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From Talent to Expertise: Cultivating Medical Sensibilities Among War-Khasis in the Bangladesh–Northeast India Borderlands 从天赋到专长:在孟加拉国-印度东北部边境地区的战地 Khasis 人中培养医学情感
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246697
Éva Rozália Hölzle
In War–Khasi villages situated at the border between Bangladesh and Northeast India, the local doctors are called nong sumar, or “the one who does the care.” Nong sumar is an inherited profession. Older male relatives who practice medicine pass on their medical knowledge to their younger relatives who demonstrate talent. Talent is a key requirement in transferring the art of healing. Older nong sumars closely observe their kin from childhood for this aptitude. Medical knowledge involving plant-based medicines and different physiotherapeutic techniques is passed on to members of the younger generation who show interest, responsibility, and empathy. However, such a predisposition does not guarantee that novice practitioners will become skilled doctors. To excel as a healer, a nong sumar must cultivate their talent through lifelong learning, which involves experimenting with various plant-based remedies and continuously honing their tactile and auditory senses deemed necessary for successful healing. This study focuses on the lifelong cultivation of medical talent through the accounts of three doctors living in a Bangladeshi War–Khasi village near the Tripura border. It investigates what medical talent means in this context and seeks to understand the type of knowledge that the three nong sumar mobilize during healing. The study argues that healing is not reducible to an encounter between the healer and the patient because such an encounter is merely one aspect of many in a healer’s vocation. During healing, a healer interacts not only with humans but also with non-humans, such as plants. To maintain these relationships, the healer activates and continuously hones various senses. Analyzing these processes provides insights into the constitution of medical knowledge through multiple senses and species.
在孟加拉国和印度东北部交界处的瓦哈西村,当地医生被称为 "nong sumar",即 "看病的人"。农苏马是一种世袭职业。行医的年长男性亲属将自己的医学知识传授给有天赋的年轻亲属。天赋是传承医术的关键条件。年长的农苏马人从小就密切观察自己的亲属是否具备这种才能。涉及植物药和不同理疗技术的医学知识会传授给表现出兴趣、责任感和同情心的年轻一代。然而,这种天赋并不能保证新手也能成为技术精湛的医生。要想成为一名出色的医生,农苏马人必须通过终身学习来培养自己的才能,包括尝试各种植物疗法,不断磨练成功治疗所需的触觉和听觉。本研究通过居住在特里普拉邦边境附近孟加拉沃-卡西村的三位医生的讲述,重点探讨了医学天赋的终生培养。本研究探讨了医疗天赋在这种情况下的含义,并试图了解三位农苏马人在治疗过程中调动的知识类型。研究认为,治疗不能简化为医者与病人之间的接触,因为这种接触只是医者职业的诸多方面之一。在治疗过程中,治疗师不仅与人类互动,还与植物等非人类互动。为了维持这些关系,治疗师需要激活并不断磨练各种感官。通过分析这些过程,我们可以深入了解医学知识是如何通过多种感官和物种构成的。
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引用次数: 0
Moving Away, Moving Up, and Moving Back: Gender Dimensions of Social and Geographical Mobility in East Asia 迁离、迁升和迁回:东亚社会和地域流动的性别维度
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-17 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242948
Jing Song, Stevi Jackson
East Asia has witnessed an acceleration of geographical movements and varied patterns of social mobility across the region as economies matured and growth slowed. This special issue builds on the widely recognized gender dimensions of geographical mobility and investigates its relationship with social mobility from a gender perspective, while also recognizing that social mobility, with or without geographical mobility, is gendered. Focusing specifically on women and exploring the interrelationship between social and geographical mobility, we identify three key issues: (1) gendered employment opportunities and obstacles to moving up and around; (2) the interaction between women’s migration/mobility and marriage, motherhood, family roles, and domestic responsibilities; and (3) emerging trends in women’s migration and return migration in relation to social mobility. These issues cast light on the ways in which different forms of geographical and social mobility can either empower women or reinforce gender inequality in East Asian societies.
