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Sports Mega-Events as Foreign Policy: Sport Diplomacy, “Soft Power,” and “Sportswashing” 作为外交政策的体育盛事:体育外交、"软实力 "和 "体育洗礼"
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241262042
Jonathan Grix, Paul Michael Brannagan
Sports mega-events (SMEs), such as the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup, have become a key part of state strategies to achieve a multitude of foreign policy goals. The literature attempting to explain this—often under the broad umbrella term of “sport diplomacy”—has recently been bolstered by the arrival of two very popular concepts in this area of research, “soft power” and “sportswashing,” leading to confusion and a general lack of consensus around the use of sport for non-sporting aims. This article makes two key contributions to the literature: first, it serves to clarify the conceptual relationship between sport diplomacy, soft power, and sportswashing. It does so by arguing that the latter two concepts are strategies at different stages of a similar process, that is, using sport to achieve specific foreign policy goals by states, state actors, and non-state actors. Our second contribution lies in the application of this conceptualization to two relevant, empirical cases of an advanced capitalist country (the United Kingdom) and an autocratic country (Qatar), both of which have hosted an SME. The results show that while a variety of states, state actors, politicians, and non-state actors use the same means (SMEs) to achieve different foreign policy goals, their geopolitics, different histories, regime types, economic systems, and levels of development influence their rationale for doing so and the strategies they choose.
体育盛事(SMEs),如奥运会和国际足联世界杯足球赛,已成为国家战略的重要组成部分,以实现多种外交政策目标。试图解释这一现象的文献--通常是在 "体育外交 "这一宽泛的总括术语下--最近因这一研究领域出现了两个非常流行的概念 "软实力 "和 "体育洗礼 "而得到了加强,导致人们对利用体育达到非体育目的产生了混淆,并普遍缺乏共识。本文对相关文献有两大贡献:首先,它有助于澄清体育外交、软实力和体育洗礼之间的概念关系。本文认为,后两个概念是一个相似过程的不同阶段的战略,即国家、国家行为者和非国家行为者利用体育来实现特定的外交政策目标。我们的第二个贡献在于将这一概念应用于两个相关的实证案例,一个是先进资本主义国家(英国),另一个是专制国家(卡塔尔),这两个国家都举办过中小型企业活动。研究结果表明,虽然不同的国家、国家行为体、政治家和非国家行为体使用相同的手段(中小型企业)来实现不同的外交政策目标,但它们的地缘政治、不同的历史、政权类型、经济体制和发展水平都会影响它们这样做的理由和它们选择的战略。
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引用次数: 0
Too Religious to Protest? Contested Thresholds of Catholic and Muslim “Intransigence” in the French Public Sphere 抗议过于宗教化?法国公共领域中天主教和穆斯林 "不妥协 "的争议门槛
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261037
Camille Lardy
This article examines French Catholics’ recruitment, organization, and policing of Muslim participants in the 2012 to 2013 anti-same-sex-marriage protests La Manif Pour Tous. It argues that French Catholics are alert to forms of public participation which suggest religious “intransigence” (strict religious observance) and can be said to transgress the secular character of the public sphere. Instead, they craft a public presence that can be interpreted as secular, or “liberally” religious-and-secular, without passing the implicit threshold of intransigence. But French Catholics’ efforts to police Muslims’ and their own public visibility reveal the subjectivity and impermanence of the thresholds that are held as proof of religious intransigence. This article contributes ethnographic evidence to the historical and sociological investigation of “liberal” versus “intransigent” forms of French Catholicism and advances the anthropological study of the inequalities and privileges of Muslim and Catholic representation in secular French politics.
