp. £22.00. Isbn978 0 69124 712 0. Available as e-book.Money machine: a trailblazing American venture in China. By Weijian Shan. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley. 2023. 336pp. £26.99. Isbn978 1 39416 120 1. Available as e-book. Tim Summers Tim Summers The Chinese University of Hong Kong Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 6, November 2023, Pages 2545–2547, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad277 Published: 06 November 2023
期刊文章:山东院长:一所大学小官僚的自白《赚钱机器:美国在中国的开创性冒险》访问山东大学院长:中国一所大学一位小官员的自白。丹尼尔·A·贝尔著。普林斯顿:普林斯顿大学出版社,2023。208页。£22.00。Isbn978 0 69124 712 0。以电子书形式提供。赚钱机器:美国在中国的开拓性投资。单伟建著。霍博肯,新泽西州:威利出版社,2023。336页。£26.99。Isbn978 1 39416 120以电子书形式提供。《牛津学术谷歌学者国际事务》,第99卷第6期,2023年11月,第2545-2547页,https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad277出版日期:2023年11月6日
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引用次数: 0
Rescuing the liberal international order: crisis, resilience and EU security policy 拯救自由国际秩序:危机、韧性与欧盟安全政策
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad222
Pol Bargués, Jonathan Joseph, Ana E Juncos
Abstract This article reflects on how European Union (EU) narratives of the crisis of the liberal international order (LIO) have reshaped its resilience approach and its foreign and security policy more broadly. Drawing on qualitative textual analysis, we trace the evolution of the EU's resilience approach over time and the way it has been shaped by crisis narratives. While the idea of resilience was introduced in EU foreign policy to foster the resilience of crisis-affected societies from the bottom up, the perception of an increasingly contested world first led to a reinterpretation of resilience in pragmatic ways, with values and interests combined selectively to protect the rules-based international order. More recently, on the grounds of a worsening crisis of the LIO, resilience has taken a defensive turn, adopting a more geopolitical stance to strengthen the EU's own resilience and that of the LIO. We argue that EU crisis narratives about the LIO thus serve to sustain and to rescue it. Furthermore, we conclude that the defensive reinterpretation of resilience is eroding the normative character of EU foreign and security policy. It also challenges the persistence of the LIO in the long term.
摘要本文反思了欧盟(EU)关于自由国际秩序(LIO)危机的叙述如何在更广泛的范围内重塑了其弹性方法及其外交和安全政策。通过定性文本分析,我们追溯了欧盟弹性方法随时间的演变,以及危机叙事对其形成的方式。虽然欧盟在外交政策中引入弹性的概念是为了自下而上地培养受危机影响的社会的弹性,但对世界竞争日益激烈的看法首先导致了以务实的方式重新解释弹性,将价值观和利益选择性地结合起来,以保护基于规则的国际秩序。最近,在imf危机恶化的基础上,弹性转向了防御,采取了更具地缘政治色彩的立场,以加强欧盟自身和imf的弹性。因此,我们认为,欧盟关于LIO的危机叙述有助于维持和拯救它。此外,我们得出结论,对弹性的防御性重新解释正在侵蚀欧盟外交和安全政策的规范性。从长远来看,这也对LIO的持久性提出了挑战。
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引用次数: 0
The big con: how the consulting industry weakens our businesses, infantilizes our governments and warps our economies 最大的骗局是:咨询业如何削弱我们的企业,使我们的政府幼稚化,扭曲我们的经济
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad260
Hilde Rapp
Journal Article The big con: how the consulting industry weakens our businesses, infantilizes our governments and warps our economies Get access The big con: how the consulting industry weakens our businesses, infantilizes our governments and warps our economies. By Mariana Mazzucato and Rosie Collington. London: Allen Lane. 2023. 368pp. £25.00. Isbn978 0 24157 308 2. Available as e-book. Hilde Rapp Hilde Rapp Centre for International Peacebuilding and Patrick Schröder, Chatham House, UK Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 6, November 2023, Pages 2524–2525, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad260 Published: 06 November 2023
