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Property and political order in Africa: land rights and the structure of politics 非洲的财产与政治秩序:土地权与政治结构
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-02-13 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1006454
Anni Arial
In Property and political order in Africa: land rights and the structure of politics, Catherine Boone provides an overarching account of land tenure politics in sub-Saharan Africa. Her fine-grained...
在《非洲的财产和政治秩序:土地权利和政治结构》一书中,凯瑟琳·布恩对撒哈拉以南非洲的土地权属政治进行了全面的描述。她的细粒度的……
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引用次数: 3
From kin to contract: labor, work and the production of authority in rural Mongolia 从亲缘到契约:蒙古农村的劳动、工作与权力生产
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-02-10 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.974569
D. J. Murphy
This contribution explores the re-emergence of herding contracts amongst pastoralists in the neoliberalizing contexts of Uguumur, a small rural district in eastern Mongolia. Contrary to past research on hired herding, it is argued that clientage and herding employment are a result of a diverse array of causal factors including disaster and market integration, but, more importantly, are also a result of the way rural forms of social inequality have become both key nodes for the circulation of power and the negotiation and production of authority. As such, this paper aims to demonstrate how these emergent labor dynamics craft useable hegemonies of work and worthiness as frames of legitimacy in the ‘age of the market’.
这篇文章探讨了蒙古东部一个小农村地区乌古穆尔新自由主义背景下牧民之间放牧合同的重新出现。与以往关于雇佣放牧的研究相反,本文认为,委托制和牧民就业是灾害和市场一体化等多种因果因素的结果,但更重要的是,这也是农村社会不平等形式既成为权力流通的关键节点,又成为权威谈判和生产的关键节点的结果。因此,本文旨在展示这些新兴的劳动动态如何在“市场时代”中将工作和价值的可用霸权作为合法性框架。
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引用次数: 19
Armed conflict, land grabs and primitive accumulation in Colombia: micro processes, macro trends and the puzzles in between 哥伦比亚的武装冲突、土地掠夺和原始积累:微观过程、宏观趋势和其间的困惑
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-30 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.990893
Carlos J. Gómez, Luis Sanchez-Ayala, G. Vargas
Armed conflict is widely believed to disrupt agricultural production and ‘reverse’ development, but it may also involve the violent transformation of rural economies from subsistence to commercial agriculture. The case of Las Pavas, an estate in northern Colombia, provides further evidence that armed conflict created opportunities for violent land grabs and the expansion of commercial agriculture in Colombia. However, aggregate data suggest that primitive accumulation may be only part of the story behind the massive scale of forced displacement and dispossession. A research strategy that accounts for the diversity of subnational contexts, processes and outcomes is needed.
人们普遍认为,武装冲突会破坏农业生产并“逆转”发展,但它也可能涉及农村经济从自给农业向商业农业的暴力转变。哥伦比亚北部Las Pavas庄园的案例进一步证明,武装冲突为哥伦比亚的暴力掠夺土地和商业农业扩张创造了机会。然而,综合数据表明,原始积累可能只是大规模被迫流离失所和剥夺背后的故事的一部分。需要制定一项研究战略,考虑到次国家背景、过程和结果的多样性。
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引用次数: 44
Fuel, feed and the corporate restructuring of the food regime 燃料、饲料和食品制度的企业重组
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-21 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.970534
Joseph Baines
The agrofuel boom has brought about some of the most significant transformations in the world food system in recent decades. A rich and diverse body of agrarian political economy research has emerged that elucidates the conflicts and redistributional shifts engendered by these transformations. However, less attention has been given to differences within agri-food capital. This paper contributes to the existing literature on agrofuels, by showing how one cluster of agri-food corporations and farmers within the US has benefited from soaring ethanol production at the expense of another cluster. More specifically, I delineate and chart the pecuniary trajectories of two corporate-led distributional coalitions that have vied over the course taken by the US ethanol sector: the ‘Agro-Trader nexus’ and the ‘Animal Processor nexus’. My main finding is that the US ethanol boom has been a vector of redistribution: increasing the earnings of the Agro-Trader nexus and corn growers while reducing the earnings of the Animal Processor nexus and livestock farmers. This finding points to the limits and contradictions of agrofuels capitalism and the acute tensions that exist at the heart of the corporate food regime.