本文研究了法国天主教徒在2012年至2013年反同性婚姻抗议活动 "为所有人而生"(La Manif Pour Tous)中对穆斯林参与者的招募、组织和管理。文章认为,法国天主教徒对暗示宗教 "不妥协"(严格遵守宗教信仰)的公共参与形式保持警惕,这可以说是对公共领域世俗特性的践踏。相反,他们精心设计的公共存在可以被解释为世俗的,或者说是 "自由的 "宗教与世俗的,而没有通过不妥协的隐含门槛。但是,法国天主教徒为维护穆斯林及其自身的公众可见度所做的努力揭示了作为宗教顽固性证据的门槛的主观性和不稳定性。本文为法国天主教 "自由 "与 "顽固 "的历史和社会学研究提供了人种学证据,并推动了对穆斯林和天主教在法国世俗政治中的不平等和特权的人类学研究。
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引用次数: 0
Theological Opportunity Structures and Christian Right Resistance Against the Liberalization of Family Laws in Norway 挪威的神学机会结构和基督教右翼对家庭法自由化的抵制
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260379
Torkel Brekke
This article is a qualitative study of a Christian Right Party in Norway and its origin and growth as a reaction against the liberalization of laws pertaining to same-sex marriage, the adoption of children by same-sex couples, and other family-related matters. In order to analyze the contribution of religion in this political party, and in the movement from which it developed, the article introduces the concept of theological opportunity structures, which is a specific type of discursive opportunity structure. The concept of theological opportunity structures foregrounds the role of religious beliefs, doctrines, and narratives in politics as opposed to the institutional dimensions of religion. It is offered as a theoretical construct to improve analysis of the role of religion in politics.
本文对挪威的一个基督教右翼政党及其起源和发展进行了定性研究,该政党是对有关同性婚姻、同性伴侣领养子女及其他家庭相关事务的法律自由化的一种反应。为了分析宗教在该政党及其发展运动中的贡献,文章引入了神学机会结构的概念,这是一种特殊类型的话语机会结构。神学机会结构的概念强调宗教信仰、教义和叙事在政治中的作用,而不是宗教的制度层面。它作为一种理论建构被提出来,以改进对宗教在政治中作用的分析。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond the Secular, the Sacred, and the State: Alternative Vocabularies of the Disagreement in Secular and Pious Feminist Narratives in Turkey 超越世俗、神圣和国家:土耳其世俗与虔诚女权主义叙事中分歧的另类词汇表
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-07-23 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261043
Pınar Dokumacı
This paper rethinks the different ways in which civil society activism might be able to transform radical political disagreements about feminism, secularism, and religiosity under authoritarian pro-conservative state policies. I pursue this task by bringing in my previous work on the interpersonal feminist relationship between secular/Kemalist feminists and pious/Islamic feminists in Turkey. In the intersection of ethnography and theory, I argue that locating alternative feminist vocabularies of disagreement in women’s own their own narratives can help us challenge the broader dichotomies dictated by the secular, sacred, and the state. From a relational theoretical framework that stresses the iterative importance of unexpected interpersonal everyday life interactions, this paper contributes to the broader debates on pious women’s agency and the limits of feminist friendship.
本文重新思考了公民社会的积极性可能会以何种不同的方式改变专制亲保守国家政策下关于女权主义、世俗主义和宗教性的激进政治分歧。为了完成这一任务,我引入了我之前关于土耳其世俗/凯末尔主义女权主义者与虔诚/伊斯兰女权主义者之间人际女权主义关系的研究成果。在人种学与理论的交汇点上,我认为,在女性自身的叙述中找到分歧的替代性女权主义词汇,有助于我们挑战世俗、神圣和国家所规定的更广泛的二分法。本文从一个关系理论框架出发,强调了日常生活中意想不到的人际互动的迭代重要性,从而为有关虔诚女性的能动性和女性主义友谊的局限性的广泛讨论做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Implementing an Organizational Trauma-Informed Approach to Olympic Sites: An Urgent Priority to Protect Elite Athlete Well-being During Olympic Games Participation 在奥运场馆实施组织创伤知情方法:在参加奥运会期间保护精英运动员福祉的当务之急
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-06-25 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261253
Jenny McMahon, Kerry R. McGannon
Abuse has been acknowledged as an adverse event which leads to trauma and long-term health effects in sport. Given the high rates of abuse occurring in elite sport contexts, many Olympic athletes will not only be subjected to abuse while residing and competing at the Olympic Games but may also experience trauma and its effects. In this article, we build on the calls for a trauma-informed approach in elite sport to outline a rationale for the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to implement an organizational trauma-informed approach to Olympic sites. Such an approach is essential because trauma researchers outside, and inside sport contexts, have outlined that when organizations are not trauma aware, and practices are not trauma-informed, unintended “unsafe” responses may result. To contextualize our rationale for an organizational trauma-informed approach, we provide examples of Olympic athletes’ stories to demonstrate the abuse and trauma they experienced while competing at the Olympic Games. To build on the human right that all athletes participating in the Olympic Games have the right to do so safely and free from harm, we further outline what an organizational trauma-informed approach involves and why it is important to limit re-traumatization risk. We further reflect on how being trauma-informed extends a duty of care to better protect athletes, which should be a responsibility of the IOC.
