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Wage Inequality Among Immigrants 移民的工资不平等
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-09-05 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251371691
Mahmut Zeki Akarsu, Erdem Seçilmiş
This study investigates the dynamics of wage inequality among immigrants in the United States, a topic often overshadowed by discussions on the effects of immigration on native workers. Utilizing a unique dataset specifically created for this research, we calculate wage inequality using the Gini coefficient and Atkinson index, offering a nuanced analysis of trends across education levels, industries, and immigration policies. The findings reveal a sharp rise in wage inequality among immigrants post-2013, surpassing overall wage inequality in the United States for the first time in 2023. High-skilled sectors, particularly IT, demonstrate a stabilizing effect on wage disparity, while low-skilled immigrants face growing wage gaps exacerbated by stringent visa policies and economic disruptions, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Our econometric analysis highlights the dual role of minimum wage policies, which increase wage inequality in the short term but reduce it over the long run. This study emphasizes the need for inclusive immigration policies that address within-group disparities and enhance equity in the labor market.
这项研究调查了美国移民之间工资不平等的动态,这个话题经常被移民对本土工人影响的讨论所掩盖。利用专门为本研究创建的独特数据集,我们使用基尼系数和阿特金森指数计算工资不平等,对教育水平、行业和移民政策的趋势进行了细致入微的分析。调查结果显示,2013年后移民之间的工资不平等急剧加剧,到2023年首次超过美国的整体工资不平等。高技能行业,特别是IT行业,对工资差距具有稳定作用,而低技能移民面临着越来越大的工资差距,这一差距因严格的签证政策和COVID-19大流行等经济中断而加剧。我们的计量经济学分析强调了最低工资政策的双重作用,它在短期内加剧了工资不平等,但在长期内却减少了这种不平等。本研究强调需要制定包容性移民政策,以解决群体内部差异并增强劳动力市场的公平性。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Philippine Labor Migration 50 Years Later 引言:50年后的菲律宾劳工移民
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-09-04 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251365923
Rhacel Salazar Parreñas, Jasmine Ann Gapatan, Mark Espina
This article introduces the Special Country Report on the Philippines. It provides a brief history of the governance of labor migration from the Philippines, which officially began with the 1974 Labor Code. The article examines Philippine migration governance and addresses the relationship of the state to other key actors of migration with a particular focus on the government's reliance on labor recruitment agencies. Finally, this article describes the characteristics of Philippine migration, establishing it to be primarily South–South, temporary, and constituting of multinational migration flows.
本文介绍了关于菲律宾的特别国家报告。它提供了菲律宾劳工移民管理的简史,正式开始于1974年的《劳动法》。本文考察了菲律宾的移民治理,并讨论了国家与其他关键移民行为者的关系,特别关注政府对劳动力招聘机构的依赖。最后,本文描述了菲律宾移民的特点,确定它主要是南南的,临时的,并构成跨国移民流动。
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引用次数: 0
The Strategic Politics of Cross-Border Mobility: A Typology of Migration Interdependence 跨国界流动的战略政治:一种移民相互依存的类型
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-09-01 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251369832
Gerasimos Tsourapas
How do states navigate cooperation and coercion in the governance of labor migration? This article introduces a novel framework for understanding strategic behavior in migration diplomacy, grounded in the concept of migration interdependence. It argues that state strategy is shaped not only by material power but also by the distribution of exposure to the consequences of disrupted migration flows. When stronger states are more exposed, cooperation becomes rational; when stronger states are less exposed, or when weaker states possess credible alternatives, coercion becomes viable. The article develops a two-axis typology to explain these dynamics and applies it to four bilateral labor migration corridors: New Zealand–Pacific Islands, Russia–Central Asia, Gulf States–Nepal, and Malaysia–Indonesia. These cases span Global South and South–North relationships, allowing for controlled comparison across varied structural configurations. Methodologically, the article employs a focused comparative approach combining process tracing and a structured typological framework, drawing on primary and secondary sources to triangulate evidence and elucidate variation across migration corridors. It identifies four factors that condition states’ strategic options: remittance dependency, labor market reliance, migration portfolio diversification, and institutionalization. The article advances migration studies by reconceptualizing labor mobility as a site of deliberate, strategic state engagement rather than a passive byproduct of domestic pressures. Simultaneously, it enriches international relations theory by offering a nuanced understanding of how power and migration interdependence intertwine to shape state behavior within asymmetric contexts. By identifying conditions that enable coercion, the article offers a critical policy tool for anticipating and mitigating exploitative practices in migration diplomacy.