随着经济的成熟和增长的放缓,东亚地区的地域流动加速,整个地区的社会流动模式也各不相同。本特刊立足于地域流动中被广泛认可的性别维度,从性别视角研究地域流动与社会流动之间的关系,同时也认识到无论是否存在地域流动,社会流动都是性别化的。我们特别关注妇女,探讨社会流动性与地域流动性之间的相互关系,并确定了三个关键问题:(1) 因性别而异的就业机会以及向上和向周围流动的障碍;(2) 妇女的迁移/流动性与婚姻、母性、家庭角色和家庭责任之间的相互作用;(3) 与社会流动性相关的妇女迁移和回迁的新趋势。这些问题揭示了在东亚社会中,不同形式的地域和社会流动既可以增强妇女的能力,也可以强化性别不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Between Scientific and Sensory Knowledge: Exploring the Enactment of Clay Sensibilities Among Clay Artists in Singapore 科学知识与感官知识之间:探索新加坡粘土艺术家对粘土的感性认识
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246686
Kelvin E. Y. Low, Suriani Suratman
This article explores how clay artists in Singapore utilize both their scientific and sensory knowledge of clay-making in producing clay works. Based on a study of the biographies and sensory experiences of clay artists, clay artists rely simultaneously on their scientific knowledge and understanding of clay firing processes, temperatures, and glazing, together with their sensory judgment and experience of the same set of processes, to produce clay works of different design, effect, and form. Thermoreceptive understanding and knowledge of how clay reacts and behaves toward the different styles of firing are deployed by clay artists through both a scientific calibration of temperature, as well as one’s sensory evaluation—including visual and sonic judgments—of fire-control toward producing intended textures and forms. Through making sense of how scientific and sensory knowledges are concurrently enacted but not without contradictions, we make a case for how creative clay work-making straddles across different domains of learning, knowledge use, teaching, and evaluation emerging through kairotic moments. The article contributes to extant debates on art worlds, material culture, sensory knowledges, and embodied experiences through clay work as a medium of analysis.
本文探讨了新加坡的泥塑艺术家在制作泥塑作品时,如何利用他们对泥塑制作的科学知识和感官知识。根据对泥塑艺术家的履历和感官体验的研究,泥塑艺术家同时依靠他们对泥塑烧制过程、温度和上釉的科学知识和理解,以及他们对同一套过程的感官判断和体验,制作出不同设计、效果和形式的泥塑作品。粘土艺术家通过对温度的科学校准,以及对火候控制的感官评估(包括视觉和听觉判断),对粘土如何对不同的烧制方式做出反应和表现有了热感的理解和认识,从而制作出预期的质地和形式。通过了解科学知识和感官知识是如何被同时运用的,但也并非没有矛盾,我们论证了创造性粘土作品制作是如何通过开罗时刻跨越学习、知识运用、教学和评价等不同领域的。文章通过粘土作品作为分析媒介,为有关艺术世界、物质文化、感官知识和身体体验的现有辩论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Influencing People’s Populist Attitudes With Rhetoric and Emotions: An Online Experiment in the United States 用修辞和情感影响人们的民粹主义态度:美国的一项在线实验
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-16 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240359
Clark Demasi, Jennifer McCoy, Levente Littvay
Interest in populist voters has risen with the election of Donald Trump in the United States, the rise of right-wing populist parties in Europe, and the longevity of populist leaders in countries like Italy, Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela. Yet, little attention has been given to what mechanisms may affect populist attitudes, leaving us without recommendations for media or politicians on how to mitigate populism’s known negative effects. This study investigates one such mechanism—political rhetoric working through emotional states—to determine whether grievances centered on subjective perceptions of injustice and inequities in the system operate through negative emotions to increase populist attitudes, as is often assumed in the literature, and whether an antidote to those perceptions may be found in a sense of solidarity and mutual support. For our analysis, we conducted a nationally representative online survey experiment of 2,006 respondents in the United States in November 2018. Broadly, we find evidence that negative emotional states increase populist attitudes, but positive emotions do not have an impact. Likewise, political rhetoric reinforcing a sense of unfair advantage for some people further increases populist attitudes. Importantly, we find that reducing these negative emotions by emphasizing solidarity can reduce populist attitudes. These findings not only deepen our understanding of the triggers of populism, but also take the first step in building a tested toolbox of strategies to minimize its negative effects.
