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The US Presidency: Power and Constraint 美国总统:权力与制约
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-12 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-113134
Corey Brettschneider, Aidan G. Calvelli
How much should we fear that a president will break the law to pursue power—then use their office to avoid legal accountability? Political scientists studying the presidency have often overlooked the risk of what we here call a criminal president. Donald Trump's presidency spotlighted that risk and has begun to shift the field's focus toward not just presidential power but presidential constraints. We believe this shift should continue. In this review, we aim to set an agenda that makes the danger of a criminal president central to understanding the presidency more broadly. Situating the criminal presidency within wider questions about legal and constitutional constraints on presidential power, we emphasize the unique risks to democracy that a president unbound by law can pose. We call for a greater focus on the legal rules governing the executive branch—especially unitary executive ideas—and the policies needed to hold criminal presidents accountable.
我们应该有多担心总统会为了追求权力而违法,然后利用职权逃避法律责任?研究总统职位的政治学家往往忽视了我们这里所说的犯罪总统的风险。唐纳德-特朗普(Donald Trump)的总统任期凸显了这一风险,并开始将该领域的重点不仅转向总统权力,还转向总统约束。我们认为这种转变应该继续下去。在这篇评论中,我们旨在设定一个议程,使犯罪总统的危险成为更广泛理解总统职位的核心。我们将犯罪总统制置于有关总统权力的法律和宪法约束的更广泛问题中,强调不受法律约束的总统可能对民主构成的独特风险。我们呼吁更多地关注有关行政部门的法律规则--特别是单一行政思想--以及追究犯罪总统责任所需的政策。
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引用次数: 0
Three Traditions of African American Political Thought: Realism, Reformism, and Nationalism 非裔美国人政治思想的三大传统:现实主义、改革主义和民族主义
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-19 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-034241
Desmond Jagmohan
This article argues that conflict rather than consensus defines the history of African American political thought. Its seminal figures have pursued justice along different and diverging lines—including advocating reformist, realist, and nationalist paths. While there is agreement that white supremacy is a form of social, economic, and political domination that should be eradicated, there is disagreement regarding its nature, effects, and resilience. This variance in judgments and inferences regarding the foundations and consequences of white supremacy leads to different accounts of social change, diverging strategic advice for realizing that change, and conflicting political theories. To press this claim, I consider the conflicting political visions of Booker T. Washington (1856–1915), W.E.B. Du Bois (1868–1963), and Marcus Garvey (1887–1940).
本文认为,冲突而非共识决定了非裔美国人的政治思想史。非裔美国人政治思想的开创性人物沿着不同的路线追求正义,包括主张改革主义、现实主义和民族主义道路。虽然人们一致认为白人至上主义是一种应予铲除的社会、经济和政治统治形式,但对其性质、影响和复原力却存在分歧。对白人至上主义的基础和后果的不同判断和推论导致了对社会变革的不同描述、对实现变革的不同战略建议以及相互冲突的政治理论。为了推动这一主张,我考虑了布克-华盛顿(1856-1915 年)、W.E.B. 杜波依斯(1868-1963 年)和马库斯-加维(1887-1940 年)相互冲突的政治愿景。
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引用次数: 0
Corruption and Social Norms: A New Arrow in the Quiver 腐败与社会规范:箭筒中的一支新箭
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-19 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-095535
Ina Kubbe, C. Baez-Camargo, Cheyanne Scharbatke-Church
One key question driving innovations in corruption studies is how anticorruption reforms can be more impactful and sustainable. This is critical to understand due to the detrimental impact of corrupt practices on equality, human rights, peace, and the rule of law. A significant body of research has shown that many anticorruption initiatives do not produce the expected effect, or they achieve results that fade after the intervention ceases. Seeking to understand how to improve anticorruption outcomes, scholars have turned to causal explanations of the persistence of corruption ranging from institutional settings and individual motives to informal practices and social norms. This article explores the intersection of social norms and corruption as a contribution to improving anticorruption programming. It explains how norms impact our conceptual understanding of corruption and the vicious cycle that exists between corrupt practices and norms. Grounded in the belief that programming and social norm diagnosis need to be contextually driven, we lay out the nascent research on changing social norms that drive corruption and the consequences of ignoring them.
