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Reflection of N.Ya. Danilevsky’s ideas in the «National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation» N.Ya的倒影。丹尼列夫斯基在《俄罗斯联邦国家安全战略》中的观点
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-104-114
R. Savenkov
The article provides a comparative analysis by the method of actual reconstruction of some theses of the Russian philosopher N.Ya. Danilevsky formulated in the book "Russia and Europe" with the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation. The purpose of the comparison is to find common ideas, the foundations of the project of the civilizational future of Russia. We need to solve the following tasks. Firstly, to describe what the alignment of forces is seen on the geopolitical map of the world from the 19th and 21st centuries. Secondly, to determine in the sources how the key goals of social development coincide, which is the main reference point for society. Thirdly, a comparison of the reasons for the hostile attitude of the “collective West” towards Russia. Fourth, the identification of Russia's main geopolitical adversaries and their methods of action. Fifth, a comparison of the understanding of the authors of different eras of the traditional mass values of Russians, which can become the basis of a sustainable social consensus and a driver of development. Sixth, in response to current geopolitical challenges, to determine models for the future existence of Russia and Ukraine. The study of texts by a comparative method confirms their similarity, traditional Slavic values and position on Ukraine coincide significantly. As a result of the analysis, the hypothesis is partially confirmed, since the identity of the description of the geopolitical situation and proposals does not prove the identity of the challenges facing Russia. Possibly a 19th century text and documents of the 21st century influenced by a historical geopolitical contradiction, reproducing a permanent conflict between two dissimilar cultural (civilizational) types. It would be promising to compare the image of Russia in the eyes of European contemporaries N. Danilevsky and V. Putin.
本文通过对俄罗斯哲学家涅亚的一些论点进行实际重构的方法,对其进行比较分析。丹尼列夫斯基在《俄罗斯与欧洲》一书中阐述了俄罗斯联邦的国家安全战略。比较的目的是找到共同的想法,这是俄罗斯文明未来项目的基础。我们需要解决以下任务。首先,描述从19世纪到21世纪的世界地缘政治地图上所看到的力量联盟。其次,在来源中确定社会发展的关键目标如何一致,这是社会的主要参考点。第三,比较“集体西方”对俄敌对态度的原因。第四,确定俄罗斯的主要地缘政治对手及其行动方式。第五,比较不同时代的作者对俄罗斯传统大众价值观的理解,这可以成为可持续社会共识的基础和发展的动力。第六,为应对当前的地缘政治挑战,确定俄罗斯和乌克兰未来存在的模式。用比较的方法对文本进行研究,证实了它们的相似性,传统的斯拉夫价值观和对乌克兰的立场显著一致。作为分析的结果,这一假设得到了部分证实,因为对地缘政治形势和建议的描述的同一性并不能证明俄罗斯面临的挑战的同一性。可能是19世纪的文本和21世纪的文件,受到历史地缘政治矛盾的影响,再现了两种不同文化(文明)类型之间的永久冲突。比较一下同时代的欧洲人达尼列夫斯基和普京眼中的俄罗斯形象,会很有希望。
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引用次数: 2
Problems of worldview through the eyes of students of the Far North 远北学生眼中的世界观问题
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-91-103
Yu. Antonova, V. Vinokurova
The article reveals the concept of worldview, its significance in every person`s life as an individual. The purpose of the study consists in considering the problem of worldview, based on the view of the students of the Far North. In accordance with the goal, the researchers were assigned the following tasks: disclosure of the concept and types of worldview, identifying their differences; definition of the problem of the emergence of a worldview in the context of changes and the origin of significant events in the political sphere; conducting a sociological survey among students from the Far North, to identify the main problematic issues concerning the variability of their worldview, as well as its stability; research of the work of the founder of Yakut literature, the first of the researchers of Yakutia, whose works occupy a significant place in the formation of the worldview of every inhabitant of the Far North. In the process of forming a worldview, a person faces limitationsthat is, with what we call distinctiveness, which implies nationality, religion, territory of residence, age, upbringing; in addition, at this stage, the formation of a political worldview takes place. The political worldview itself is associated with the individual's search for his place in the political or social sphere, which is manifested in the individual and subjective aspects of the political worldview, the peculiarity of which lies in the values of a particular society, where there is more often the influence of the dominant view. Such influence exists due to the hypertrophied authority of one person (or a limited circle of personalities). The arguments of these opinion leaders in favor of their own points of view are sometimes convincing to large masses of people. Also, people can perceive the beliefs of one person as their own, without an assessment of correctness or it own analysis, which in most cases is connected with the search for simple solutions. Choosing the path of a kind of "energy saving", people take on faith the opinion of another person who seems more competent. Based on the results of the study, in the second part of the work, the authors formulated some conclusions. In the mechanics of a difficult choice, when a decision is not made automatically, one of the reasons for uncertainty is highlighted: the instinctive resistance of a person, the feeling that he is going against himself, violating personal attitudes. Persuasion is a powerful tool not only for management, but also for strengthening the personal stability of the worldview. A leader with sufficiently developed persuasion skills is able to convince almost any opponent of the truth of his worldview.
