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Why do Citizens Criminalize Migrants? Experimental Evidence from a Multi-Role Country, Mexico 公民为何将移民视为罪犯?来自多角色国家墨西哥的实验证据
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-04 DOI: 10.1177/01979183241232625
María del Pilar Fuerte-Celis, Daniel Zizumbo-Colunga
Every year, millions of immigrants arrive in countries that play multiple roles: they expel them, receive them, or shelter them. Sometimes, citizens welcome immigrants with open arms. Other times, they perceive them as potential criminals. Surprisingly, there is little research on the determinants of criminalization in multi-role countries. In this article, we analyze the results from a nationally representative survey experiment where we investigate how two sources of variation (the skin tone and national origin of others) bias citizens’ willingness to blame suspects for crime. We find that individuals criminalize suspects more when they have a darker skin tone and, against expectations, less when they come from El Salvador. Moreover, in exploratory analyses, we find that coloristic bias is exacerbated among individuals with lower levels of education and, surprisingly, among those with a darker skin tone. Also interesting is that we found that, against contact theory, anti-American bias is stronger among Mexicans with direct or indirect cross-national contact. Our results highlight the various degrees to which migratory contexts influence public opinion.
每年都有数百万移民来到一些国家,这些国家扮演着多重角色:驱逐他们、接收他们或庇护他们。有时,公民张开双臂欢迎移民。有时,他们将移民视为潜在的罪犯。令人惊讶的是,关于多重角色国家刑事犯罪决定因素的研究却很少。在本文中,我们分析了一项具有全国代表性的调查实验的结果,研究了两种差异来源(他人的肤色和民族血统)如何使公民指责犯罪嫌疑人的意愿产生偏差。我们发现,当犯罪嫌疑人的肤色较深时,人们会更多地将其归咎于犯罪;而当犯罪嫌疑人来自萨尔瓦多时,人们则会较少地将其归咎于犯罪,这与预期相反。此外,在探索性分析中,我们发现肤色偏见在教育水平较低的人群中更为严重,而且令人惊讶的是,在肤色较深的人群中也是如此。同样有趣的是,我们发现,与接触理论相反,在有直接或间接跨国接触的墨西哥人中,反美偏见更为强烈。我们的研究结果凸显了移民环境对公众舆论的不同程度的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Algerian Women and Diasporic Experience 书评阿尔及利亚妇女与散居经验
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/01979183241232600
Sofia Aouani
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Dying Abroad 书评客死异乡
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/01979183241232601
Mirjam Twigt
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引用次数: 0
The Real Consequences of Symbolic Social Policies: The Public Charge Rule and Benefits Use among Noncitizen Immigrants 象征性社会政策的真实后果:公共收费规则与非公民移民使用福利的情况
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/01979183241228208
Felipe Dias, Joseph Chance
This article examines the impact of the 2018 announcement of changes to the public charge rules on the benefits use of noncitizen immigrant households. Using data from the American Community Survey and difference-in-difference models, as well as an event-study approach, we document a decrease in Medicaid use in 2019 by members of low-income households with noncitizens compared to low-income households with only citizens, with larger effects for children. We find a similar decline in SNAP use but are unable to rule out differential pretrends before the announcement. Our findings suggest that the fear of being considered a public charge susceptible to deportation under the new rules likely explains the decrease in noncitizens’ public benefits in the postannouncement period.