推动腐败研究创新的一个关键问题是如何使反腐败改革更具影响力和可持续性。由于腐败行为对平等、人权、和平和法治的不利影响,理解这一点至关重要。大量研究表明,许多反腐举措并未产生预期效果,或者取得的成果在干预措施停止后逐渐消失。为了了解如何改善反腐成果,学者们转而研究腐败持续存在的因果关系,从制度环境、个人动机到非正式惯例和社会规范,不一而足。本文探讨了社会规范与腐败之间的交集,以期为改进反腐计划做出贡献。文章解释了规范如何影响我们对腐败的概念理解,以及腐败行为与规范之间存在的恶性循环。我们认为,计划编制和社会规范诊断需要根据具体情况进行,因此,我们阐述了关于改变驱动腐败的社会规范以及忽视这些规范的后果的最新研究。
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引用次数: 0
Theories of Democratic Backsliding 民主倒退理论
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-025352
E. Grillo, Zhaotian Luo, Monika Nalepa, Carlo Prato
We review recent contributions to the modeling of democratic backsliding. We organize these theories according to (a) the source of constraints on the executive (vertical or horizontal restrainers) and (b) the target of backsliding (electoral manipulation or executive aggrandizement), and then use these concepts to build a scaffold for a meta-model of democratic backsliding. This meta-model allows us to describe and compare the premises and insights of this scholarship. We further apply our two-dimensional classification to more than 30 empirical papers and show how these theories can guide research design. We conclude by highlighting open issues for future research.
我们回顾了近期在民主倒退建模方面的贡献。我们根据(a)行政制约的来源(纵向或横向制约因素)和(b)倒退的目标(选举操纵或行政扩张)来组织这些理论,然后利用这些概念来构建民主倒退的元模型。这一元模型使我们能够描述和比较这一学术研究的前提和见解。我们进一步将我们的二维分类法应用于 30 多篇经验性论文,并展示了这些理论如何指导研究设计。最后,我们强调了未来研究的开放性问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Contagion: States, Societies, and the Control and Consequences of Infectious Diseases 传染政治学》:国家、社会与传染病的控制和后果
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-051120-014707
Prerna Singh
The study of contagion offers important but underexplored opportunities to rethink and advance our understanding of key concepts in political science. These include notably state capacity; social policy; state–society relations, especially the role of trust; nationalism and social solidarity; exclusionary dynamics, such as xenophobia, prejudice, and discrimination; and within political psychology, the role of emotions, including disgust. This article reviews studies on contagion and health within and adjacent to political science. While taking note of the surge of studies around COVID-19, this article focuses on work on infectious disease before and beyond the pandemic. It analyzes the scholarship as it sheds light on the control of infectious diseases, on the one hand, and on the consequences of that control, on the other, while also pointing to connections and feedback loops, especially as they open avenues for future research.
对传染的研究为我们重新思考和推进对政治学关键概念的理解提供了重要但尚未充分探索的机会。这些概念主要包括:国家能力;社会政策;国家-社会关系,尤其是信任的作用;民族主义和社会团结;排外动态,如仇外心理、偏见和歧视;以及政治心理学中情绪的作用,包括厌恶。本文回顾了政治学内部以及与政治学相邻的有关传染与健康的研究。在注意到围绕 COVID-19 的研究激增的同时,本文重点关注大流行之前和之后有关传染病的研究。文章分析了这些学术研究,因为它们一方面揭示了传染病的控制,另一方面揭示了控制的后果,同时还指出了联系和反馈回路,特别是它们为未来的研究开辟了道路。
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引用次数: 0
Terra Incognita: The Governance of Artificial Intelligence in Global Perspective 未知领域:全球视角下的人工智能治理
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-15 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-042247
Allison Stanger, Jakub Kraus, Woojin Lim, Georgia Millman-Perlah, Mitchell Schroeder
While generative AI shares some similarities with previous technological breakthroughs, it also raises unique challenges for containing social and economic harms. State approaches to AI governance vary; some lay a foundation for transnational governance whereas others do not. We consider some technical dimensions of AI safety in both open and closed systems, as well as the ideas that are presently percolating to safeguard their future development. Examining initiatives for the global community and for the coalition of open societies, we argue for building a dual-track interactive strategy for containing AI's potentially nightmarish unintended consequences. We conclude that AI safety is AI governance, which means that pluralist efforts to bridge gaps between theory and practice and the STEM–humanities divide are critical for democratic sustainability.