在体育运动中,虐待被认为是导致创伤和长期健康影响的不良事件。鉴于精英体育运动中虐待事件的高发率,许多奥林匹克运动员不仅会在居住和参加奥林匹克运动会期间遭受虐待,而且还可能经历创伤及其影响。在这篇文章中,我们在呼吁在精英体育运动中采用创伤知情方法的基础上,概述了国际奥委会(IOC)在奥运场馆实施组织创伤知情方法的理由。这种方法至关重要,因为在体育领域内外的心理创伤研究人员都指出,如果组织没有心理创伤意识,在实践中没有考虑心理创伤因素,就可能会产生意想不到的 "不安全 "反应。为了说明我们采用 "组织创伤知情 "方法的理由,我们提供了奥林匹克运动员的故事,以证明他们在参加奥运会比赛时所经历的虐待和创伤。所有参加奥林匹克运动会的运动员都享有安全和免受伤害的人权,在此基础上,我们进一步概述了组织创伤知情方法的内容,以及限制再次创伤风险的重要性。我们还进一步思考了了解创伤情况如何扩展了更好地保护运动员的关怀义务,这应当是国际奥委会的一项责任。
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引用次数: 0
Just a Cup of Tea? Jewish-Muslim Interfaith Activism and the Gendered Politics of Representation 只是一杯茶?犹太穆斯林信仰间活动与代表权的性别政治
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241260775
Lea Taragin-Zeller
During the past 15 years, there has been a rapid increase in interfaith initiatives in the United Kingdom. Even though the “interfaith industry,” as some have cynically called it, has rapidly increased, the involvement of women in these groups has been relatively low. Based on ethnographic data, including 20 interviews and 3 years of fieldwork with female interfaith activists in the United Kingdom (2017–2020), this ethnography focuses on the emergence of Jewish and Muslim female interfaith initiatives, analyzing the creative ways religious women negotiate their challenges and struggles as women of faith, together. I examine the ways Jewish and Muslim women form nuanced representations of female piety that disrupt “strictly observant” gendered representations, thus diversifying the binary categories of what being Jewish, or Muslim, entails. Further, whereas former studies have focused on interfaith settings as crucial for the construction of religious identities, I show that interfaith activism also serves as a site for religious minorities to learn how to become British citizens. In a highly politicized Britain, where allegations of racism, antisemitism, and Islamophobia prevail, I argue that Jewish-Muslim encounters are sites for the construction and performances of British civic citizenship well beyond the prescriptions of the state. Drawing on these findings, I situate interfaith activism at the anthropological intersection of gender, religion, and citizenship, and as a site that reproduces and disrupts minority-state relationality.
在过去 15 年中,联合王国的宗教间倡议迅速增加。尽管 "不同信仰间产业"(有些人对此不屑一顾地称之为 "不同信仰间产业")迅速发展,但女性在这些团体中的参与度却相对较低。本民族志基于人种学数据,包括 20 次访谈和 3 年对英国女性信仰间活动家的实地调查(2017-2020 年),重点关注犹太教和穆斯林女性信仰间活动的兴起,分析宗教女性作为信仰女性共同应对挑战和斗争的创造性方式。我研究了犹太妇女和穆斯林妇女如何形成女性虔诚的微妙表征,这种表征打破了 "严格遵守 "的性别表征,从而使犹太人或穆斯林的二元分类多样化。此外,以往的研究主要关注宗教间环境对宗教身份构建的关键作用,而我的研究表明,宗教间活动也是宗教少数群体学习如何成为英国公民的场所。在高度政治化的英国,种族主义、反犹太主义和仇视伊斯兰教的指控比比皆是,我认为犹太人与穆斯林的接触是英国公民身份构建和表现的场所,远远超出了国家的规定。根据这些发现,我将信仰间活动置于性别、宗教和公民身份的人类学交叉点上,并将其视为再现和破坏少数民族与国家关系的场所。
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引用次数: 0
Unveiling the Intersection of Individual Stardom and Team Loyalty in Social Network Reflections: The Case of Soccer-Stars Ronaldo and Messi 在社交网络反思中揭示个人明星效应与团队忠诚度的交集:足球明星罗纳尔多和梅西的案例
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-06-20 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241261201
Tsahi (Zack) Hayat, Tal Samuel-Azran, Tal Laor, Yair Galily
This study investigates sport fandom’s major dimensions: star attraction and team identification, analyzing transfers of soccer players Ronaldo and Messi. Data from teams’ official social media (Instagram, Facebook, and Twitter/X) using scripts inform our analysis. Results reveal star attraction’s significant prominence over team identification. Instagram, linked to celebrity culture and star fandom, displays the highest online growth, emphasizing star attraction’s centrality in sport fandom on social media. Implications for fans, teams, and marketers are discussed, emphasizing the need for nuanced understanding to enhance engagement and marketing. Overall, valuable insights into sport fandom’s complex dynamics in the social media age emerge.