本文研究了 2018 年宣布修改公共收费规则对非公民移民家庭使用福利的影响。利用美国社区调查数据、差分模型以及事件研究方法,我们记录了与只有公民的低收入家庭相比,有非公民的低收入家庭的成员在 2019 年使用医疗补助的情况有所减少,对儿童的影响更大。我们发现,SNAP 的使用率也出现了类似的下降,但无法排除公布前的不同预趋势。我们的研究结果表明,在新规定下,非公民担心被视为公共负担而被递解出境,这可能是新规定公布后非公民公共福利减少的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Understanding the Dynamics of Refugee Impact on Employment: Evidence from Northern Uganda 了解难民对就业的动态影响:乌干达北部的证据
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/01979183231216085
Joseph Musasizi, Dharma Arunachalam, Helen Forbes-Mewett
Uganda hosts the largest refugee population on the African continent and the third highest worldwide. The country also has one of the world's most progressive refugee policies. Refugees are allowed to work and operate businesses anywhere in the country, which is uncommon in other African countries and beyond. Despite the large refugee population, their impact on employment and the associated dynamics remains poorly understood. This paper explores the impact of the presence of the refugee population on local employment opportunities and how it is connected to refugees’ sociocultural and livelihoods background and local refugee policies. Drawing on in-depth interviews with local hosts, government officials, and refugee agencies, we show that hosting refugees enhances opportunities and competition for jobs. We argue that refugees’ presence mainly affects unskilled locals in sectors that align with refugees’ livelihood backgrounds. The locals in distant sectors and the highly educated and experienced locals face less competition in employment. Moreover, refugees’ complementary livelihoods have the potential to minimize refugee-host competition for jobs.
乌干达是非洲大陆难民人口最多的国家,也是世界上难民人口第三多的国家。乌干达也是世界上难民政策最进步的国家之一。难民可在该国任何地方工作和经商,这在其他非洲国家和其他地区并不多见。尽管难民人口众多,但人们对他们对就业的影响及相关动态仍知之甚少。本文探讨了难民人口的存在对当地就业机会的影响,以及这种影响与难民的社会文化和生计背景以及当地难民政策之间的联系。通过对当地收容者、政府官员和难民机构的深入访谈,我们发现收容难民增加了就业机会和就业竞争。我们认为,难民的存在主要影响到与难民生计背景相符的行业中的非技术性当地人。远距离行业的当地人以及受过高等教育、经验丰富的当地人面临的就业竞争较小。此外,难民的互补性生计有可能最大限度地减少难民与当地人之间的就业竞争。
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引用次数: 0
Book Review: Struggles for Belonging 书评为归属而奋斗
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-27 DOI: 10.1177/01979183231196821
Peter J. Spiro
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引用次数: 0
Unwelcome Immigrants Knocking on the Door: Demographic Features of Immigrants and Populist Attitudes Rising in South American Countries 不受欢迎的移民在敲门:移民的人口特征与南美国家日益高涨的民粹主义态度
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1177/01979183231225941
Jeongnam Hwang, Jeongho Choi
Previous studies examining the link between immigration and populism have found mixed empirical results. By focusing on the populist attitude among native citizens, this article revisits the question of how immigration affects populism. In addition, we investigate this relationship in South America where immigrants are more educated, and skilled and have similar cultural or historical roots to native citizens. By using Latino Barometro data from 2000 to 2018, our empirical analysis of 10 South American countries finds that immigration fuels the populist attitude among citizens in South American countries. We also demonstrate the proportion of working-age immigrants or the level of economic development of immigrants’ home countries can change the influence of immigration on populism. These findings suggest that despite different features of immigration in this region than observed in other regions such as Europe the link between immigration and populism still holds.