近几十年来,农业燃料的繁荣给世界粮食系统带来了一些最重大的变化。一个丰富多样的农业政治经济学研究机构已经出现,阐明了这些转变所产生的冲突和再分配转移。然而,对农业食品资本内部差异的关注较少。本文通过展示美国的一个农业食品公司和农民集群如何以牺牲另一个集群为代价,从乙醇生产的飙升中受益,对现有的农业燃料文献做出了贡献。更具体地说,我描绘并绘制了两个企业主导的分配联盟的经济轨迹,这两个联盟在美国乙醇行业所采取的过程中相互竞争:“农业贸易商关系”和“动物加工者关系”。我的主要发现是,美国的乙醇热潮一直是再分配的载体:增加了农业贸易商和玉米种植者的收入,同时减少了动物加工商和牲畜农民的收入。这一发现指出了农业燃料资本主义的局限性和矛盾,以及存在于企业食品制度核心的尖锐紧张。
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引用次数: 29
Environmentalism of the malcontent: anatomy of an anti-coal power plant struggle in Turkey 不满者的环保主义:土耳其反煤电厂斗争的剖析
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-13 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.971766
M. Arsel, Bengi Akbulut, Fikret Adaman
This paper introduces the concept of the ‘environmentalism of the malcontent’ to characterise a type of environmental activism that is increasingly common in Turkey. It illustrates its argument by analysing the resistance movement against the proposed Gerze coal power plant. By so doing, it problematises the relationship between class and environmental consciousness as well as the ability of the existing literature to accurately characterise the underlying motivation of movements against development projects. It shows that the mobilisation in Gerze was not rooted only or primarily in environmental concerns but animated by disaffection with, among other things, neoliberal developmentalism, disregard of democratic policy-making and violent suppression of societal dissent by the state. ‘Environmentalism of the malcontent’ describes the way in which long-lasting dissatisfaction with broader processes marking the development trajectory of the country combined with personal experience in radical political action enabled a group of urban, mostly retired, residents of Gerze to successfully collaborate with peasant activists against the construction of the power plant by deploying arguments regarding its potential negative environmental impact.
本文介绍了“不满者的环保主义”的概念,以描述在土耳其日益普遍的一种环境行动主义。它通过分析反对拟议的格则煤电厂的抵抗运动来说明其论点。这样一来,它对阶级和环境意识之间的关系以及现有文献准确描述反对发展项目的运动的潜在动机的能力提出了问题。它表明,格泽的动员并非仅仅或主要植根于环境问题,而是由于对新自由主义发展主义的不满,对民主决策的漠视以及国家对社会异议的暴力镇压。“不满者的环保主义”描述了对标志着国家发展轨迹的更广泛进程的长期不满,结合激进政治行动的个人经验,使一群格尔泽的城市居民(大多是退休居民)成功地与农民活动家合作,通过部署有关其潜在负面环境影响的论点,反对发电厂的建设。
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引用次数: 49
Can there be food sovereignty here? 这里能有食物主权吗?
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.938058
T. Li
A central figure in the food sovereignty movement is the ‘middle peasant’, a cautious figure who balances food with cash-crop production, guided by a strong aversion to ecological and market risk. Drawing on long-term field research in highland Sulawesi, Indonesia, this article explains why farmers switched from food to mono-crop cacao production, and a stable middle peasantry did not emerge. It outlines their reasons for the switch, their struggles to make ends meet on small plots of poor-quality land, and the rapid polarization that soon arose. Ironically, their farm-dependence increased their vulnerability. Unlike farmers in many parts of the world who appear to be autonomous but are actually supported by state transfers, remittances or wage work, these farmers were on their own. Competitive capitalist relations quickly emerged and took on an especially virulent, almost textbook form. These relations were compulsory. Farmers with inadequate plots of land, and newly landless highlanders, could not opt out, challenging notions of food sovereignty framed in terms of liberal notions of choice. Even when small-scale farmers are untouched by land grabbing or corporate schemes, as in this case, expanding their capacity to exercise control over their food, their farms and their futures is still a huge challenge.
粮食主权运动的核心人物是“中农”,一个谨慎的人物,在对生态和市场风险的强烈厌恶的指导下,平衡粮食与经济作物生产。根据在印度尼西亚苏拉威西高原的长期实地研究,本文解释了为什么农民从粮食生产转向单一作物可可生产,而没有出现稳定的中农。它概述了他们转变的原因,他们在小块劣质土地上维持生计的努力,以及很快出现的迅速两极分化。讽刺的是,他们对农场的依赖增加了他们的脆弱性。世界上许多地方的农民表面上是自主的,但实际上是由国家转移、汇款或有工资的工作支持的,与他们不同的是,这些农民只能靠自己。竞争的资本主义关系迅速出现,并呈现出一种特别有害的、几乎是教科书式的形式。这些关系是强制性的。土地不足的农民,以及新近失去土地的高地居民,不能选择退出,这挑战了自由主义选择观念框架下的粮食主权观念。即使小规模农民没有受到土地掠夺或企业计划的影响,扩大他们对自己的粮食、农场和未来的控制能力仍然是一个巨大的挑战。
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引用次数: 52
Subterranean struggles: new dynamics of mining, oil and gas in Latin America 地下斗争:拉丁美洲采矿、石油和天然气的新动态
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978138
M. Dougherty
The scholarship of extractive industries is experiencing boom times. As extractive activity has expanded across the global south since the early 2000s, so too has the social science of the subsurfa...
