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Journal of Peasant Studies最新文献

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Subterranean struggles: new dynamics of mining, oil and gas in Latin America 地下斗争:拉丁美洲采矿、石油和天然气的新动态
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978138
M. Dougherty
The scholarship of extractive industries is experiencing boom times. As extractive activity has expanded across the global south since the early 2000s, so too has the social science of the subsurfa...
采掘行业的学术研究正在经历繁荣时期。自21世纪初以来,随着采掘活动在全球南方地区的扩张,地下的社会科学也在扩张……
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引用次数: 11
Words speak louder than actions: the ‘peasant’ dimension of the Confédération Paysanne's alternative to industrial farming 说的比做的更有说服力:“农民”的维度是confastimacry Paysanne对工业化农业的替代方案
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.969716
Edouard Morena
Through its historical account of the Confédération Paysanne (CP)'s origins and early years (France), this paper explores the ways in which ‘peasant’ discourses are shaped by non-peasant understandings of what ‘being a peasant’ should mean. As we shall see, far from reflecting an innate and immutable ‘peasant’ way of being or seeing, references to ‘peasantness’ and ‘peasant farming’ act as discursive tools to both unite a heterogeneous activist base (composed of marginal and marginalized farmers) and advance organizational interests. This requires the CP – and its predecessors – to respond to a series of external constraints. In the course of this paper, we shall also show how academics play an important mediating role in the process of constructing or adapting the CP's ‘peasant’ discourse.
通过对《确认法》的起源和早期(法国)的历史描述,本文探讨了“农民”话语是如何被非农民对“成为农民”应该意味着什么的理解所塑造的。正如我们将看到的,“农民性”和“农民农业”的提及远没有反映出一种固有的、不可改变的“农民”存在或观察的方式,而是作为话语工具,既团结了异质的活动家基础(由边缘和边缘化的农民组成),又促进了组织利益。这就要求中央银行及其前身对一系列外部约束作出反应。在本文的过程中,我们还将展示学者如何在建构或适应共产党的“农民”话语的过程中发挥重要的中介作用。
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引用次数: 10
The power of numbers in gender dynamics: illustrations from community forestry groups 性别动态中的数字力量:来自社区林业团体的例证
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.936007
B. Agarwal
Is solidarity and a collective articulation of interests a necessary condition for the socially disadvantaged to have a voice in institutions of local governance, as some commentators argue? Or can their inclusion in sufficient numbers equally serve this purpose, as implied in the global lobbying for quotas? Also, by what process can numbers transform into solidarity? And how can the impact of inclusion in local institutions move beyond the local? Answers to these questions would be relevant in many contexts, not least in emerging global debates on the social and solidarity economy (SSE). This paper argues that the power of numbers and implicitly shared interests can, in themselves, go a long way towards improving outcomes for the disadvantaged, although a conscious recognition and collective articulation of shared interests can further enhance effectiveness. The shift from implicitly shared interests to their collective expression, however, will require a concerted engagement with intra-group dynamics and processes of group formation and democratic deliberation. These aspects have been relatively neglected in existing SSE debates, which have focused mainly on a group's interaction with outside-group agencies rather than on intra-group interaction. The paper examines within-group dynamics through the prism of gender and class. Drawing on the author's empirical results relating to community forestry groups in South Asia, it demonstrates that a critical mass of ‘women-in-themselves’ can make a notable difference even without a ‘women-for-themselves’ social consciousness. It also explores how horizontal linkages across local groups and their vertical representation via federations can enhance impact beyond the local.
团结和利益的集体表达是社会弱势群体在地方治理机构中拥有发言权的必要条件吗?或者,就像全球对配额的游说所暗示的那样,将它们纳入足够多的国家也能达到这一目的吗?此外,通过什么过程,数字可以转化为团结?在地方机构中包容的影响如何超越地方?这些问题的答案在许多情况下都是相关的,尤其是在关于社会和团结经济(SSE)的新兴全球辩论中。本文认为,数字的力量和隐含的共同利益本身可以在很大程度上改善弱势群体的结果,尽管有意识地认识和集体表达共同利益可以进一步提高有效性。然而,从隐含的共同利益向集体表达的转变,将需要协调一致地参与群体内部的动态和群体形成和民主审议的过程。在现有的SSE辩论中,这些方面相对被忽视了,这些辩论主要集中在集团与外部集团机构的互动上,而不是集团内部的互动上。这篇论文通过性别和阶级的棱镜考察了群体内部的动态。根据作者关于南亚社区林业团体的实证结果,该报告表明,即使没有“妇女为自己”的社会意识,“自我妇女”的临界质量也可以产生显著的影响。它还探讨了地方团体之间的横向联系及其通过联盟的纵向代表如何增强地方以外的影响。
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引用次数: 85
The great African land grab? Agricultural investments and the global food system 抢夺非洲土地?农业投资与全球粮食体系
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978141
E. Lahiff
The global rush for agricultural land, particularly in the countries of the south, has been one of the most remarkable – and largely unanticipated – developments of the past decade, and few analyst...