以往研究移民与民粹主义之间关系的实证结果喜忧参半。通过关注本土公民的民粹主义态度,本文重新审视了移民如何影响民粹主义的问题。此外,我们还调查了南美洲的这种关系,因为南美洲的移民受教育程度更高、技能更强,而且与本地公民有着相似的文化或历史渊源。通过使用 2000 年至 2018 年的 Latino Barometro 数据,我们对 10 个南美国家进行的实证分析发现,移民助长了南美国家公民的民粹主义态度。我们还证明,工作年龄移民的比例或移民母国的经济发展水平会改变移民对民粹主义的影响。这些发现表明,尽管该地区的移民特点与欧洲等其他地区不同,但移民与民粹主义之间的联系仍然存在。
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引用次数: 0
Making Single Mothers Matter: Reflections on the Vulnerability and Agency of Displaced Persons in Postwar Occupied Austria and Beyond 让单身母亲变得重要:对战后被占领奥地利及其他地区流离失所者的脆弱性和能动性的思考
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1177/01979183231218972
Franziska Maria Lamp
This article explores the experiences of displaced women and their children in occupied postwar Austria by focusing both on the assistance provided to them by relief workers in displaced persons (DP) camps and on the displaced women's role as persons in charge of planning their own and their children's futures. In doing so, it sheds light on the care infrastructure for a particularly vulnerable group inside Austria's postwar refugee camps — single mothers and those children within their households — while also highlighting the agency of these women in navigating the migration process. The author of this paper argues that studying the situation of displaced single mothers enables us to understand displacement as a process that both fostered a dependence on institutional structures and at the same time created the imperative to develop specific strategies to negotiate one's chances of emigration, such as the use of social networks or the negotiation of citizenship. The main arguments of this paper are embedded in a close analysis of two DP camps in postwar Austria — Kapfenberg in Styria and Feffernitz in Carinthia. A combined examination of reports written by relief workers employed in these camps and two case studies of families that tried to emigrate and leave their camp lives behind allows the author to reflect on dimensions of vulnerability and agency — both of which were characteristic of the postwar experience of so many displaced people in Europe, especially those cast in maternal roles.
本文探讨了战后奥地利被占领时期流离失所妇女及其子女的经历,重点关注流离失所者营地中救援人员为她们提供的援助,以及流离失所妇女作为规划自身及其子女未来的负责人所扮演的角色。在此过程中,本文揭示了奥地利战后难民营中一个特别脆弱的群体--单身母亲及其家庭中的孩子--的关爱基础设施,同时也强调了这些妇女在移民过程中的能动性。本文作者认为,通过研究流离失所的单身母亲的境况,我们可以将流离失所理解为一种过程,这种过程既助长了对制度结构的依赖,同时也产生了制定特定策略以协商个人移民机会的必要性,例如利用社会网络或协商公民身份。本文的主要论点体现在对战后奥地利的两个民主党集中营--施蒂里亚州的卡普芬博格和卡林西亚州的费弗尼茨--的仔细分析中。通过对受雇于这两个难民营的救济人员所撰写的报告和两个试图移民并告别难民营生活的家庭的案例研究进行综合分析,作者得以对脆弱性和能动性两个方面进行反思--这两个方面都是欧洲众多流离失所者的战后经历的特征,尤其是那些扮演母性角色的人。
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引用次数: 0
Men's Migration and Women's Health in Rural Sub-Saharan Africa: The Role of Migration's Economic Returns and Spousal Communication 撒哈拉以南非洲农村地区男性移民与女性健康:移民的经济回报和配偶沟通的作用
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-15 DOI: 10.1177/01979183231225942
Natalie Jansen, Victor Agadjanian
In this study, we investigate the association between men's labor migration and changes in their non-migrating wives’ self-rated health (SRH) over time using longitudinal data from rural Mozambique. In addition to comparing wives of non-migrants and wives of migrants, we account for variation in the economic impact of migration and in migrants’ phone communication with their spouses. We find that migrants’ wives are significantly less likely to report low SRH, compared to non-migrants’ wives, net of other factors. However, this net advantage is concentrated among migrants’ wives who receive frequent remittances and who report that their households’ conditions have improved thanks to husband's migration. We also find that women who engage in frequent phone communication with their migrant husbands have decreased likelihoods of low SRH, compared to migrants’ wives who do not communicate with their husbands during their migration and to women married to non-migrants, regardless of other characteristics. We interpret these findings within the context of multifaceted gendered implications of men's migration for left-behind women's health and wellbeing.