随着唐纳德-特朗普(Donald Trump)在美国的当选、右翼民粹主义政党在欧洲的崛起以及意大利、匈牙利、土耳其和委内瑞拉等国民粹主义领导人的长期执政,人们对民粹主义选民的关注与日俱增。然而,人们很少关注哪些机制可能会影响民粹主义的态度,这使得我们无法向媒体或政治家提出如何减轻民粹主义已知负面影响的建议。本研究调查了这样一种机制--通过情绪状态发挥作用的政治修辞,以确定是否如文献中通常假设的那样,以对制度中的不公正和不公平的主观认知为中心的不满会通过负面情绪的作用来增加民粹主义态度,以及是否可以从团结和相互支持的意识中找到解决这些认知的解药。为了进行分析,我们于 2018 年 11 月在美国对 2006 名受访者进行了一项具有全国代表性的在线调查实验。大体上,我们发现有证据表明,消极情绪状态会增加民粹主义态度,而积极情绪则没有影响。同样,强化某些人不公平优势感的政治言论也会进一步增加民粹主义态度。重要的是,我们发现通过强调团结来减少这些负面情绪可以降低民粹主义态度。这些发现不仅加深了我们对民粹主义诱因的理解,而且还为建立一个经过测试的策略工具箱以最大限度地减少其负面影响迈出了第一步。
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引用次数: 0
Rally Around the Government or a Populist Response? How Concerns About COVID-19 and Emotional Responses Relate to Institutional Trust and Support for Right-Wing Populism 团结在政府周围还是民粹主义回应?对 COVID-19 的关注和情绪反应如何与机构信任和对右翼民粹主义的支持相关联
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-10 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240418
Ekaterina Lytkina, Tim Reeskens
Recent studies have shown that the coronavirus pandemic not only temporarily increased support for incumbent politicians and trust in experts but also triggered an authoritarian response. Because the pandemic has significantly affected individuals’ goals, needs, and control over their lives, we expect that it has generated emotional reactions. In this article, we study how concerns about COVID-19 relate to institutional trust (trust in political institutions and experts) and a preference for populist right parties—directly and indirectly—via emotions. Our theoretical framework relies on the “rally around the flag” hypothesis, the cultural backlash theory, as well as appraisal theories of emotions. We analyze a novel data set collected as part of the Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences Panel Survey for the Netherlands at the beginning of the second wave of the pandemic (October 2020). Our findings reveal that concerns about COVID-19 are positively related to institutional trust but unrelated to preferences for right-wing populism. The relationship between concerns about the coronavirus crisis and trust in political institutions is mediated via fear and sadness; these emotions also explain opposition to right-wing populist parties. We interpret our findings in relation to research on the rally around the flag effect, right-wing populism, and emotions. We discuss the implications of our results in the context of the coronavirus pandemic and other “rally”-inducing events.
最近的研究表明,冠状病毒大流行不仅暂时增加了对现任政治家的支持和对专家的信任,还引发了一种专制反应。由于疫情严重影响了个人的目标、需求和对生活的控制,我们预计疫情会引发情绪反应。在本文中,我们将研究对 COVID-19 的担忧如何通过情绪直接或间接地与机构信任(对政治机构和专家的信任)和对右翼民粹主义政党的偏好相关联。我们的理论框架依赖于 "团结在旗帜周围 "假说、文化反弹理论以及情绪评价理论。我们分析了一个新的数据集,该数据集是荷兰社会科学纵向互联网研究小组调查(Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences Panel Survey)的一部分,收集于第二波大流行病开始时(2020 年 10 月)。我们的研究结果表明,对 COVID-19 的担忧与机构信任正相关,但与右翼民粹主义偏好无关。对冠状病毒危机的担忧与政治机构信任之间的关系是通过恐惧和悲伤来调节的;这些情绪也可以解释为什么人们反对右翼民粹主义政党。我们将结合有关围绕国旗集会效应、右翼民粹主义和情绪的研究来解释我们的发现。我们将结合冠状病毒大流行和其他 "集会 "诱发事件讨论我们的研究结果的意义。
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引用次数: 0
From Moral Indignation to Affective Citizenship: Public Shaming of Celebrity Emigration from Russia During the War Against Ukraine 从道德愤怒到情感公民:对乌克兰战争期间名人移民俄罗斯的公开羞辱
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-10 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240350
Julia Lerner, Svetlana Stephenson
The article analyzes the public shaming campaigns that followed celebrity emigration from Russia at the beginning of the war against Ukraine. It shows that celebrity emigration represented a challenge to the construction of a nation morally and emotionally united around the war. The special status of celebrities in modern society as figures that provide the public with a focus of common identification and attention makes celebrity emigration during the war particularly challenging both for the state authorities and for the public. Through systematic analysis of commentary on social media, the article reveals the communicative process of public shaming of these public figures, which works through acts of revelation of their moral failure and othering, including by highlighting their ethnic and class differences. By expressing moral outrage, individual commenters on social media are not only conducting symbolic destruction of these celebrities’ moral character and social status, but also reconstituting the moral meaning of emigration as an act of betrayal of the Motherland. Using the affordances of social media, ordinary people not only express their outrage but also formulate how they see the proper moral commitments and appropriate feelings of patriotic citizens in wartime. Their moral rhetoric and affective expressions are anchored in the well-established Soviet tradition of public shaming and denunciation. They are also framed by the contemporary context of emotional and confrontational social media campaigns.