大骗局:咨询业如何削弱我们的企业,使我们的政府幼稚化,扭曲我们的经济。作者:玛丽安娜·马祖卡托和罗西·科林顿。伦敦:艾伦巷。2023。368页。£25.00。Isbn978 0 24157 308 2。以电子书形式提供。希尔德·拉普希尔德·拉普国际建设和平中心和帕特里克Schröder,查塔姆研究所,英国搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际事务,第99卷,第6期,2023年11月,第2524-2525页,https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad260出版:2023年11月6日
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引用次数: 0
The civil condition in world politics: beyond tragedy and utopianism 世界政治中的公民状况:超越悲剧与乌托邦主义
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad257
Iain Ferguson
Journal Article The civil condition in world politics: beyond tragedy and utopianism Get access The civil condition in world politics: beyond tragedy and utopianism. Edited by Vassilos Paipais. Bristol: Bristol University Press. 2022. 264pp. £85.00. Isbn978 1 52922 417 7. Available as e-book. Iain Ferguson Iain Ferguson HSE (Higher School of Economics) University, Russia Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar International Affairs, Volume 99, Issue 6, November 2023, Pages 2501–2502, https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad257 Published: 06 November 2023
世界政治中的公民状况:超越悲剧与乌托邦主义。Vassilos Paipais编辑。布里斯托尔:布里斯托大学出版社,2022。264页。£85.00。Isbn978 1 52922 417以电子书形式提供。Iain Ferguson Iain Ferguson HSE(高等经济学院)俄罗斯大学搜索作者的其他作品:牛津学术谷歌学者国际事务,第99卷,第6期,2023年11月,第2501-2502页,https://doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiad257出版:2023年11月6日
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引用次数: 0
Sweden, NATO and the role of diasporas in foreign policy 瑞典,北约和侨民在外交政策中的作用
1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-06 DOI: 10.1093/ia/iiad239
Lisbeth Aggestam, Isabell Schierenbeck, Arne Wackenhut
Abstract When and how do diasporas influence the foreign policy of liberal democratic states? Few studies have sought to conceptualize how diasporas affect strategic bilateral relations between states. We argue that these non-state actors are an increasingly important factor in western liberal democratic societies, which challenge traditional theories of foreign policy. To explore when and how the transnational societal ties and interests of diaspora groups affect foreign and security relations between states, we develop a triadic analytical model of state–diaspora interactions and specify key contextual factors. To illustrate the dynamics at play, we analyse the influence of the Kurdish diaspora in Sweden on Turkish–Swedish bilateral relations in the wake of Sweden's decision to apply for full NATO membership. Our case-study builds on semi-structured interviews as well as news media sources, speeches and official documents. The study shows that the Kurdish diaspora demonstrates an independent role and an ability to shape the policy process due to the permeability of the political system. As a result, the policy-process is becoming more domesticated, thereby constraining the role of the executive. The article contributes important insights to policy-makers and diplomats on what impact transnational state–society relations can have on foreign policymaking.
移民何时以及如何影响自由民主国家的外交政策?很少有研究试图概念化侨民如何影响国家间的战略双边关系。我们认为,这些非国家行为体是西方自由民主社会中日益重要的因素,它们挑战着传统的外交政策理论。为了探索侨民群体的跨国社会联系和利益何时以及如何影响国家之间的外交和安全关系,我们开发了一个国家-侨民相互作用的三元分析模型,并指定了关键的背景因素。为了说明其中的动态,我们分析了瑞典决定申请北约正式成员资格后,瑞典库尔德侨民对土耳其-瑞典双边关系的影响。我们的案例研究基于半结构化访谈、新闻媒体来源、演讲和官方文件。研究表明,由于政治体系的渗透性,散居在外的库尔德人表现出独立的作用和塑造政策过程的能力。结果,政策过程变得更加驯化,从而限制了执行者的角色。这篇文章为决策者和外交家提供了重要的见解,帮助他们了解跨国国家-社会关系对外交政策制定的影响。
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引用次数: 0
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