本文揭示了世界观的概念,它在每个人作为个体的生活中的意义。本研究的目的在于基于远北学生的世界观来思考世界观问题。根据研究目标,研究人员被分配了以下任务:揭示世界观的概念和类型,识别它们之间的差异;在政治领域的变化和重大事件的起源的背景下,世界观的出现问题的定义;对来自远北地区的学生进行了一项社会学调查,以确定他们世界观的多变性及其稳定性方面的主要问题;他是雅库特文学的奠基人,也是雅库特文学的第一位研究者,他的作品在远北地区每个居民世界观的形成中占有重要地位。在世界观形成的过程中,一个人面临着限制,也就是我们所说的独特性,这意味着国籍、宗教、居住地区、年龄、成长经历;此外,在这一阶段,政治世界观的形成也随之发生。政治世界观本身与个人在政治或社会领域中寻找自己的位置有关,这表现在政治世界观的个人和主观方面,其独特性在于特定社会的价值观,在这个社会中,主流观点的影响往往更大。这种影响力的存在是由于一个人(或一个有限的人物圈子)的过度权威。这些意见领袖支持自己观点的论点有时对大多数人来说是有说服力的。此外,人们可以将一个人的信念视为自己的信念,而不需要对其正确性进行评估或自己的分析,这在大多数情况下与寻找简单的解决方案有关。选择一种“节能”的道路,人们相信另一个看起来更有能力的人的意见。在研究结果的基础上,在第二部分的工作中,作者得出了一些结论。在一个艰难选择的机制中,当一个决定不是自动做出时,不确定性的原因之一就会被强调出来:一个人的本能抵抗,一种违背自己、违背个人态度的感觉。说服不仅是管理的有力工具,也是加强个人世界观稳定性的有力工具。一个具有充分发展的说服技巧的领导者能够说服几乎所有的对手相信他的世界观的真实性。
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引用次数: 0
Ideological aspects of the Worldview: research methodology in Political Science 世界观的意识形态方面:政治学的研究方法
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-38-49
T. Podshibyakina
The focus of the work is one of the types of worldview – political ideology, more specifically, methodological problems of its research. Several classical theoretical approaches of political philosophy are analyzed by the criterion of two main elements of the scientific paradigm – the origin of the phenomenon of ideology and the methodology of the study of its political aspects. The scientific problem is to find an answer to the question: how can political science, which practically does not have its own research methods, study ideology as its object. The purpose of the work is to identify the main interdisciplinary methodological approaches to the study of ideological aspects of the worldview that political science uses in its subject field. To achieve it, the following tasks are solved: analysis of ideological concepts and theories of the political and philosophical direction; identification and systematization of those that are intended for the study of the political aspect of the ideological worldview; comparative analysis of the concepts of "worldview" and "ideology" based on the criterion of common and special elements of the structure; characteristics of the features of the study of ideology in the paradigm of political science and assessment of the prospects for the development of the methodology of its research. The main method is a comparative analysis of concepts and theories. The results reflecting a certain theoretical and practical contribution of the work are presented in a generalization of the most significant approaches of political science and in recommendations on the use of a combination of methods as a theoretical and methodological construct for the study of ideology as a worldview phenomenon.