文章分析了乌克兰战争初期名人从俄罗斯移民后的公众羞辱运动。文章指出,名人移民是对围绕战争建立一个在道德和情感上团结一致的国家的挑战。名人在现代社会中的特殊地位为公众提供了一个共同认同和关注的焦点,这使得战争期间的名人移民对国家当局和公众都具有特别的挑战性。通过对社交媒体上的评论进行系统分析,文章揭示了公众对这些公众人物进行羞辱的传播过程,这一过程通过揭示他们的道德失范和他者化行为,包括强调他们的种族和阶级差异而发挥作用。通过表达道德愤怒,社交媒体上的个人评论者不仅对这些名人的道德品质和社会地位进行了象征性的破坏,而且还重新构建了移民作为背叛祖国行为的道德意义。普通民众利用社交媒体的功能,不仅表达了他们的愤怒,还表达了他们如何看待战时爱国公民应有的道德承诺和适当的情感。他们的道德修辞和情感表达是建立在苏联完善的公开羞辱和谴责传统之上的。他们的道德修辞和情感表达也以情绪化和对抗性社交媒体运动的当代背景为框架。
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引用次数: 0
Three-Pronged Resentment: How Status Insecurity, Relative Deprivation, and Powerlessness Mediate Between Social Positions and Populist Attitudes 三管齐下的怨恨:地位不安全感、相对剥夺感和无力感如何在社会地位与民粹主义态度之间起中介作用
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-06 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240362
Koen Abts, Julius Maximilian Rogenhofer
Populist attitudes are frequently tied to a specific social position, namely the constituent’s status as a “loser of globalization.” Adding nuance to this explanatory framework, we investigate whether and how resentment mediates between social positions and populist attitudes. We distinguish three constitutive components of resentment—status insecurity, relative deprivation, and powerlessness—and analyze to what extent these sentiments explain the prevalence of two key populist attitudes: anti-elitism and demands for popular sovereignty. Using survey data from the Belgian National Election Study 2014, we show that although both populist attitudes are more likely among individuals of low socioeconomic status, this effect is mediated by a sense of group relative deprivation (anti-elitism and popular sovereignty) and feelings of powerlessness (anti-elitism). The effect of individual-level status insecurities on populist attitudes is, however, not significant. These results suggest that people do not simply adhere to antagonistic and people-centric views about politics because they experience economic precariousness; they embrace populist attitudes if their vulnerability is perceived in terms of a threatened sense of group position and understood as the outcome of an unjust society, wherein they feel powerless to alter their circumstances.
民粹主义态度经常与特定的社会地位联系在一起,即选民的 "全球化失败者 "身份。为了使这一解释框架更加细致,我们研究了怨恨是否以及如何在社会地位和民粹主义态度之间起到中介作用。我们区分了怨恨的三个构成要素--地位不安全感、相对剥夺感和无力感,并分析了这些情绪在多大程度上解释了两种关键的民粹主义态度:反精英主义和人民主权要求。利用 2014 年比利时全国大选研究的调查数据,我们表明,虽然这两种民粹主义态度在社会经济地位较低的个人中更有可能出现,但这种影响是由群体相对剥夺感(反精英主义和人民主权)和无力感(反精英主义)中介的。然而,个人层面的地位不安全感对民粹主义态度的影响并不显著。这些结果表明,人们并不只是因为经济不稳定而坚持对立的和以人为本的政治观点;如果他们的脆弱性被视为群体地位受到威胁,被理解为不公正社会的结果,而他们又感到无力改变自己的处境,那么他们就会接受民粹主义态度。
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引用次数: 0
A Passion for Virtue? Appeals to Morality and Emotions in European Parliament Climate Change Debates 对美德的热情?欧洲议会气候变化辩论中的道德和情感诉求
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242036
Rosa Sanchez Salgado, Linda Bos
Although it is well acknowledged that moral foundations have an emotional component, little is known about the relation between moral foundations and emotions in current political and public debates. The analysis of this relation is crucial to better understand causal pathways from affect and emotion to climate change action and behavior. Employing Emotion Discourse Analysis, this study analyzes appeals to moral foundations in European Parliament (EP) plenary debates on the topic of climate change, and their relation to emotions between 1994 and 2022. We show that the relation between moral foundations and emotions depends on the narratives put forward by policymakers from different political groups. After linking narratives, moral foundations and emotions, we hypothesize how the identified combinations affect political action. We show that narratives promoting action-oriented and effective appeals to emotions, which are key in advancing environmental protection, are not the most prominent in EP debates.
