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Social struggles in Uganda's Acholiland: understanding responses and resistance to Amuru sugar works 乌干达Acholiland的社会斗争:了解对Amuru糖厂的反应和抵抗
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1032269
Giuliano Martiniello
On Wednesday 18 April 2012, between 80 and 100 women from Amuru District in northern Uganda stripped naked in a protest to block their eviction from land they claim is rightfully theirs. They did this in front of representatives of the Local District Board and surveyors of the sugar company Madhvani Group, the firm seeking land in the area for sugarcane growing. By resisting dispossession and challenging state violence, small-scale poor peasants reiterated the political salience of rural social struggles and highlighted the significance of land and agrarian questions. By placing social struggles over control, access and use of land and existing social relations – property and labour regimes – at the core of social analysis, this papers aims to contribute to further understanding both the character of contemporary land grabs and the nature of peasant resistance. It argues that escalating rural social protests manifested in both everyday, hidden practices of resistance and moments of open, militant contestation are aimed at (re)establishing and securing access to means of social reproduction. Yet these struggles cumulatively embody claims of land sovereignty and autonomy vis-à-vis capitalist markets and state.
2012年4月18日星期三,来自乌干达北部阿穆鲁区的80到100名妇女脱光衣服,抗议将她们从她们声称属于自己的土地上驱逐出去。他们当着当地区议会代表和Madhvani集团制糖公司的测量员的面做了这件事,该公司正在该地区寻找种植甘蔗的土地。通过抵制剥夺和挑战国家暴力,小规模贫农重申了农村社会斗争的政治重要性,并强调了土地和农业问题的重要性。通过将社会斗争置于对土地的控制、获取和使用以及现有社会关系——财产和劳动制度——的社会分析的核心,本文旨在进一步理解当代土地掠夺的特征和农民抵抗的本质。它认为,不断升级的农村社会抗议既表现在日常隐蔽的抵抗活动中,也表现在公开、激进的争论时刻,其目的是(重新)建立和确保获得社会再生产手段的途径。然而,这些斗争累积起来体现了对-à-vis资本主义市场和国家的土地主权和自治权的要求。
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引用次数: 68
Politics from below? Small-, mid- and large-scale land dispossession in Teso, Uganda, and the relevance of scale 自下而上的政治?乌干达特索的小、中、大规模土地剥夺及其规模的相关性
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1016918
Matt Kandel
While processes of land dispossession – or ‘land grabbing' – have garnered significant attention from researchers in recent years, local reactions to instances of land alienation have received insufficient scrutiny. This paper focuses on small-, mid- and large-scale land dispossession in the post-conflict Teso region in Uganda, and considers how people assert their agency when their tenure rights are infringed upon. I argue that those who lose tenure rights through small-scale land dispossession are primarily focused on reacquiring tenure rights and meeting the demands of their basic social reproduction. In these cases, there is little resistance that is definitively ‘political'. In contrast, a ‘politics from below’ more clearly emerges in the cases of mid- and large-scale land alienation, which I attribute to particular structural conditions.
近年来,尽管土地剥夺过程——或“土地掠夺”——引起了研究人员的极大关注,但当地对土地出让事件的反应却没有得到足够的审查。本文以冲突后乌干达特索地区的小、中、大规模土地剥夺为研究对象,探讨了权属权利受到侵犯时,人们如何行使其代理权。我认为,那些因小规模土地剥夺而失去权属的人主要关注的是重新获得权属并满足其基本社会再生产的需求。在这些情况下,几乎没有明显的“政治”阻力。相比之下,“自下而上的政治”在中大规模土地异化的情况下更为明显地出现,我将其归因于特定的结构条件。
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引用次数: 34
Resistance or participation? Fighting against corporate land access amid political uncertainty in Madagascar 抵抗还是参与?在马达加斯加政治不确定的背景下,反对企业获得土地
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1022867
Mathilde Gingembre
Drawing on a micro-level ethnography, this paper explores the process by which a rural municipality managed to pressure the state into temporarily halting the land extension of a large-scale biofuel project in an agropastoral area of southern Madagascar. It documents how the coalition of local leaders and wealthy cattle owners behind the protest resisted threats to their land access and local domination by finding spaces of expression outside the control of local consultation, and creating alliances with influential activists. In a moral economy veering between rationales of autochthony and extraversion, the transnationalisation of the protest sent shock waves through a state apparatus divided and focused on the prospects of coming elections. By analysing the environmental, cognitive and relational mechanisms behind the emergence and repercussions of this bottom-up struggle, this paper points to the varied bargaining endowments that exist within agrarian communities as well as to the issues of authority at stake within corporate enclosure of land. In states where the rural poor have been historically marginalised from decision-making, consultation processes generally offer little space for participation. This paper demonstrates that contexts of political uncertainty open up new spaces for them to claim their rights but that gains made in such circumstances are fragile and contested.