工作的重点是世界观类型之一——政治意识形态,更具体地说,是对其研究的方法论问题。本文以科学范式的两个主要要素——意识形态现象的起源及其政治方面研究的方法论为标准,对政治哲学的几种经典理论方法进行了分析。政治科学实际上没有自己的研究方法,它如何把意识形态作为研究对象,这是科学问题的答案。这项工作的目的是确定主要的跨学科方法论方法,以研究政治学在其学科领域中使用的世界观的意识形态方面。为实现这一目标,解决了以下任务:分析思想观念和理论的政治哲学方向;识别和系统化那些旨在研究意识形态世界观的政治方面的内容;“世界观”与“意识形态”概念的比较分析——以结构要素的共性与特殊性为标准对政治科学范式中意识形态研究的特点和特点进行了评价,展望了其研究方法论的发展前景。主要方法是概念和理论的比较分析。结果反映了工作的一定理论和实践贡献,在对最重要的政治科学方法的概括中,以及在对作为一种世界观现象的意识形态研究的理论和方法结构的方法组合使用的建议中提出。
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引用次数: 0
State-civilization in the digital ecumene 数字世界中的国家文明
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-3-26
S. Fedorchenko
At the beginning of the work, a brief review of the articles of the current thematic issue of the «Journal of Political Research», devoted to political aspects and problems of the worldview phenomenon, is presented. At the same time, the main goal of the article is to study the features of the construction of digital ecumene on the example of the Russian and Chinese states-civilizations. The methodological optics of this article is the principles of comparative analysis, based on the comparison of the same order, similar political phenomena, processes and phenomena. The methodological optics of this article is the principles of comparative analysis, based on the comparison of the same order, similar political phenomena, processes and phenomena. These were the state-civilizations, their civilizational features, as well as the methods of constructing their digital ecumene (state policy of foreign broadcasting; strategic regulatory documents related to the information sphere; digital diplomacy). The features of the state-civilization as a specific form of polity are compared and clarified. Also, an attempt was made to conceptualize the phenomenon of the digital ecumene – a system of news agencies, corporations, Internet resources, radio, television, leading media activity in other countries to position and protect the interests, value-civilizational, political, economic agenda of the states that created it. Such a conceptualization is based on the reception of Antiquity and correlates with the understanding of the ecumene as a sphere of influence of the state through digital technologies and communications. Such a reception also presupposes the preservation of the civilizational meaning of the ecumene. It is concluded that civilizational states have sufficient resources to maintain digital ecumene as new fields of technological and cultural strategic actions that can protect the integrity of their own civilizational cores. It has been suggested that the civilizational uncompromisingness of the West, its strategy of divide et impera, will most likely contribute to the strengthening of such a form of polity as a state-civilization. In the conditions of the existing geopolitical turbulence, the states-civilizations can focus on building a new, more just system of international relations based on the settlement of political, religious and ethnic conflicts, rather than their escalation and conservation.
在工作的开始,简要回顾了“政治研究杂志”当前专题问题的文章,专门讨论了世界观现象的政治方面和问题。同时,本文的主要目的是以俄罗斯和中国的国家文明为例,研究数字文明建设的特征。本文的方法论光学是比较分析的原理,基于对同一秩序、相似的政治现象、过程和现象的比较。本文的方法论光学是比较分析的原理,基于对同一秩序、相似的政治现象、过程和现象的比较。这些是国家文明,它们的文明特征,以及构建它们的数字文明的方法(对外广播的国家政策;与信息领域有关的战略性规范性文件;数字外交)。比较和阐明了国家-文明作为一种特殊的政体形式的特征。此外,还试图将数字普世现象概念化——一个由新闻机构、公司、互联网资源、广播、电视和其他国家的主要媒体活动组成的系统,以定位和保护创建它的国家的利益、价值、文明、政治和经济议程。这样的概念是基于对古代的接受,并与通过数字技术和通信将普世教会理解为国家的影响范围相关。这种接受也以保存普世教会的文明意义为前提。结论是,文明国家有足够的资源来维持数字文明作为技术和文化战略行动的新领域,可以保护自己文明核心的完整性。有人认为,西方文明的不妥协,其分而治之的战略,将最有可能有助于加强作为国家-文明的政体形式。在当前地缘政治动荡的情况下,国家-文明可以致力于在解决政治、宗教和种族冲突的基础上建立一个新的、更公正的国际关系体系,而不是使其升级和保持。
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引用次数: 1
The concept of culture war and its potential for the analysis of political and worldview conflicts 文化战争的概念及其对政治和世界观冲突分析的潜力
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-65-75
D. Polulyah
The purpose of this article is to identify the potential of the cultural war concept for the analysis of political and worldview conflicts in American and other modern societies. Based on the methods of case study, literature and statistics analysis, the article provides the main provisions of the concept and analyzes key academic discussions about the features of the application of this theoretical perspective to American social and political life. The author identifies two approaches to the analysis of cultural wars – empirical and systemic (bipolar). The classification of the “hot buttons” of cultural wars in modern, primarily Western, societies is given. The thesis is put forward that although it is impossible to reduce all moral confrontations to the conflict of “orthodox” and “progressivists”, the bipolar approach often turns out to be useful for understanding the most significant culture wars. The author comes to the conclusion that the thesis about culture wars being waged in the United States not only withstands the criticism put forward by skeptics, but also becomes more and more relevant against the backdrop of the contradictory trends of the modern world. This conclusion is consistent with theoretical and empirical studies of political psychology and sociology, pointing to the deep nature of citizens' opinions on moral and identity issues. The concept of culture war as a theoretical perspective that points to the fundamental nature of differences of opinion on moral and ethical issues can also shed light on processes taking place in other countries, including Russia.