全球对农业用地的抢购,尤其是在南方国家,是过去十年中最引人注目的——也是在很大程度上出乎意料的——发展之一。
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引用次数: 3
A comment on Henry Bernstein's way with peasants, and food sovereignty 评论亨利·伯恩斯坦对待农民的方式,以及粮食主权
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.936853
P. McMichael
Food sovereignty, as a counter-movement to the food regime, includes a range of struggles, and is evidently quite elastic as a discourse and practice. Because the food regime itself is evolving and restructuring, food sovereignty embodies movement. In its ‘second generation’ phase it operates on both rural and urban fronts, separately and together, connecting producers, workers, consumers and various activist organizations. Nevertheless, it is important to recognize food sovereignty's origins in the global agrarian crisis of the last three decades. Small producers (peasants, farmers, pastoralists, fishers, forest-dwellers) continue to experience massive displacement by World Trade Organization (WTO)-style ‘free trade’, overlaid with new displacements by fiat, force and finance as land grabbing in various forms proceeds apace. This is a key theme in a response to Henry Bernstein's questions about the character of the food sovereignty movement.
粮食主权作为一种与粮食制度相反的运动,包括一系列的斗争,作为一种话语和实践,显然是相当有弹性的。由于粮食制度本身正在演变和重组,粮食主权体现了运动。在“第二代”阶段,它在农村和城市前线同时运作,单独或共同,将生产者,工人,消费者和各种激进组织联系起来。然而,重要的是要认识到粮食主权起源于过去三十年的全球农业危机。小生产者(农民、农场主、牧民、渔民、森林居民)继续经历着世界贸易组织(WTO)式的“自由贸易”带来的大规模流离失所,随着各种形式的土地掠夺的迅速进行,新的流离失所又被法令、武力和金融所覆盖。这是回答亨利·伯恩斯坦(Henry Bernstein)关于粮食主权运动性质的问题时的一个关键主题。
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引用次数: 55
Enclaves of inequality: Brasiguaios and the transformation of the Brazil-Paraguay borderlands 不平等的飞地:Brasiguaios和巴西-巴拉圭边境的转变
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.967685
Jacob Blanc
This contribution traces the history of Brazilian immigration to Paraguay and the emergence of ‘Brasiguaio’ communities, arguing that the enclaves are products of the development policies of each country's military dictatorship. Although Brasiguaios are currently associated with wealthy Brazilian agriculturalists in Paraguay, the majority of these immigrants have been poor workers who face constant marginalization from state bureaucracies and unequal access to land. Paraguay's eastern border region is among the most complex spaces in Latin America of cultural, economic and national hybridity. The transformation of this borderland is predicated on a highly unequal social hierarchy that resulted largely from the evolution of Brasiguaio immigration.
这篇文章追溯了巴西移民到巴拉圭的历史,以及“Brasiguaio”社区的出现,认为飞地是每个国家军事独裁发展政策的产物。虽然Brasiguaios目前与巴拉圭富有的巴西农民联系在一起,但这些移民中的大多数都是贫穷的工人,他们面临着国家官僚机构的不断边缘化和不平等的土地获得权。巴拉圭东部边境地区是拉丁美洲文化、经济和民族混杂最复杂的地区之一。这片边境地区的转变基于高度不平等的社会等级制度,这在很大程度上是由巴西移民的演变造成的。
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引用次数: 37
Green grabbing and the dynamics of local-level engagement with neoliberalization in Tanzania's wildlife management areas 在坦桑尼亚的野生动物管理区,绿色掠夺和地方一级参与新自由主义化的动态
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.967686
K. Green, W. Adams
This paper analyzes the politics and struggles ongoing within wildlife management areas (WMAs) in Tanzania to discuss the dynamics of neoliberalization of the wildlife sector. We discuss neoliberalization as a new political-economic context within which the ongoing politics of natural resource management are played out, and focus on green grabbing as an expression of these politics. We discuss how local-level actors are engaged in these processes, often in strategic ways, to negotiate their roles within WMAs and address green grabbing by the state. Secondly, we discuss an example of the politics of land control and local-level actors’ enactment of accumulation by dispossession within a WMA.
本文分析了坦桑尼亚野生动物管理区(wma)内正在进行的政治和斗争,以讨论野生动物部门新自由主义化的动态。我们将新自由主义化作为一种新的政治经济背景来讨论,在这种背景下,正在进行的自然资源管理政治正在发挥作用,并将重点放在作为这些政治表达的绿色掠夺上。我们讨论了地方层面的行动者如何以战略方式参与这些过程,以协商他们在wma中的角色,并解决国家攫取绿色的问题。其次,我们讨论了土地控制政治和地方一级行动者在WMA中通过剥夺制定积累的例子。
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引用次数: 48
Corn meets maize: food movements and markets in Mexico 玉米与玉米相遇:墨西哥的食物流动和市场
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978137
Mindi Schneider
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引用次数: 0
Smallholders, forest management and rural development in the Amazon 亚马逊地区的小农、森林管理和农村发展
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978139
S. Hecht
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引用次数: 2
Energy, governance and security in Thailand and Myanmar (Burma): a critical approach to environmental politics in the South 泰国和缅甸(缅甸)的能源、治理和安全:南方环境政治的关键方法
IF 5.1 1区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/03066150.2014.978140
H. Grant
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Journal of Peasant Studies
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