本文以微观层面的民族志为基础,探讨了一个农村自治市如何设法向国家施压,使其暂时停止马达加斯加南部农牧区一个大型生物燃料项目的土地扩展。它记录了抗议活动背后的地方领导人和富有的牛主联盟如何通过寻找地方协商控制之外的表达空间,并与有影响力的活动人士建立联盟,抵制对他们土地使用和地方统治的威胁。在一个在自治和外向之间摇摆的道德经济中,抗议活动的跨国化在一个分裂的、专注于即将到来的选举前景的国家机器中掀起了冲击波。通过分析这种自下而上斗争的出现和影响背后的环境、认知和关系机制,本文指出了农业社区中存在的各种议价能力,以及企业圈地中面临的权力问题。在农村贫困人口历来在决策过程中被边缘化的国家,协商过程通常没有提供多少参与空间。本文表明,政治不确定性的背景为他们主张自己的权利开辟了新的空间,但在这种情况下取得的成果是脆弱和有争议的。
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引用次数: 48
Space for pluralism? Examining the Malibya land grab 多元主义的空间?检查马里的土地掠夺
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-28 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1029461
Nicolette Larder
Recent years have seen a flood of pseudo-facts and falsely precise data on land deals. This has led some to call for a more careful approach to the study of land deals that moves away from the current hectare-centric focus towards a grounded case-study methodology. Heeding such calls, this contribution draws on fieldwork undertaken in Mali during 2011 to examine a well-known land deal, the Malibya project, which involved a contract for the transfer of control of 100,000 hectares of land within the Office du Niger. Locally and globally, the deal was denounced following the destruction of homes and gardens as a result of a canal development associated with project. In contrast, the Malian government has argued such projects are vital for expanded irrigation infrastructure and thus securing food self-sufficiency for Mali. Somewhere in between are the farmers of the Office du Niger, some of whom argue for the cessation of the project and others of whom argue the expansion of irrigation in the zone could benefit farmers, particularly those without sufficient access to land. This paper explores the differing viewpoints of the actors involved and the role the land-grabbing frame has played in mobilising these different responses.
