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Teacher-Student Race Match and Identification for Discretionary Educational Services 教师-学生种族匹配和教育服务酌处权鉴定
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-01 DOI: 10.3102/00028312241229413
Cassandra M.D. Hart, Constance A. Lindsay
A host of recent literature suggests benefits to Black children of being matched to same-race teachers. We extend this literature to explore whether being matched to a Black teacher is related to Black students’ likelihood of being identified for two types of discretionary educational services in the following academic year: gifted education and special education. While we do not find that access to Black teachers affects students’ likelihood of gifted identification, Black students matched to Black teachers are less likely to be identified for special education. The results are strongest for Black boys, particularly those who are also economically disadvantaged and are strongest for disabilities with more discretion in identification.
最近的大量文献表明,黑人儿童与同种族教师配对有好处。我们对这些文献进行了延伸,以探讨与黑人教师配对是否与黑人学生在下一学年被认定接受两类酌情教育服务(即资优教育和特殊教育)的可能性有关。虽然我们没有发现黑人教师会影响学生被认定为资优生的可能性,但与黑人教师配对的黑人学生被认定为接受特殊教育的可能性较低。对于黑人男生,尤其是那些经济条件较差的黑人男生来说,这一结果最为明显,而对于那些在鉴定时有更多自由裁量权的残疾学生来说,这一结果也最为明显。
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引用次数: 0
The Mismatch Between World Bank Actions and the Decentralization of Educational Systems in LMICs 世界银行行动与低收入和中等收入国家教育系统权力下放之间的不匹配
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-27 DOI: 10.3102/00028312241229027
Mobarak Hossain
The World Bank’s (WB) growing emphasis on decentralizing educational systems has sparked widespread discussion in the literature. This study examines whether WB reforms are indeed associated with decentralizing educational systems in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs), as commonly assumed. Using unique, untapped country-level panel data on 30 LMICs from 1990 to 2019, I do not find a significant association between the WB’s actions and changes observed in educational systems. Employing the institutional logics perspective, I argue that the WB’s diffusion of “homogeneous” educational reforms may clash with “heterogeneous” socioeconomic, political, and cultural contexts, thus hindering the direct translation of reforms into tangible outcomes on the ground.
世界银行(WB)越来越重视教育系统的权力下放,这在文献中引发了广泛的讨论。本研究探讨了世界银行的改革是否真的像人们通常假设的那样,与中低收入国家(LMICs)教育系统的权力下放有关。利用 1990 年至 2019 年 30 个中低收入国家独特的、尚未开发的国家级面板数据,我没有发现世行的行动与教育系统中观察到的变化之间存在显著关联。从制度逻辑的角度,我认为世行推广 "同质 "的教育改革可能会与 "异质 "的社会经济、政治和文化背景发生冲突,从而阻碍改革直接转化为当地的实际成果。
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引用次数: 0
Invisible Policy Brokers: The Political Roles of Interpreters in Educational Policy Negotiations With Language Minoritized Mothers 无形的政策经纪人:口译员在与语言少数群体母亲的教育政策谈判中的政治角色
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-27 DOI: 10.3102/00028312241228837
Crissa Stephens
Educational interpreters are not neutral mediators of messages. In education, they are policy brokers whose translations can reflect their own social identities and often align with larger social power dynamics, including deficit perspectives of racialized multilingual people. In U.S. schools, language minoritized parents have the right to make decisions about their children’s education; yet current theory does not account for their power to shape educational policies—or the political roles of interpreters who represent their negotiations. I propose a theory of interpreters as invisible policy brokers and identity mediators. I employ an approach that centers the questions and agency of newly arrived, predominantly Spanish-speaking mothers in a Midwest school district with growing demographics of language minoritized students.