虽然生成式人工智能与以往的技术突破有一些相似之处,但它也对控制社会和经济危害提出了独特的挑战。各国治理人工智能的方法各不相同;有些国家为跨国治理奠定了基础,而有些国家则没有。我们考虑了开放和封闭系统中人工智能安全的一些技术层面,以及目前正在酝酿的保障其未来发展的想法。通过研究全球社会和开放社会联盟的倡议,我们主张建立双轨互动战略,以遏制人工智能可能带来的噩梦般的意外后果。我们的结论是,人工智能安全就是人工智能治理,这意味着弥合理论与实践之间的差距以及科学、技术、工程与人文之间的鸿沟的多元化努力对于民主的可持续性至关重要。
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引用次数: 0
Formal Theories of Special Interest Influence 特殊利益影响的正式理论
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-11 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-051921-102335
Keith E. Schnakenberg, Ian R. Turner
The impact of money on politics—whether through campaign finance, lobbying, or independent expenditure—raises key normative questions about democratic representation and accountability. In recent years there has been a deluge of new data allowing researchers to study money in politics from new and exciting perspectives. As a complement to this trend, there has also been a resurgence of interest in developing formal models to provide new theoretical insights that can help us understand how, why, and when money influences politics and policy. We review several major themes in this literature, focusing specifically on exchange-based models, informational models, and subsidy-based models. We compare and contrast the key contributions, and limitations, of each approach in understanding the role of lobbying and campaign finance in politics. We also discuss future avenues for research that incorporate aspects of each approach, which, we believe, will introduce new theoretical insights for understanding special interest influence.
金钱对政治的影响--无论是通过竞选融资、游说还是独立支出--引发了有关民主代表性和问责制的关键性规范问题。近年来,大量新数据的出现使研究人员能够从新的角度研究政治中的金钱问题。作为对这一趋势的补充,人们对建立正式模型以提供新的理论见解的兴趣也再次高涨,这有助于我们理解金钱如何、为何以及何时影响政治和政策。我们回顾了这一文献中的几大主题,特别关注基于交换的模型、信息模型和基于补贴的模型。我们比较和对比了每种方法在理解游说和竞选资金在政治中的作用方面的主要贡献和局限性。我们还讨论了将每种方法的各个方面结合起来的未来研究途径,我们相信这将为理解特殊利益的影响带来新的理论见解。
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引用次数: 0
Territory and Self-Determination 领土与自决
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-10 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-045000
A. Stilz
This article focuses on discussions of territorial rights and self-determination in the last 15–20 years. Theories of territorial jurisdiction typically combine two elements. First, they offer an account of foundational title: What gives a particular set of people a claim to be located in an area, including the right to form political institutions to govern that space? Second, they offer an account of legitimate jurisdiction: What is the moral basis of a state's right to govern the area and its population? This article begins by reconstructing prominent accounts of foundational title and legitimate jurisdiction. After canvassing these views, I highlight three areas where further work is needed, particularly as the territorial states system begins to be challenged by climate change: the appropriate balance of sovereignty and international authority in a world of global interdependence, how to rectify imperial and colonial legacies in the states system, and the just distribution of territory.