本文的目的是确定文化战争概念的潜力,以分析美国和其他现代社会的政治和世界观冲突。本文采用个案研究法、文献法和统计分析法,对这一概念进行了主要规定,并分析了有关这一理论视角在美国社会和政治生活中应用的特点的主要学术讨论。作者确定了两种分析文化战争的方法——经验的和系统的(两极)。本文给出了现代(主要是西方)社会中文化战争的“热点按钮”的分类。本文提出,尽管不可能将所有道德冲突归结为“正统”和“进步主义者”的冲突,但两极对立的方法往往有助于理解最重要的文化战争。作者的结论是,关于美国正在进行文化战争的论点不仅经受住了怀疑论者的批评,而且在现代世界矛盾趋势的背景下变得越来越有意义。这一结论与政治心理学和社会学的理论和实证研究相一致,指出了公民在道德和身份问题上的观点的深层本质。文化战争的概念作为一种理论观点,指出了道德和伦理问题上意见分歧的根本性质,也可以为包括俄罗斯在内的其他国家正在发生的进程提供启示。
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引用次数: 0
Value and worldview foundations of the perception of the modern Russian state by young people in the context of global instability 在全球不稳定的背景下,年轻人对现代俄罗斯国家的看法的价值和世界观基础
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-50-64
O. Shmeleva, V. Shablov
The article is devoted to the study of the worldview of modern youth as a key element of perception, setting the framework for perceiving reality, through the prism of which there is a perception and understanding of what is happening and acting as the ideological and semantic core of the image of the state. The authors consider the worldview in the system (triad) of the concepts of «worldview - image – perception», which make up the conceptual scheme of the article and are combined by a single perceptual mechanism. The authors focus on the dynamic nature of the phenomenon under study, the factors of its formation and modification in conditions of global instability, proxy wars, modern challenges and threats. The purpose of this article was to study the system of ideas, meanings and values, evaluative judgments of youth regarding the modern Russian state, the mechanism and factors of their formation in a spatial-temporal dimension. The conclusions of the article are based on the materials of three research sections (2019, 2021 and 2022), revealing the structural and meaningful features of the worldview of youth, the dynamics and trends of its development at the current stage. Through a cross-sectional analysis of survey data and an associative test, a generalized image of the modern Russian state, its value-worldview core, characteristics of social representations, as well as the general estimated background of perception were revealed. The political worldview of modern youth is characterized by a general positive orientation, pragmatism, sobriety and adequacy of assessments of the situation, risks and challenges, a vision of urgent problems, a rational and critical perception of the modern state and at the same time a mismatch of its elements, leading to a violation of the integrity of the worldview.