教育口译员不是中立的信息中介。在教育领域,他们是政策掮客,他们的翻译可以反映他们自己的社会身份,并经常与更大的社会权力动态相一致,包括多语言种族化人群的赤字观点。在美国的学校中,语言少数群体的家长有权对子女的教育做出决定;然而,当前的理论并没有解释他们塑造教育政策的权力,也没有解释代表他们进行谈判的口译员的政治角色。我提出了口译员作为无形的政策经纪人和身份调解人的理论。我采用了一种方法,以中西部一个学区中新来的主要讲西班牙语的母亲的问题和能动性为中心,该学区的语言少数群体学生人数不断增加。
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引用次数: 0
Polarization, Partisan Sorting, and the Politics of Education 两极分化、党派排序与教育政治
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-21 DOI: 10.3102/00028312241228280
David M. Houston
Drawing on annual, nationally representative survey data from 2007–2022, I demonstrate that partisan gaps—the average differences in public opinion between Democrats and Republicans—have widened on many education issues. This pattern consistently exceeds what would be expected due to the changing demographic compositions of the parties alone. Widening partisan gaps are primarily attributable to sorting (alignment of one's party affiliation and one's issue positions) rather than polarization (increasing support for more extreme positions relative to more moderate positions). However, polarization is also increasing on some of the most divisive issues. Among those who are sorting, individuals are overwhelmingly switching their issue positions to align with their party affiliations rather than switching their party affiliations to align with their issue positions.
根据 2007-2022 年期间的年度全国代表性调查数据,我证明了党派差距--民主党和共和党之间的平均民意差异--在许多教育问题上有所扩大。这种模式始终超出了仅因政党人口构成变化而产生的预期。党派差距的扩大主要归因于排序(个人的党派归属与个人的议题立场相一致),而非两极分化(相对于较为温和的立场而言,较为极端的立场所获得的支持越来越多)。然而,在一些分歧最大的问题上,两极分化也在加剧。在那些正在进行分类的人中,绝大多数人正在改变他们的问题立场,使之与他们的政党归属相一致,而不是改变他们的政党归属,使之与他们的问题立场相一致。
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引用次数: 2
The Role and Influence of Exclusively Online Degree Programs in Higher Education 高等教育中纯在线学位课程的作用和影响
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.3102/00028312231222264
Justin C. Ortagus, Rodney Hughes, Hope Allchin
This study leverages national data and a quasi-experimental design to examine the influence of enrolling in an exclusively online degree program on students’ likelihood of completing their degree. We find that enrolling in an exclusively online degree program had a negative influence on students’ likelihood of completing their bachelor's degree or any degree when compared to their otherwise-similar peers who enrolled in at least some face-to-face courses. The negative relationship between exclusively online enrollment and students’ likelihood of bachelor's degree completion was relatively consistent among White, Black, Hispanic, Asian, low-income, and military students. Findings focused solely on those students enrolled in exclusively online degree programs revealed that the negative influence of exclusively online enrollment was exacerbated when the student attended a for-profit 4-year institution.
本研究利用全国数据和准实验设计,考察了就读纯在线学位课程对学生完成学位的可能性的影响。我们发现,与那些至少参加了一些面授课程的同龄人相比,参加完全在线的学位课程对学生完成学士学位或任何学位的可能性都有负面影响。在白人学生、黑人学生、西班牙裔学生、亚裔学生、低收入学生和军人学生中,完全在线学习与学生完成学士学位的可能性之间的负相关关系是相对一致的。仅针对完全在线攻读学位课程的学生的研究结果显示,如果学生就读的是营利性四年制院校,完全在线攻读的负面影响就会加剧。
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引用次数: 0
There Is Such a Thing as a Free Lunch: School Meals, Stigma, and Student Discipline 有一种午餐叫免费午餐:学校膳食、耻辱和学生纪律
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.3102/00028312231222266
T. Domina, Leah R. Clark, Vitaly Radsky, Renuka Bhaskar
The Community Eligibility Provision (CEP) allows high-poverty schools to offer free meals to all students regardless of household income. Conceptualizing universal meal provision as a strategy to alleviate stigma associated with school meals, we hypothesize that CEP implementation reduces the incidence of suspensions, particularly for students from low-income backgrounds and minoritized students. We link educational records for students enrolled in Oregon public schools between 2010 and 2017 with administrative data describing their families’ household income and social safety net program participation. Difference-in-differences analyses indicate that CEP has protective effects on the probability of suspension for students in participating schools, particularly for students from low-income families, students who received free or reduced-price meals prior to CEP implementation, and Hispanic students.