本文重点讨论过去 15-20 年间关于领土权利和自决的讨论。领土管辖权理论通常包含两个要素。首先,它们阐述了基本所有权:是什么让一群特定的人声称自己位于某一地区,包括有权组建政治机构来管理这一空间?其次,它们对合法管辖权进行了阐述:国家管理该地区及其人口的权利的道德基础是什么?本文首先重构了关于基础所有权和合法管辖权的著名论述。在讨论了这些观点之后,我强调了需要进一步开展工作的三个领域,尤其是在领土所属国体系开始受到气候变化挑战的情况下:在全球相互依存的世界中主权与国际权威的适当平衡、如何纠正国家体系中的帝国和殖民遗留问题以及领土的公正分配。
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引用次数: 0
The New Education Politics in the United States 美国的新教育政治
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-09 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-034446
Jonathan Collins, S. Reckhow
During the COVID-19 pandemic, school district politics rose to prominence on the nation's political agenda, as school boards grappled with controversial decisions about reopening schools and implementing mask mandates. A growing number of political scientists are using newly available data and innovative research strategies to examine policy responsiveness, elections, segregation and inequality, state takeovers, interest groups, democratic deliberation, and public opinion—all while focusing on the unique context of education politics. We illuminate the distinctive institutional and policy context of US education politics and review new research in the field, including growing evidence of partisan polarization and the continuing significance of race for influencing power and decision making about schools in the United States. The field has made great strides in the last decade; we highlight the emerging themes from that already rapidly growing literature, while pointing out areas for future research.
在 COVID-19 大流行期间,校区政治在国家的政治议程中占据了突出位置,因为学校董事会要努力做出有争议的决定,重新开放学校并执行面具任务。越来越多的政治学家正在利用新获得的数据和创新的研究策略来研究政策响应、选举、种族隔离和不平等、州政府接管、利益集团、民主审议和公众舆论--同时关注教育政治的独特背景。我们阐明了美国教育政治独特的制度和政策背景,并回顾了该领域的新研究,包括越来越多的证据表明党派两极分化以及种族在影响美国学校权力和决策方面的持续重要性。在过去的十年中,该领域取得了长足的进步;我们在指出未来研究领域的同时,还强调了已经快速增长的文献中新出现的主题。
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引用次数: 0
Disability in Political Science 政治学中的残疾问题
IF 10.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-29 DOI: 10.1146/annurev-polisci-041322-052144
Ann K. Heffernan
Despite increasing interest in recent years, disability remains a neglected area of study within mainstream political science. Beginning with a brief overview of the ways that disability studies scholars have defined disability, I address the issues that have arisen in trying to measure disability as well as the limits and possibilities that follow from thinking of people with disabilities as a minority group with defined political beliefs and interests. To the extent that much of the work on disability in political science looks to the research on gender, race, ethnicity, and class as a touchstone, I consider the lessons that might be drawn from this work both as it relates to disability as a social category and regarding efforts to conceive of disability and ability in more structural and ideological terms. Turning to the literature on disability in political theory, I examine the ways that disability has been deployed to reveal the ableist assumptions that pervade canonical and more contemporary texts. I conclude by highlighting avenues for future research, including whether it is possible—or, indeed, desirable—to move beyond the civil rights and identity-based frameworks that have so defined disability politics and organizing. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Political Science, Volume 27 is June 2024. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.
尽管近年来人们对残疾问题的关注与日俱增,但残疾问题仍然是主流政治学中一个被忽视的研究领域。首先,我简要概述了残障研究学者定义残障的方式,然后探讨了在试图衡量残障时出现的问题,以及将残障人士视为具有明确政治信仰和利益的少数群体所带来的局限性和可能性。政治学中有关残疾的研究大多将性别、种族、民族和阶级的研究作为试金石,因此我将考虑从这些研究中汲取的经验教训,因为它们既涉及作为社会类别的残疾,也涉及从更具结构性和意识形态性的角度构想残疾和能力的努力。在谈到政治理论中有关残疾的文献时,我研究了利用残疾来揭示充斥于经典和当代文本中的能力主义假设的方式。最后,我强调了未来研究的途径,包括是否有可能--或者说,是否应该--超越民权和基于身份的框架,这些框架曾如此定义残疾政治和组织。政治学年度评论》第 27 卷的最终在线出版日期预计为 2024 年 6 月。修订后的预计日期请参见 http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates。
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引用次数: 0
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Annual Review of Political Science
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