本文致力于研究现代青年的世界观,将其作为感知的关键要素,为感知现实设定框架,通过棱镜,人们可以感知和理解正在发生的事情,并作为国家形象的意识形态和语义核心。作者将世界观视为“世界观-形象-感知”概念的系统(三位一体),这些概念构成了文章的概念方案,并由单一的感知机制结合在一起。作者着重于所研究现象的动态性,在全球不稳定、代理战争、现代挑战和威胁的条件下,其形成和改变的因素。本文旨在从时空维度研究青年对现代俄罗斯国家的观念、意义和价值体系、评价判断及其形成的机制和因素。本文的结论以2019年、2021年和2022年三个研究部分的材料为基础,揭示了青年世界观的结构性和有意义的特征,以及现阶段青年世界观发展的动态和趋势。通过对调查数据的横断面分析和联想检验,揭示了现代俄罗斯国家的总体形象、价值世界观核心、社会表征特征以及感知的总体估计背景。现代青年政治世界观的特点是总体上的积极取向、实用主义、对形势、风险和挑战的冷静和充分的评估、对紧迫问题的远见、对现代国家的理性和批判性认识,同时其要素的不匹配,导致了世界观完整性的破坏。
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引用次数: 0
Moderate Conservatism as the ideological basis of Modern Russia 温和保守主义作为近代俄罗斯的思想基础
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.12737/2587-6295-2023-7-1-115-130
A. Shichanin, O. Grivkov
The purpose of this article is a comparative analysis of ideological concepts related to Russian national identity and substantiation of the hypothesis that moderate conservatism is really optimal in modern conditions not only for Russia, but also for other civilizations, for effective state policy and public administration, for the protection of Russia's national interests. The article used such methods as historical, comparative and hermeneutic. The article attempts to reveal the specific properties and methodological approaches of Russian moderate conservatism as a worldview concept of modern Russia. It is shown that this worldview concept has long-standing historical roots, both in Russia and abroad. It is pointed out that the current state of Russian society is a challenge in developing the concept of moderate conservatism. The article examines how the concept of moderate conservatism is connected with the tasks of reviving spiritual and moral values in the mass Russian consciousness, with the implementation of constitutional norms, with the economic values of Russian society, as well as with the formation of the worldview DNA of Russia and the image of the future of Russia. It is concluded that further development of the concept of moderate conservatism is necessary for the formation of harmony between economic efficiency, modernization, development, creative competition and social justice, mutual assistance, solidarity of Russian society, and also for the formation of the image of the future and the Russian civilizational attractiveness.
本文的目的是对与俄罗斯民族认同相关的意识形态概念进行比较分析,并证明在现代条件下,温和保守主义不仅对俄罗斯,而且对其他文明,对有效的国家政策和公共管理,对保护俄罗斯的国家利益来说,都是最优的假设。本文运用了史学、比较学和解释学等方法。本文试图揭示作为现代俄罗斯世界观概念的俄罗斯温和保守主义的具体性质和方法论途径。事实证明,这种世界观在俄罗斯和国外都有着悠久的历史根源。文章指出,俄罗斯社会现状对适度保守主义理念的发展构成了挑战。本文探讨了温和保守主义的概念如何与复兴俄罗斯大众意识中的精神和道德价值的任务、与宪法规范的实施、与俄罗斯社会的经济价值、以及与俄罗斯世界观DNA的形成和俄罗斯未来形象的形成联系在一起。进一步发展适度保守主义观念,是形成俄罗斯社会经济效率、现代化、发展、创造性竞争与社会正义、互助、团结之间的和谐的必要条件,也是形成俄罗斯未来形象和文明吸引力的必要条件。
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引用次数: 0
Those were the what? Contents of nostalgia, relative deprivation and radical right support 那些是什么?怀旧、相对剥夺和激进权利支持的内容
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-26 DOI: 10.1111/1475-6765.12593
PETER LUCA VERSTEEGEN

Recent research suggests that emotions are a central motivation for radical right voting. One emotion that has gained particular interest is nostalgia: Radical right politicians use nostalgic rhetoric, and feeling nostalgic is associated with radical right support. However, while nostalgia is widely and frequently experienced, previous work differentiates personal contents of nostalgia (e.g., childhood) from group-based contents (e.g., traditions) and suggests that only the latter is related to the radical right. But why does nostalgia, and specifically its group-based content, matter? In the present paper, I argue that nostalgia evokes implicit comparisons between the past and the present. Using relative deprivation theory, I posit that group-based nostalgia makes people subjectively evaluate society's present as worse than its past. In turn, this temporal group-based relative deprivation is associated with attempts to restore the past through radical right voting. Personal nostalgia, instead, does not evoke equivalent experiences of personal relative deprivation and is, therefore, unrelated to radical right support. In preregistered analyses of representative panel data from the Netherlands, I show that group-based nostalgia is more consistently related to radical right support than personal nostalgia. In subsequent exploratory analyses, I test the relative deprivation argument and find that group-based relative deprivation does indeed mediate the relationship between group-based nostalgia and radical right voting: People who long for the group-based past are more likely to feel dissatisfied with the government and, in turn, consider voting for the radical right. In studying this mechanism, I connect recent work on emotional and relative deprivation explanations to radical right voting.