本研究通过分析足球运动员罗纳尔多和梅西的转会,探讨了体育粉丝的主要维度:明星吸引力和球队认同。我们使用脚本分析了来自球队官方社交媒体(Instagram、Facebook 和 Twitter/X)的数据。结果显示,明星吸引力明显高于球队认同。与名人文化和明星粉丝相关的 Instagram 显示出最高的在线增长,强调了明星吸引力在社交媒体体育粉丝中的核心地位。研究还讨论了对球迷、球队和营销人员的影响,强调需要细致入微的理解来提高参与度和营销效果。总之,我们对体育迷在社交媒体时代的复杂动态提出了宝贵的见解。
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引用次数: 0
Foundations of Preference for Competitive Balance 偏好竞争平衡的基础
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-30 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242043
Jeremy Kettering
This article introduces an explicit model for sporting fans’ preferences which captures their desire for balanced contests, or competitive balance. Key parameters of the model naturally correspond to the strength of fan’s preference for competitive balance. Efficient contests are then characterized based on the preference for competitive balance, contrasting the resulting solutions with a widely recognized measure of competitive balance.
本文介绍了一个明确的体育迷偏好模型,该模型捕捉到了体育迷对平衡竞赛或竞技平衡的渴望。模型的关键参数自然与球迷对竞技平衡偏好的强度相对应。然后,根据对竞技平衡的偏好来描述高效竞赛,并将得出的解决方案与广泛认可的竞技平衡衡量标准进行对比。
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引用次数: 0
Tasting the Soil and Mobilizing the Future: Pedagogies of Hope in Timor-Leste’s Permaculture Youth Camps 品尝土壤,动员未来:东帝汶生态农业青年营的希望教学法
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-26 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241246691
Thomas Stodulka
This article localizes the traveling concept of permaculture in Timor-Leste as a pathway into studying the juventude permakultura (permaculture youth) movement, its pedagogies of hope, sensory learning, and emotional mobilization. Focusing on permaculture-based community gardening and water conservation projects in Timor-Leste in relation to projects implemented by the nation’s significant government-NGO nexus opens up anthropological inquiries into various social, political, and ecological phenomena. It contrasts divergent imaginaries of shaping young persons’ selves and futures and taps into issues of food security, environmental awareness, and alternative knowledge construction. Although ongoing research localizes the traveling concept of “permaculture” in Timor-Leste through tracing, exploring, and juxtaposing methodologies, this article focuses on the practice-oriented sensorial pedagogy of permaculture youth camps. It inquires how the eco-social youth movement contests the marginalization of vulnerable communities by acknowledging local knowledge and connecting it with translocal permaculture techniques. More precisely, the article focuses on the sensory and affective dimensions of learning in vulnerable communities and disaster-prone landscapes. It zeroes in on tasting the soil and mobilizing the future as pedagogies of hope and considers these powerful ways of securing (future) livelihood.