社区资格规定》(Community Eligibility Provision,CEP)允许高度贫困的学校向所有学生提供免费膳食,无论其家庭收入如何。我们将普遍提供膳食视为减轻与学校膳食相关的耻辱感的一种策略,并假设 CEP 的实施会降低停学率,尤其是低收入学生和少数民族学生的停学率。我们将 2010 年至 2017 年俄勒冈州公立学校学生的教育记录与描述其家庭收入和社会安全网计划参与情况的行政数据联系起来。差异分析表明,CEP 对参与学校学生的停学概率具有保护作用,尤其是对来自低收入家庭的学生、在 CEP 实施前获得免费或减价膳食的学生以及西班牙裔学生。
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引用次数: 0
Teachers Centering Families and Building Rapport During Home Visits 教师在家访中以家庭为中心并建立融洽关系
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.3102/00028312231222270
Judy Paulick, Melissa Lucas, Tatiana Yasmeen Hill-Maini
Collaborative relationships between families and teachers of elementary-aged children are complicated by teachers’ lack of training for family engagement and by hierarchical and racialized power differentials. Home visiting can create a space for teachers to center and honor families’ ways of knowing and being, but those home visits need to be conducted in ways specifically intended to build relationships with families; otherwise, the visits can do damage. In this descriptive exploratory study, we examined how teachers responded to families’ openings during home visits. We articulate a theory that describes actions teachers can employ to build rapport, particularly across difference. This work has implications for research on family engagement and for teacher preparation for home visiting.
由于教师缺乏家庭参与方面的培训,以及等级和种族化的权力差异,家庭与小学学龄儿童教师之间的合作关系变得更加复杂。家访可以为教师创造一个空间,以家庭的认知和存在方式为中心,并尊重家庭的认知和存在方式,但这些家访需要以专门旨在与家庭建立关系的方式进行;否则,家访可能会造成损害。在这项描述性探索研究中,我们考察了教师在家访过程中如何应对家庭的开口。我们提出了一套理论,描述了教师可以采取哪些行动来建立融洽关系,尤其是跨越差异的融洽关系。这项工作对家庭参与的研究和家访教师的准备工作都有意义。
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引用次数: 0
Constructed Pathways: How Multiply-Marginalized Students Navigate Food Insecurity at Selective Universities 建构的途径:多重边缘化的学生如何在选择性大学中应对食品不安全问题
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-07 DOI: 10.3102/00028312231217751
Nathan F. Alleman, Cara Cliburn Allen, Sarah E. Madsen
Studies about collegiate food insecurity show its prevalence as a national issue that disproportionately affects students from marginalized groups. This study further contextualizes this work, examining the ways that multiply-marginalized students navigate systems of privilege and opportunity at selective, normatively affluent universities to meet food needs and pursue personal goals. Findings from this multi-institutional qualitative study highlight asset-based approaches by which students leverage institutional interest in their marginal identities as navigational strategies. Conclusions point to the value of “student pathways navigation” as a conceptual and analytic approach to understanding how students manage collegiate environments.