在劳动力迁移的治理中,国家如何驾驭合作与强制?本文以移民相互依存的概念为基础,介绍了一个理解移民外交战略行为的新框架。它认为,国家战略的形成不仅取决于物质力量,还取决于受到移民流动中断影响的风险分布。当实力较强的国家面临更多风险时,合作就变得理性;当实力较强的国家受到的影响较小,或者实力较弱的国家拥有可靠的替代方案时,强制就变得可行。本文开发了一个双轴类型来解释这些动态,并将其应用于四个双边劳动力迁移走廊:新西兰-太平洋岛屿、俄罗斯-中亚、海湾国家-尼泊尔和马来西亚-印度尼西亚。这些案例跨越了全球南北关系,允许在不同的结构配置之间进行可控的比较。在方法上,本文采用集中的比较方法,结合过程追踪和结构化的类型学框架,利用主要和次要来源对证据进行三角测量,并阐明跨迁移走廊的变化。报告确定了影响国家战略选择的四个因素:对汇款的依赖、对劳动力市场的依赖、移民组合多样化和制度化。这篇文章通过将劳动力流动重新定义为一种深思熟虑的、战略性的国家参与,而不是国内压力的被动副产品,从而推进了移民研究。同时,它通过提供对权力和移民相互依存如何在不对称背景下相互交织以塑造国家行为的细致理解,丰富了国际关系理论。通过确定胁迫的条件,本文为预测和减轻移民外交中的剥削行为提供了一个重要的政策工具。
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引用次数: 0
Corrigendum to “Unaccompanied Migrant Children in US Government Custody: 2014–2023” 《美国政府监护下无人陪伴的移民儿童:2014-2023》更正
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-29 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251370576
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Everyday Activists GetrichC. M., 2025. Everyday Activists: Undocumented Immigrants’ Quest for Justice and Well-Being. New York: New York University Press. 285 Pages, $89.00. 书评:每日积极分子GetrichC。M。2025。每日活动家:无证移民对正义和福祉的追求。纽约:纽约大学出版社,285页,89.00美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251369401
Jasmin Lilian Diab
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: In Our Interest KustovAlexander. 2025. In Our Interest: How Democracies Can Make Immigration Popular. New York: Columbia University Press. 344 pp. Paperback $32.00. 书评:符合我们的利益库斯托·亚历山大。2025. 《为了我们的利益:民主国家如何让移民受到欢迎》。纽约:哥伦比亚大学出版社,344页,平装本32.00美元。
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-28 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251370704
Ann Jiang
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引用次数: 0
Solidaritas et Mercatus: Discursive Constructions and Contested Social Representations of Cross-Border “Facilitators” in Irregular Migration 团结与团结:非正规移民中跨境“促进者”的话语建构和有争议的社会表征
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-22 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251365920
Fabio I. M. Poppi
This study examines the emerging social representations of actors described as “cross-border facilitators” within irregular migration networks along the Balkan Route. Unlike figures commonly framed as human smugglers, these actors are portrayed by migrants as offering selective assistance outside a purely commercial logic, often with minimal or no financial compensation. Drawing on qualitative interviews with migrants and individuals who interact with such facilitators, the research explores how their roles, motivations, and vulnerabilities are discursively constructed. The findings suggest that these “facilitators” symbolically disrupt the dominant migration economy by challenging profit-driven models of smuggling, provoking narrative contestation, reputational attacks, and heightened legal scrutiny. Using the concepts of anchoring and objectification from social representations theory, the analysis reveals how facilitators are framed in contrast to smugglers, highlighting themes of moral positioning, trust, and selective solidarity. Rather than reflecting fixed categories, these distinctions emerge from the stories told by migrants navigating complex moral and economic landscapes. The study contributes to broader debates on irregular migration, criminalization, and the contested meanings of border-crossing assistance.