最近的研究表明,情感是激进右翼投票的核心动机。其中,怀旧情绪尤其引人关注:激进右翼政客会使用怀旧言论,而怀旧情绪与激进右翼支持率相关。然而,尽管怀旧情绪广泛而频繁地存在,以往的研究却将怀旧情绪的个人内容(如童年)与群体内容(如传统)区分开来,并认为只有后者与激进右翼有关。但是,为什么乡愁,特别是其基于群体的内容,会如此重要呢?在本文中,我认为怀旧唤起了人们对过去和现在的隐性比较。利用相对剥夺理论,我假定基于群体的怀旧会使人们主观地认为社会的现在比过去更糟糕。反过来,这种基于群体的时间性相对剥夺又与人们试图通过激进右翼投票来恢复过去有关。相反,个人怀旧并不会唤起同等的个人相对贫困体验,因此与激进右翼支持无关。在对荷兰具有代表性的面板数据进行的预先登记分析中,我发现与个人怀旧情绪相比,群体怀旧情绪与激进右翼支持率的关系更为一致。在随后的探索性分析中,我检验了相对剥夺的论点,发现基于群体的相对剥夺确实是群体怀旧与激进右翼投票之间关系的中介:憧憬基于群体的过去的人更有可能对政府感到不满,进而考虑投票支持激进右翼。在研究这一机制时,我将近期关于情感和相对剥夺解释的研究与激进右翼投票联系起来。
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引用次数: 0
Determining decidability: How issue salience divergence structures party systems and affects citizens 决定可决性:议题显著性分歧如何构成政党制度并影响公民
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-22 DOI: 10.1111/1475-6765.12591
JACOB R. GUNDERSON

This paper argues that issue salience divergence – the extent to which parties in a party system diverge in their allocation of salience across issues – is a key characteristic of party system decidability. Elections do not only matter in that politicians and parties with different policy positions may come to power. They can also matter if competing elites emphasize different issues. Using data from the MARPOR project and the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems, I demonstrate that voters perceive greater differences between parties when parties propose agendas that diverge with respect to issue salience. Furthermore, I demonstrate that perceptions of differences between parties mediate the effect of issue salience divergence on respondents’ satisfaction with democracy and self-reported voter turnout. These findings indicate that salience-based differentiation influences the quality of party systems alongside the traditional party system characteristics with important implications for public opinion and political behavior.

本文认为,议题显著性分歧--即政党制度中各政党在议题显著性分配上的分歧程度--是政党制度可决性的一个关键特征。选举的重要性不仅在于具有不同政策立场的政治家和政党可能上台执政。如果相互竞争的精英强调不同的问题,选举也会产生影响。利用 MARPOR 项目和《选举制度比较研究》(Comparative Study of Electoral Systems)的数据,我证明了当政党提出的议程在议题显著性方面存在分歧时,选民会认为政党之间存在更大的差异。此外,我还证明,对党派之间差异的感知调解了议题显著性差异对受访者民主满意度和自我报告的投票率的影响。这些研究结果表明,基于突出性的差异化会影响政党制度的质量,同时也会影响传统政党制度的特征,从而对公众舆论和政治行为产生重要影响。
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引用次数: 0
Stories beat experts: A survey experiment on political persuasiveness 故事胜过专家:一项关于政治说服力的调查实验
IF 5.3 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-04-20 DOI: 10.1111/1475-6765.12592
BERTA BARBET, ANTONI-ITALO DE MORAGAS, GUILLEM VIDAL

Are personal stories more effective in shaping opinion than experts’ endorsements? This study investigates the persuasiveness of personal stories and expert endorsements in shaping public opinion on education spending and pollution reduction policies. Using a survey experiment in Spain, we found that personal stories consistently increased support for both policies, with a particularly strong effect on citizens with populist attitudes or voters of populist parties. These findings contribute to a better understanding of the success of populist parties and the influence of personal stories on public opinion.

个人故事在引导舆论方面是否比专家认可更有效?本研究探讨了个人故事和专家认可在引导公众对教育支出和污染减排政策的看法方面的说服力。通过在西班牙进行的一项调查实验,我们发现个人故事能够持续增加对这两项政策的支持,尤其是对持有民粹主义态度的公民或民粹主义政党的选民产生了强烈的影响。这些发现有助于更好地理解民粹主义政党的成功以及个人故事对公众舆论的影响。
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European Journal of Political Research
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