尽管人们公认道德基础包含情感因素,但在当前的政治和公共辩论中,人们对道德基础与情感之间的关系知之甚少。分析这种关系对于更好地理解从情感和情绪到气候变化行动和行为的因果关系至关重要。本研究采用情感话语分析方法,分析了 1994 年至 2022 年期间欧洲议会(EP)全会辩论中有关气候变化主题的道德基础呼吁及其与情感的关系。我们表明,道德基础与情感之间的关系取决于不同政治团体的决策者所提出的叙事。在将叙事、道德基础和情感联系起来之后,我们假设了已确定的组合如何影响政治行动。我们发现,以行动为导向、有效诉诸情感的叙事是推进环境保护的关键,但在欧洲议会的辩论中,这些叙事并不是最突出的。
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引用次数: 0
Polarized Populists: Dark Campaigns, Affective Polarization, and the Moderating Role of Populist Attitudes 两极分化的民粹主义者:黑暗竞选、情感两极分化以及民粹主义态度的调节作用
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242056
Alessandro Nai, Jürgen Maier
We investigate the antecedents of affective polarization in the American public, and focus specifically on the driving role of exposure to darker forms of campaign communication (negativity, incivility, populist rhetoric) and the intervening role of individual populist attitudes. Experimental evidence was gathered among a sample of US respondents (MTurk, N = 1,081); respondents were randomly exposed to a campaign message from a fictive candidate framed either positively or negatively, and afterwards asked to express their attitudes towards Democrats and Republicans. Results show that exposure to harsher forms of campaign negativity (character attacks associated with political incivility and populist messages) drives affective polarization upwards when compared to exposure to positive messages. We also show both a direct and moderating effect of populist attitudes: populist individuals are more likely to “like” negative campaign messages (they find them more amusing and fairer) and report higher levels of affective polarization. Furthermore, exposure to negative messages is associated with greater affective polarization particularly among respondents high in populist attitudes.
我们调查了美国公众情感极化的前因,并特别关注了接触黑暗竞选传播形式(消极、不文明、民粹主义言论)的驱动作用以及个人民粹主义态度的干预作用。我们在美国受访者样本(MTurk,N = 1,081)中收集了实验证据;受访者会随机接触到来自虚构候选人的正面或负面竞选信息,然后被要求表达他们对民主党和共和党的态度。结果显示,与接触正面信息相比,接触更严厉形式的竞选负面信息(与政治不文明和民粹主义信息相关的人格攻击)会促使情感极化上升。我们还显示了民粹主义态度的直接和调节作用:民粹主义者更有可能 "喜欢 "负面竞选信息(他们认为这些信息更有趣、更公平),并报告更高水平的情感极化。此外,尤其是在民粹主义态度高涨的受访者中,接触负面信息与情感极化程度更高相关。
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引用次数: 0
Legitimate Transaction? Regulating Commercial International Marriage Brokers in South Korea 合法交易?韩国对商业性国际婚姻中介的监管
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242744
Sohoon Yi
Marriages between South Korean men and women from less affluent Asian countries have been popular since the 1990s, and commercial international marriage brokers have played an important role in the trend. This article argues that the laws and regulations governing marriage brokers, such as Marriage Brokers Business Management Act (MBBMA) and consumer protection mechanisms, have reinforced the rights of citizen-husbands and legitimized claims from the men’s movement. As a result, the state’s regulation of commercial matchmaking endorses a form of commodified intimacy and protects the rights of male client-cum-“head of the family,” despite the consequences of commodifying the personhood of migrant women and legitimizing the violence of denying their personal autonomy. Data include public documents and policies from the Ministry of Gender Equality and Family, Korea Institute for Healthy Family, Korea Consumer Agency, Fair Trade Commission, and MBBMA. Analysis of these public texts reveals the legal and policy language that sanitizes and disguises unequal gender roles and discrimination against foreigners.
自 20 世纪 90 年代以来,韩国男性与来自亚洲不富裕国家的女性之间的婚姻一直很流行,而商业性国际婚姻中介在这一趋势中扮演了重要角色。本文认为,有关婚姻介绍所的法律法规,如《婚姻介绍所经营管理法》(MBBMA)和消费者保护机制,强化了公民丈夫的权利,并使男性运动的诉求合法化。因此,国家对商业婚介的监管认可了一种商品化的亲密关系,并保护了男性客户兼 "一家之主 "的权利,尽管这样做的后果是将移民妇女的人格商品化,并使剥夺其个人自主权的暴力行为合法化。数据包括性别平等与家庭部、韩国健康家庭研究院、韩国消费者厅、公平贸易委员会和 MBBMA 的公开文件和政策。对这些公开文本的分析揭示了法律和政策语言对不平等的性别角色和对外国人的歧视的美化和掩饰。
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引用次数: 0
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American Behavioral Scientist
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