本文将生态文化这一巡回概念在东帝汶本土化,以此作为研究生态文化青年运动(juventude permakultura)及其希望教学法、感官学习法和情感动员法的途径。将重点放在东帝汶以生态文化为基础的社区园艺和水资源保护项目上,并将其与该国重要的政府-非政府组织联合实施的项目联系起来,从而开启了对各种社会、政治和生态现象的人类学探索。它对比了塑造年轻人自我和未来的不同想象,并探讨了粮食安全、环境意识和另类知识构建等问题。尽管正在进行的研究通过追踪、探索和并置方法将 "生态文化 "这一巡回概念在东帝汶本土化,但本文重点关注生态文化青年营以实践为导向的感官教学法。文章探究了生态社会青年运动如何通过承认当地知识并将其与本土生态文化技术相结合,来反对弱势社区的边缘化。更确切地说,这篇文章关注的是在弱势社区和易受灾地区学习的感官和情感层面。文章将品尝土壤和动员未来作为希望的教学法,并考虑了这些保障(未来)生计的有力方法。
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引用次数: 0
Submission or Rebellion? Disentangling the Relationships of Anxiety, Attitudes Toward Authorities, and Right-Wing Populist Party Support 服从还是反抗?厘清焦虑、对当局的态度和右翼民粹主义政党支持率之间的关系
IF 3.2 2区 文学 Q2 PSYCHOLOGY, CLINICAL Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240717
Susanne Veit, Magdalena Hirsch, Heiko Giebler, Johann Gründl, Benjamin Schürmann
The success of right-wing populist parties (RPPs) is often attributed to their deployment of the rhetoric of fear that capitalizes on societal crisis and corresponding anxieties. However, empirical evidence on the relationship between anxiety and support for RPP (RPP support) remains inconclusive. We argue that right-wing authoritarian (RWA) and populist attitudes imply contradicting views on authority. Anti-elitism, a subdimension of populist attitudes, implies rebellion against established authorities; however, RWA submission relates to the inclination to obey authorities. These contradictory attitudes may account for the mixed results. In relation to anxiety, both rebellion and submission are conceived as defensive responses, but their relation to RPP support is different because the reactions to authority they induce are antithetical. Moreover, we differentiate between two forms of anxiety as sources of RPP support, which are often conflated in empirical studies: situational anxiety arising in response to specific threats and diffuse anxiety or a general sense of anxiety. We draw on mass survey data, including a survey experiment, that examines how anxiety drives support for the German right-wing populist party Alternative für Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, AfD) via attitudes toward authority. The path analyses support our hypotheses and reveal that anti-elitism mediates the positive relationship between anxiety and voter support for the AfD. At the same time, authoritarian submission increases with anxiety, but—unlike anti-elitism—it is negatively associated with AfD support. Furthermore, the two paths are confirmed for situational and diffuse anxiety, with the relative importance of authoritarian submission and anti-elitism varying according to the form of anxiety.
右翼民粹主义政党(RPPs)的成功往往归因于他们利用社会危机和相应的焦虑情绪来发表恐惧言论。然而,关于焦虑与右翼民粹主义政党支持率(RPP 支持率)之间关系的经验证据仍无定论。我们认为,右翼威权主义(RWA)和民粹主义态度意味着对权威的相互矛盾的看法。反精英主义是民粹主义态度的一个子维度,意味着对既定权威的反叛;然而,右翼威权主义的服从则与服从权威的倾向有关。这些相互矛盾的态度可能是结果好坏参半的原因。就焦虑而言,反叛和服从都被视为防御性反应,但它们与人民力量党支持率的关系不同,因为它们引起的对权威的反应是对立的。此外,我们还将两种形式的焦虑作为人民力量党支持的来源加以区分,这两种焦虑在实证研究中经常被混为一谈:一种是针对特定威胁产生的情景焦虑,另一种是弥漫性焦虑或普遍焦虑感。我们利用大规模调查数据,包括一项调查实验,研究了焦虑如何通过对权威的态度推动对德国右翼民粹主义政党德国另类选择党(Alternative für Deutschland,AfD)的支持。路径分析支持了我们的假设,并揭示了反精英主义在焦虑和选民对 AfD 的支持之间起到了正向调节作用。同时,专制服从会随着焦虑的增加而增加,但与反精英主义不同的是,它与 AfD 的支持率呈负相关。此外,情景焦虑和弥漫焦虑也证实了这两条路径,专制屈从和反精英主义的相对重要性因焦虑形式而异。
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引用次数: 0
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American Behavioral Scientist
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