近年来,关于土地交易的虚假事实和不准确的数据泛滥成灾。这导致一些人呼吁采取更谨慎的方法来研究土地交易,从目前以公顷为中心的关注转向有根据的案例研究方法。为响应这些呼吁,本报告借鉴了2011年在马里开展的实地工作,以审查一项著名的土地交易——马里比亚项目,该项目涉及尼日尔办事处10万公顷土地控制权转让合同。在当地和全球范围内,由于与该项目相关的运河开发导致房屋和花园遭到破坏,该交易遭到了谴责。相比之下,马里政府辩称,这些项目对扩大灌溉基础设施至关重要,从而确保马里的粮食自给自足。介于两者之间的是尼日尔办事处的农民,其中一些人主张停止该项目,另一些人则认为扩大该区的灌溉可以使农民受益,特别是那些没有足够土地的农民。本文探讨了所涉及的行动者的不同观点,以及土地掠夺框架在动员这些不同反应中所起的作用。
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引用次数: 28
Oil palm expansion without enclosure: smallholders and environmental narratives 没有圈地的油棕扩张:小农和环境叙事
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-27 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1016920
A. Castellanos-Navarrete, K. Jansen
Recent debates on land grabbing and biofuels tend to link oil palm expansion to rural dispossession, environmental degradation and rural resistance. In this paper, we examine to what extent ‘enclosure’, a central concept in two critiques – ‘environmentalism of the poor’ and ‘green grabbing’ – is intrinsically linked to oil palm expansion. We argue that where enclosure is absent, poor peasants may seek greater market integration over resistance to modernisation processes. We analyse how and why peasants engage in oil palm cultivation and how their involvement undermines green efforts to curb its expansion in Chiapas, Mexico. Our analysis suggests that an exclusive focus on enclosure as the main driving force behind contestation and agrarian social relationships is unable to explain agrarian dynamics and the multiple uses to which environmental narratives are put.
最近关于土地掠夺和生物燃料的辩论倾向于将油棕扩张与农村剥夺、环境退化和农村抵抗联系起来。在本文中,我们研究了“圈地”在多大程度上与油棕扩张有内在联系,这是两个批评中的一个核心概念——“穷人的环境保护主义”和“绿色掠夺”。我们认为,在没有圈地的地方,贫困农民可能会寻求更大的市场一体化,而不是抵制现代化进程。我们分析了农民如何以及为什么从事油棕种植,以及他们的参与如何破坏了遏制其在墨西哥恰帕斯州扩张的绿色努力。我们的分析表明,仅仅把圈地作为争论和农业社会关系背后的主要驱动力是无法解释农业动态和环境叙事的多重用途的。
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引用次数: 65
The ‘Goan Impasse’: land rights and resistance to SEZs in Goa, India “果阿僵局”:印度果阿的土地权利和对经济特区的抵制
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-24 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1013098
Preeti Sampat
Conflicts over land-grabs for industry, infrastructure and urbanization are on the rise in emerging economies. A slew of policy measures undergird such land deals in India but have encountered successful resistance from peasants and citizens groups. In Goa, resistance led to the revocation of the state's special economic zone (SEZ) policy and cancellation of all approved SEZs, many developed by prominent realty firms. As battle over three SEZs continues in the Supreme Court of India, there is hope that commons will be returned to local communities. There is, however, an impasse on the ground that begs resolution if the gains over SEZs are to be secured. The Goan Impasse can be resolved with egalitarian and ecologically appropriate rights to land- and resource-use for all that counter existing inequalities. This requires programmatic social movements reconstituting relationships around and to land and resources from below.
在新兴经济体中,围绕工业、基础设施和城市化争夺土地的冲突呈上升趋势。在印度,一系列政策措施为此类土地交易提供了基础,但遭到了农民和公民团体的成功抵制。在果阿,抵制导致该州的经济特区政策被撤销,所有批准的经济特区都被取消,其中许多是由知名房地产公司开发的。随着围绕三个经济特区的斗争在印度最高法院继续进行,公地有望归还给当地社区。然而,如果要确保经济特区的收益,目前的僵局需要解决。果阿僵局可以通过平等和生态上适当的土地和资源使用权利来解决,所有人都可以反对现有的不平等。这就需要有计划的社会运动,重新构建围绕土地和资源的关系。
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引用次数: 51
Anything but a story foretold: multiple politics of resistance to the agrarian extractivist project in Guatemala 任何事情都不是一个故事所预示的:危地马拉对土地开采计划的多重政治抵抗
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-24 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2015.1013468
Alberto Alonso-Fradejas
Sugarcane and oil palm agribusinesses are in the vanguard of an emergent project of agrarian capitalism in Guatemala, which is defined here as a financialized and flexible type of agrarian extractivism. Meanwhile, Maya-Q´eqchi´ residents of the northern lowlands believe that the changes in the labor regime, land relations and the agro-ecosystem that the expansion of these agribusinesses has brought threaten their subsistence in multiple and unfamiliar ways. Indeed, growing difficulties in dealing with (vital) grievances is leading many, even those who initially welcomed the corporate sugarcane and oil palm plantations, to transform their unrest into a practice of resistance. Elaborating on what is presented here as a multiple politics perspective, this contribution discusses the nature and character of such contemporary political dynamics of agrarian change. The forms, strategies and practices of the two main and most antagonistic repertoires of contention are explored here: the one in ‘defense of territory’ and the one in the promotion of the ‘agrarian extractivist project’. The tensions across and within multiple corporate, state and social actors who are pushing for, resisting, complying with or operating at the most violent margins of the agrarian extractivist project are also examined. By assessing continuities and ruptures between current and previous cycles of contention around the control of land, water and other natural resources, this paper stresses the often forgotten lesson about trajectories of agrarian change not being a story foretold, but the product of multiple and dynamic politics.