采掘行业的学术研究正在经历繁荣时期。自21世纪初以来,随着采掘活动在全球南方地区的扩张,地下的社会科学也在扩张……
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引用次数: 11
Towards food sovereignty: interrogating peasant voice in the United Nations Committee on World Food Security 走向粮食主权:对联合国世界粮食安全委员会中农民声音的质疑
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.968143
J. Brem-Wilson
The goal of the direct participation of food producer constituencies – and other citizens – is a key component of food sovereignty, the policy framework first launched by La Vía Campesina and engendering the much wider food sovereignty movement. In this paper, I outline the reasons why the reform of the United Nations Committee on World Food Security (CFS) can be regarded as historically significant to this goal. Focusing upon the CFS's aspirations for inclusivity, I outline a framework for interrogating the experiences of social movement activists representing food producer constituencies seeking to convert their formal right to participate in the CFS into substantive participation. Going beyond the capturing of their experiences, the framework also reveals the different ways in which their challenges in attaining substantive participation can be overcome, with a particular emphasis upon adjustments within the arena itself. The paper concludes with an overview of the research agenda suggested by Raj Patel (2009), amongst others, and alluded to further in the content of this paper.
食品生产者选区和其他公民直接参与的目标是粮食主权的关键组成部分,这一政策框架首先由Vía农民党发起,并产生了更广泛的粮食主权运动。在本文中,我概述了为什么联合国世界粮食安全委员会(粮安委)的改革可以被视为对这一目标具有历史意义的原因。针对粮安委对包容性的期望,我概述了一个框架,以询问代表食品生产者选民的社会运动活动家寻求将其参与粮安委的正式权利转化为实质性参与的经验。除了获取他们的经验之外,该框架还揭示了克服他们在实现实质性参与方面的挑战的不同方法,特别强调在舞台本身进行调整。本文总结了Raj Patel(2009)提出的研究议程概述,并在本文的内容中进一步提及。
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引用次数: 51
Why economics needs to be distinguished from physics, and why economists need to talk to physicists: a response to Foster and Holleman 为什么经济学需要与物理学区分开来,为什么经济学家需要与物理学家对话:对福斯特和霍尔曼的回应
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.945078
Alf Hornborg
Foster and Holleman argue that the systems ecologist H.T. Odum offered a valid theoretical framework for conceptualizing ecologically unequal exchange, and demonstrate its affinity with the Marxian theory of unequal exchange of embodied labour. However, both approaches suffer from the same fundamental confusion of the biophysical and the economic. The affinity between labour and energy theories of the unequal exchange of value was demonstrated by S.C. Lonergan already in 1988, but to thus define asymmetric transfers of biophysical resources in terms of underpaid ‘use values’ is misleading. Foster's recent endorsement of Odum is inconsistent with his earlier rejection of Odum's intellectual ancestor S. Podolinsky. While the ambition to ecologize Marx is laudable, it is in the interests of correct historiography and contemporary environmental justice activism to untangle some of the analytical problems in Foster and Holleman's article. A major problem is their failure to acknowledge the implications of N. Georgescu-Roegen's conceptualization of the relation between economics and thermodynamics.
福斯特和霍尔曼认为,系统生态学家H.T. Odum为生态不平等交换的概念化提供了一个有效的理论框架,并证明了其与马克思的具体化劳动不平等交换理论的亲切性。然而,这两种方法都存在生物物理和经济的基本混淆。S.C. Lonergan早在1988年就已经证明了不平等价值交换的劳动和能源理论之间的密切关系,但因此以报酬过低的“使用价值”来定义生物物理资源的不对称转移是误导的。福斯特最近对欧达姆的支持与他早先对欧达姆的知识分子祖先波多林斯基的拒绝是不一致的。虽然马克思生态化的雄心值得称赞,但理清福斯特和霍尔曼文章中的一些分析问题,符合正确的史学和当代环境正义行动主义的利益。一个主要的问题是他们没有认识到N.乔治斯库-罗根关于经济学和热力学之间关系的概念化的含义。
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引用次数: 12
Words speak louder than actions: the ‘peasant’ dimension of the Confédération Paysanne's alternative to industrial farming 说的比做的更有说服力:“农民”的维度是confastimacry Paysanne对工业化农业的替代方案
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ANTHROPOLOGY Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.969716
Edouard Morena
Through its historical account of the Confédération Paysanne (CP)'s origins and early years (France), this paper explores the ways in which ‘peasant’ discourses are shaped by non-peasant understandings of what ‘being a peasant’ should mean. As we shall see, far from reflecting an innate and immutable ‘peasant’ way of being or seeing, references to ‘peasantness’ and ‘peasant farming’ act as discursive tools to both unite a heterogeneous activist base (composed of marginal and marginalized farmers) and advance organizational interests. This requires the CP – and its predecessors – to respond to a series of external constraints. In the course of this paper, we shall also show how academics play an important mediating role in the process of constructing or adapting the CP's ‘peasant’ discourse.
通过对《确认法》的起源和早期(法国)的历史描述,本文探讨了“农民”话语是如何被非农民对“成为农民”应该意味着什么的理解所塑造的。正如我们将看到的,“农民性”和“农民农业”的提及远没有反映出一种固有的、不可改变的“农民”存在或观察的方式,而是作为话语工具,既团结了异质的活动家基础(由边缘和边缘化的农民组成),又促进了组织利益。这就要求中央银行及其前身对一系列外部约束作出反应。在本文的过程中,我们还将展示学者如何在建构或适应共产党的“农民”话语的过程中发挥重要的中介作用。
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引用次数: 10
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Journal of Peasant Studies
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