本研究考察了巴尔干路线沿线非正规移民网络中被描述为“跨境促进者”的行动者的新兴社会表征。与通常被认为是人口走私者的人不同,这些人被移民描述为在纯粹的商业逻辑之外提供选择性援助,往往只有很少的经济补偿或没有经济补偿。通过对移民和与此类促进者互动的个人进行定性访谈,该研究探讨了他们的角色、动机和脆弱性是如何被话语建构的。研究结果表明,这些“推动者”通过挑战利润驱动的走私模式,引发叙事争论、声誉攻击和加强法律审查,象征性地破坏了占主导地位的移民经济。利用社会表征理论中的锚定和客观化概念,分析揭示了促进者是如何与走私者形成对比的,突出了道德定位、信任和选择性团结的主题。这些区别并非反映出固定的类别,而是来自移民在复杂的道德和经济环境中讲述的故事。这项研究有助于就非正规移民、刑事定罪以及越境援助的争议意义展开更广泛的辩论。
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引用次数: 0
‘ Use my Experience to Your Advantage ’: The Agency Behind TikTok Portrayals of the Migration Journey Through Darien Gap “利用我的经验为你服务”:TikTok描绘达连峡移民之旅背后的机构
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-20 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251365924
Paula Folino Juanola
As migration routes and flows shift over time, so do the digital platforms through which migrants communicate and seek information. Among TikTok's billions of users, some individuals have shared footage of their crossing through the Darien gap between Colombia and Panama, offering a never-before-seen perspective to the 160 km jungle. This article explores TikTok's role as a tool for migrants to share unfiltered experiences and navigate the hardships of their journey . Through a comparative ethnographic content analysis (ECA) of 66 TikTok videos and, 7373 comments, this article proposes an original methodology seldom applied in migration research by prioritising migrant voices as a counter-space that actively resists those actors speaking for them. A thematic comparison between migrant-made videos with non-migrant-made videos considers how the latter accentuates narratives of suffering and victimhood; whereas migrant-made videos curate their content to provide practical information to support other migrants, grounded in their personal experience. The themes within migrant-made videos, together with their comments, construct a digital environment conducive to resisting flattening narratives through tools such as empowerment, community building, and practical information sharing. This article contributes beyond a methodological scope by acknowledging how migrant-made videos point to information individuals are seeking concerning their journey: an epistemological gap that, by filling it, could prove conducive to migrant protection strategies. It concludes that the decisive factor between agency-driven versus victimhood-centred content is the storyteller. This article endorses the prioritisation of migrant voices to respond to their requests and steer migration strategies towards a genuinely safe migration.
随着移民路线和流动随着时间的推移而变化,移民沟通和寻求信息的数字平台也在变化。在TikTok的数十亿用户中,一些人分享了他们穿越哥伦比亚和巴拿马之间达里恩峡谷的视频,为这片160公里长的丛林提供了一个前所未有的视角。本文探讨了TikTok作为移民分享未经过滤的经历和度过旅途艰辛的工具的作用。通过对66个TikTok视频和7373条评论的比较民族志内容分析(ECA),本文提出了一种在移民研究中很少应用的原创方法,即优先考虑移民的声音,将其作为一个对抗空间,积极抵制那些为他们说话的行动者。移民制作的视频与非移民制作的视频之间的主题比较考虑了后者如何强调痛苦和受害者的叙述;而移民制作的视频则根据他们的个人经历,精心制作内容,提供实用信息,以支持其他移民。移民制作视频的主题及其评论构建了一个数字环境,有助于通过赋权、社区建设和实用信息共享等工具抵制叙事的扁平化。本文的贡献超出了方法论范围,承认了移民制作的视频如何指向个人正在寻求的有关其旅程的信息:填补这一认识论上的空白,可能有助于移民保护战略。它的结论是,代理驱动与受害者为中心的内容之间的决定性因素是讲故事的人。本文赞同优先考虑移民的声音,以回应他们的要求,并引导移民战略走向真正安全的移民。
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引用次数: 0
Generational Status, Gender, and Health: The Role of Identity Centrality among Asian Americans in the United States 代际地位、性别与健康:身份中心性在美国亚裔美国人中的作用
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-19 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251363508
Min Ju Kim
Scholarship on immigrant health among Asian Americans in the United States has been limited in its discussion of identities as a useful marker of integration. At the same time, a large volume of research has focused on the foreign-born population, with relatively fewer studies including their native-born counterparts. As a result, little is known about how identities can enhance or risk the health of Asian Americans comparatively across generational status. In recognition of such gaps in existing literature, I use the 2016 National Asian American Survey ( n = 4,242) and examine how Asian/ethnic/American identity centrality moderates the relationship between generational status and self-rated health among Asian American adults, with gender as a key modifier. I find that Asian identity centrality operates as a health protective resource among foreign-born immigrants regardless of gender. In contrast, it functions as a risk to health among second-generation men and third-generation women. American identity centrality is also a risk to health, but specifically among 1.5- and second-generation men and women. Notably, ethnic identity centrality is detrimental to the health of 1.5-generation men. Findings reveal nuanced patterns of Asian American integration into U.S. society and their relationships to health. Future research should continue to advance knowledge on generational disparities in health among Asian Americans, with greater attention to gender specificity and social psychological mechanisms.