有关大学生食物不安全的研究表明,这是一个普遍存在的全国性问题,对边缘化群体的学生造成了极大的影响。本研究对这一问题进行了进一步的分析,探讨了多重边缘化的学生如何在选择性的、规范的富裕大学中驾驭特权和机会体系,以满足食物需求并追求个人目标。这项多机构定性研究的结果强调了以资产为基础的方法,学生通过这种方法利用机构对其边缘身份的兴趣作为导航策略。结论表明,"学生路径导航 "作为一种概念和分析方法,对于理解学生如何管理大学环境具有重要价值。
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引用次数: 0
Offer It and They Will Come? An Investigation of the Factors Associated With the Uptake of School-Sponsored Resources 提供,他们就会来?对学校赞助资源使用相关因素的调查
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-13 DOI: 10.3102/00028312231209231
Caitlin Kearney, Alma Nidia Garza, Lysandra Perez, Linda Renzulli, T. Domina
In response to economic distress, schools are increasingly serving as providers and distributors of social service resources. However, even when schools offer resources that respond to needs, they struggle to attain high levels of uptake. We examine the family-level correlates of participation in school-sponsored resources during the early months of the COVID-19 pandemic and find that uptake increases with economic need. In addition, net of need, families who report maintaining communication with parents of their children’s classmates take up more resources; and take-up of key meal and digital technology resources is associated with higher levels of take-up of other resources. These findings contribute to efforts to reposition schools as social service hubs by highlighting promising practices to improve resource uptake.
为了应对经济困境,学校越来越多地充当社会服务资源的提供者和分配者。然而,即使学校提供的资源能够满足需求,它们也很难获得高水平的利用率。我们研究了在 COVID-19 大流行的最初几个月中参与学校赞助的资源的家庭层面相关因素,发现吸收率随着经济需求的增加而增加。此外,除去需求因素,那些表示与孩子同学的家长保持沟通的家庭占用了更多的资源;占用关键的膳食和数字技术资源与占用其他资源的水平较高有关。这些研究结果有助于将学校重新定位为社会服务中心,突出了提高资源利用率的可行做法。
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引用次数: 0
Do STEM Students Vote?12 STEM 学生会投票吗?
IF 3.6 1区 教育学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.3102/00028312231200232
D’Wayne Bell, Jing Feng, John B. Holbein, Jonathan Smith
Pundits, politicians, and academics have long worried about potentially low rates of civic participation among STEM-oriented students. Does studying STEM actually decrease the odds that young people will be actively involved in democracy? To answer this question, we created a dataset of over 23 million students in the United States, matched to national validated voting records. This novel dataset is the largest known individual-level dataset in the United States, connecting high school and college students to voting outcomes. It also contains a rich set of demographic and academic variables, to account for many of the common issues related to students’ selection into STEM coursework. We consider two measures of STEM participation: Advanced Placement (AP) exam taking in high school and college major. Using both measures, we find that, across model specifications, the estimated relationships between STEM and voting are small in magnitude—about the same effect size as a single get-out-the-vote mailer. Our analyses demonstrate that, on average, marginally more STEM coursework in high school and college does not contribute noticeably to the low voting rates among young people in the United States.
长期以来,专家学者、政治家和学术界一直担心 STEM 方向的学生的公民参与率可能很低。学习 STEM 是否真的会降低年轻人积极参与民主的几率?为了回答这个问题,我们创建了一个包含 2300 多万美国学生的数据集,并与全国有效投票记录进行了比对。这个新颖的数据集是美国已知的最大的个人层面数据集,它将高中生和大学生与投票结果联系在一起。该数据集还包含丰富的人口统计学和学术变量,以解释与学生选择 STEM 课程相关的许多常见问题。我们考虑了两个衡量 STEM 参与情况的指标:高中先修课程(AP)考试和大学专业。使用这两个衡量指标,我们发现,在不同的模型规格中,STEM 与投票之间的估计关系幅度都很小--与单个 "走出投票站 "邮件的影响大小差不多。我们的分析表明,平均而言,在高中和大学中略微增加 STEM 课程并不会明显导致美国年轻人的投票率偏低。
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引用次数: 0
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American Educational Research Journal
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