在本研究中,我们利用莫桑比克农村地区的纵向数据,调查了男性劳动力迁移与其未迁移妻子的自评健康(SRH)随时间推移而发生的变化之间的关联。除了对非移民妻子和移民妻子进行比较外,我们还考虑了移民对经济的影响以及移民与配偶电话沟通的变化。我们发现,与非移民妻子相比,移民妻子报告性健康和生殖健康低下的可能性要低得多,这还不包括其他因素。然而,这种净优势主要集中在那些经常收到汇款的移民妻子身上,她们报告说,由于丈夫的移民,她们的家庭条件得到了改善。我们还发现,无论其他特征如何,与移徙期间不与丈夫进行电话沟通的移民妻子以及与非移民结婚的妇女相比,与移民丈夫进行频繁电话沟通的妇女性健康和生殖健康水平低的可能性较低。我们从男性移民对留守妇女健康和幸福的多方面性别影响的角度来解释这些发现。
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引用次数: 0
Borders Start With Numbers: How Migration Data Create “Fake Illegals” 边界始于数字:移民数据如何制造 "假非法移民"
IF 3.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1177/01979183231222169
Filip Savatic, Hélène Thiollet, Alice Mesnard, Jean-Noël Senne, Thibaut Jaulin
Sudden rises in migration across the borders of the Global North have persistently attracted substantial media attention and fueled hostility toward “irregular migrants” and “bogus refugees.” While existing qualitative studies have extensively criticized the migrant-refugee distinction, we offer unique quantitative evidence of how migration numbers and labels construct impressions of increased irregular migration while in fact creating “fake illegals.” We conduct a two-stage mixed-method analysis, demonstrating first that data on “irregular/illegal border crossings” (IBCs) published by Frontex have become an authoritative source of information on migration flows cited in a corpus of mainstream news media articles. We then posit that, while persecutions and violence in countries of origin may trigger migration, it is policies in destination states that determine who “is” and “isn’t” a refugee. In turn, we develop a novel method to divide IBCs into those who would likely obtain asylum in 31 European destination states (“likely refugees”) and those who would not (“likely irregular migrants”) across time given asylum acceptance rates by nationality. We estimate that between 2009 and 2021 most border crossers labeled as “irregular/illegal” (55.4%) were actually “likely refugees,” a proportion we estimate to be 75.5% at the peak of arrivals in 2015. Thus, we find that sudden and large increases in border crossings concentrated in space likely concern forced rather than irregular migrants. Altogether, our constructivist approach reveals how migration data and categories both influence and are influenced by securitized border policies and that, in this respect, borders start with numbers.
跨越全球北方边界的移民人数突然增加,一直吸引着媒体的大量关注,并助长了对 "非正常移民 "和 "假难民 "的敌意。现有的定性研究广泛批评了移民与难民之间的区别,而我们则提供了独特的定量证据,说明移民数量和标签如何在构建非正常移民增加的印象的同时,事实上又在制造 "假非法移民"。我们进行了两阶段的混合方法分析,首先证明了欧盟边境管理局(Frontex)发布的 "非正常/非法越境"(IBCs)数据已成为主流新闻媒体文章语料库中引用的移民流信息的权威来源。我们认为,虽然原籍国的迫害和暴力可能会引发移民,但决定谁 "是 "谁 "不是 "难民的是目的地国的政策。进而,我们开发了一种新方法,根据不同国籍的庇护接受率,将国际移民分为可能在 31 个欧洲目的地国获得庇护的难民("可能的难民")和不可能获得庇护的难民("可能的非正常移民")。我们估计,在 2009 年至 2021 年期间,大多数被贴上 "非正常/非法 "标签的越境者(55.4%)实际上是 "可能的难民",而在 2015 年入境高峰期,我们估计这一比例为 75.5%。因此,我们发现,集中在空间上的突然大幅增加的越境人数很可能涉及被迫移民,而非正常移民。总之,我们的建构主义方法揭示了移民数据和类别如何影响并被安全化的边境政策所影响,在这方面,边境始于数字。
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引用次数: 0
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International Migration Review
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