关于美国亚裔美国人移民健康的学术研究一直局限于将身份作为一种有用的融合标志进行讨论。与此同时,大量的研究集中在外国出生的人口上,相对较少的研究包括本土出生的人口。因此,相对于不同世代的亚裔美国人来说,身份认同是如何增强或危害他们的健康的,我们知之甚少。为了认识到现有文献中的这些差距,我使用了2016年全国亚裔美国人调查(n = 4242),并研究了亚裔/种族/美国人身份中心性如何调节亚裔美国成年人的代际地位与自评健康之间的关系,其中性别是一个关键修饰词。我发现,无论性别如何,亚洲身份中心在外国出生的移民中都是一种健康保护资源。相比之下,它对第二代男性和第三代女性的健康构成威胁。美国人的身份中心化也对健康构成威胁,尤其是在第1.5代和第二代男性和女性中。值得注意的是,种族身份中心对1.5代男性的健康有害。研究结果揭示了亚裔美国人融入美国社会的微妙模式及其与健康的关系。未来的研究应继续推进对亚裔美国人健康代际差异的认识,更多地关注性别特异性和社会心理机制。
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引用次数: 0
Foreign or Domestic Affairs? Unpacking Mechanisms Behind Colombia and Peru's Policies on Venezuelan Displacement 外交还是内政?哥伦比亚和秘鲁对委内瑞拉流离失所者政策背后的机制
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 DEMOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-08-14 DOI: 10.1177/01979183251365919
Nieves Fernández-Rodríguez
While forced displacement policies are shaped by both international and domestic considerations, little is known about how states navigate conflicting pressures when adopting liberal or restrictive approaches. This article addresses this gap by examining the divergent responses of the two largest recipients of Venezuelan displaced people: Peru under Martín Vizcarra (2018–2020) and Colombia under Iván Duque (2018–2022). Although both Peru and Colombia are middle-income countries with significant emigration and share growing public resentment toward migrants and strained relations with Nicolás Maduro's regime, they pursued opposite policies. In 2019, Peru imposed a visa requirement for Venezuelan migrants, restricting access, whereas in 2021 Colombia created the Temporary Protection Status, allowing for regularization and a path to residency. Using 65 interviews with policymakers and experts, over 200 statements by public officials, and secondary literature, this study identifies the mechanisms behind these contradictory policies. It argues that whether forced displacement is perceived by executive actors as a foreign or domestic issue shapes the nature of policy in countries that would otherwise be expected to respond similarly. These perceptions are ultimately explained by executives’ need for self-preservation and self-legitimation within strategic political contexts. Four key factors—importance given to Venezuela, international reputation, executive strength, and, to a lesser extent, bureaucratic frameworks—determine whether foreign or domestic logics prevail. By showing how Latin American responses integrate both logics rather than fitting neatly into Global North/South binaries, this study challenges dominant dichotomies in migration scholarship.
虽然强迫流离失所政策受到国际和国内因素的影响,但人们对各国在采取自由或限制措施时如何应对相互冲突的压力知之甚少。本文通过研究委内瑞拉流离失所者的两个最大接受国的不同反应来解决这一差距:Martín Vizcarra(2018-2020)下的秘鲁和Iván Duque(2018-2022)下的哥伦比亚。尽管秘鲁和哥伦比亚都是拥有大量移民的中等收入国家,公众对移民的不满情绪也越来越大,与Nicolás马杜罗政权的关系也很紧张,但两国奉行相反的政策。2019年,秘鲁对委内瑞拉移民实施了签证要求,限制了他们的进入,而2021年,哥伦比亚设立了临时保护地位,允许移民正规化并获得居留权。通过对政策制定者和专家的65次访谈、200多份政府官员的声明以及二手文献,本研究确定了这些相互矛盾的政策背后的机制。报告认为,行政行为者是否将被迫流离失所视为外国问题或国内问题,将影响到原本预计会作出类似反应的国家的政策性质。这些看法最终可以解释为高管们在战略政治背景下对自我保护和自我合法化的需要。四个关键因素——给予委内瑞拉的重要性、国际声誉、执行力,以及(在较小程度上)官僚框架——决定了是国外还是国内的逻辑占上风。通过展示拉丁美洲的反应如何整合这两种逻辑,而不是整齐地适应全球南北二元性,本研究挑战了移民研究中占主导地位的二分法。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
International Migration Review
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