甘蔗和油棕农业综合企业是危地马拉新兴的农业资本主义项目的先锋,这里将其定义为一种金融化和灵活的农业榨取主义。与此同时,北部低地的玛雅- q ' eqchi '居民认为,这些农业综合企业的扩张带来的劳动制度、土地关系和农业生态系统的变化,以多种不熟悉的方式威胁着他们的生存。事实上,在处理(重大)不满方面越来越困难,导致许多人,甚至是那些最初欢迎甘蔗和油棕种植园的人,将他们的骚乱转变为一种抵抗行动。这篇文章详细阐述了这里所呈现的多重政治视角,讨论了当代农业变化的政治动态的性质和特征。本文探讨了两种主要的、最具对抗性的争论方式的形式、策略和实践:一种是“保卫领土”,另一种是促进“土地开采计划”。多个公司、国家和社会行动者之间和内部的紧张关系,他们正在推动、抵制、遵守或在农业采掘者项目的最暴力边缘运作。通过评估当前和以前围绕土地、水和其他自然资源控制的争论周期之间的连续性和破裂性,本文强调了一个经常被遗忘的教训,即土地变化的轨迹不是一个预言的故事,而是多种动态政治的产物。
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引用次数: 98
Guerrilla agriculture? A biopolitical guide to illicit cultivation within an IUCN Category II protected area 游击队农业?国际自然保护联盟第二类保护区内非法种植的生物政治指南
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-16 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.993623
C. Cavanagh, T. A. Benjaminsen
Protected areas now encompass nearly 13 percent of Earth's terrestrial surface. Crucially, such protection often denotes exclusion – of farmers, of pastoralists and of forest-dwelling people. Engaging with the biopolitical implications of these displacements, this paper explores the emergence of an increasingly widespread type of resistance to conservation in the developing world: guerrilla agriculture, or the illicit cultivation of food within spaces zoned exclusively for the preservation of nonhuman life. In doing so, it undertakes a comparative analysis of three groups of farmers at Mount Elgon, Uganda, which support an overarching strategy of illegal cultivation with a variety of nonviolent, militant, discursive and formal-legal tactics. Far from passive victims of global economic and environmental change, we demonstrate how the struggles of farmers at Mount Elgon are frequently effective at carving out spaces of relative autonomy from both conservationists and the Ugandan state apparatus.
保护区现在占地球陆地面积的近13%。至关重要的是,这种保护往往意味着排斥农民、牧民和森林居民。本文探讨了这些流离失所的生物政治含义,探讨了发展中国家出现的一种日益普遍的抵制保护的类型:游击农业,或在专门用于保护非人类生命的空间内非法种植食物。在此过程中,它对乌干达埃尔贡山的三组农民进行了比较分析,这三组农民支持通过各种非暴力、激进、话语和正式法律策略来控制非法种植的总体战略。我们远非全球经济和环境变化的被动受害者,我们展示了埃尔贡山农民的斗争如何经常有效地从环保主义者和乌干达国家机器中开辟出相对自治的空间。
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引用次数: 79
Reclaiming the worker's property: control grabbing, farmworkers and the Las Tunas Accords in Nicaragua 收回工人的财产:控制掠夺,农场工人和尼加拉瓜的拉斯图纳斯协议
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-04-13 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.992338
Bradley R. Wilson
In this paper I explore a land grabbing resistance movement composed of unemployed coffee workers in Central Nicaragua. Between 1996 and 2000, a private agro-export conglomerate appropriated worker-owned coffee estates previously designated as the Area Propiedad del Los Trabajadores (APT), or the Worker's Property. Following mass protests between 2001 and 2004, worker representatives from the Asociación de Trabajadores del Campo (ATC) and government officials negotiated and signed the Las Tunas Accords which provided redistributed land from 18 of those coffee estates to 2500 families. Drawing on interviews with movement participants carried out between 2003 and 2012, I argue that the roots of the control grab and the resistance movement can be traced to the contradictions of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN)-led agrarian reform in the 1980s, the conflicts over property in the post-war period and the failed consensus on how rural labor should organize and be represented in the face of land re-concentration and capitalist consolidation.
本文探讨了尼加拉瓜中部由失业咖啡工人组成的土地掠夺抵抗运动。1996年至2000年间,一家私营农产品出口集团侵占了工人拥有的咖啡庄园,这些庄园以前被指定为“工人财产”(APT)。在2001年至2004年的大规模抗议活动之后,Asociación de Trabajadores del Campo (ATC)的工人代表与政府官员谈判并签署了《拉斯图纳斯协议》,将其中18个咖啡庄园的土地重新分配给2500个家庭。根据2003年至2012年期间对运动参与者的采访,我认为,夺取控制权和抵抗运动的根源可以追溯到20世纪80年代桑地诺民族解放阵线(FSLN)领导的土地改革的矛盾,战后时期关于财产的冲突,以及面对土地重新集中和资本主义巩固,农村劳动力应该如何组织和代表的失败共识。
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引用次数: 11
The right to resist: disciplining civil society at Rio+20 抵制的权利:在b里约热内卢+20规范公民社会
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-03-18 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.992884
Catherine A. Corson, Bridget Brady, A. Zuber, J. Lord, Angela Kim
Drawing on a collaborative ethnographic study of the United Nations (UN) Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20) and its preparatory meetings, we examine how the official UN ‘participatory’ process for engaging civil society in Rio+20 negotiations simultaneously enabled and disciplined contestation through processes such as seeking consensus around a common statement, professionalizing civil society representatives and controlling protests in order to protect broad access to negotiations. We document how, in doing so, the official participatory process undermined the right to voice diverse positions. We also find that Southern access to negotiations was limited by lack of funding, human resources, location and language. Finally, we illustrate how a group of non-governmental organizations based primarily in the Global South utilized the official UN Major Groups ‘participatory process’ to build alliances to protect resource rights language in the negotiating text. Ultimately, we argue that, through the struggle to build alliances, activists critical of the green economy became enlisted in reproducing its hegemony.
根据对联合国可持续发展大会(里约热内卢+20)及其筹备会议的合作民族志研究,我们研究了联合国官方的“参与式”进程是如何让民间社会参与里约热内卢+20谈判的,通过寻求围绕共同声明达成共识等进程,同时促进和规范了争论。使民间社会代表专业化,并控制抗议活动,以保护广泛的谈判机会。我们记录了在这样做的过程中,官方参与性进程如何破坏了表达不同立场的权利。我们还发现,南方参加谈判的机会因缺乏资金、人力资源、地点和语言而受到限制。最后,我们说明了主要位于全球南方的一组非政府组织如何利用联合国主要集团的官方“参与进程”来建立联盟,以保护谈判文本中的资源权利语言。最后,我们认为,通过建立联盟的斗争,批评绿色经济的活动人士被纳入了复制其霸权的行列。
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引用次数: 27
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Journal of Peasant Studies
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