Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1017/s0020818323000140
Jane Vaynman, Tristan A. Volpe
Abstract Almost all technology is dual use to some degree: it has both civilian and military applications. This feature creates a dilemma for cooperation. States can design arms control institutions to curtail costly competition over some military technology. But they also do not want to limit valuable civilian uses. How does the dual use nature of technology shape the prospects for cooperation? We argue that the duality of technology presents a challenge not by its very existence but rather through the ways it alters information constraints on the design of arms control institutions. We characterize variation in technology along two dual use dimensions: (1) the ease of distinguishing military from civilian uses; and (2) the degree of integration within military enterprises and the civilian economy. Distinguishability drives the level of monitoring needed to detect violations. When a weapon is indistinguishable from its civilian counterpart, states must improve detection though intelligence collection or intrusive inspections. Integration sharpens the costs of disclosing information to another state. For highly integrated technology, demonstrating compliance could expose information about other capabilities, increasing the security risks from espionage. Together, these dimensions generate expectations about the specific information problems states face as they try to devise agreements over various technologies. We introduce a new qualitative data set to assess both variables and their impact on cooperation across all modern armament technologies. The findings lend strong support for the theory. Efforts to control emerging technologies should consider how variation in the dual use attributes shapes this tension between detection and disclosure.
{"title":"Dual Use Deception: How Technology Shapes Cooperation in International Relations","authors":"Jane Vaynman, Tristan A. Volpe","doi":"10.1017/s0020818323000140","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818323000140","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract Almost all technology is dual use to some degree: it has both civilian and military applications. This feature creates a dilemma for cooperation. States can design arms control institutions to curtail costly competition over some military technology. But they also do not want to limit valuable civilian uses. How does the dual use nature of technology shape the prospects for cooperation? We argue that the duality of technology presents a challenge not by its very existence but rather through the ways it alters information constraints on the design of arms control institutions. We characterize variation in technology along two dual use dimensions: (1) the ease of distinguishing military from civilian uses; and (2) the degree of integration within military enterprises and the civilian economy. Distinguishability drives the level of monitoring needed to detect violations. When a weapon is indistinguishable from its civilian counterpart, states must improve detection though intelligence collection or intrusive inspections. Integration sharpens the costs of disclosing information to another state. For highly integrated technology, demonstrating compliance could expose information about other capabilities, increasing the security risks from espionage. Together, these dimensions generate expectations about the specific information problems states face as they try to devise agreements over various technologies. We introduce a new qualitative data set to assess both variables and their impact on cooperation across all modern armament technologies. The findings lend strong support for the theory. Efforts to control emerging technologies should consider how variation in the dual use attributes shapes this tension between detection and disclosure.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"45 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135784066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-01-01DOI: 10.1017/s0020818323000164
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
{"title":"INO volume 77 issue 3 Cover and Front matter","authors":"","doi":"10.1017/s0020818323000164","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818323000164","url":null,"abstract":"An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"271 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135494957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Background: The hippocampus and amygdala are densely interconnected structures that work together in multiple affective and cognitive processes that are important to the etiology of major depressive disorder (MDD). Each of these structures consists of several heterogeneous subfields. We aim to explore the topologic properties of the volume-based intrinsic network within the hippocampus-amygdala complex in medication-naïve patients with first-episode MDD.
Methods: High-resolution T1-weighted magnetic resonance imaging scans were acquired from 123 first-episode, medication-naïve, and noncomorbid MDD patients and 81 age-, sex-, and education level-matched healthy control participants (HCs). The structural covariance network (SCN) was constructed for each group using the volumes of the hippocampal subfields and amygdala subregions; the weights of the edges were defined by the partial correlation coefficients between each pair of subfields/subregions, controlled for age, sex, education level, and intracranial volume. The global and nodal graph metrics were calculated and compared between groups.
Results: Compared with HCs, the SCN within the hippocampus-amygdala complex in patients with MDD showed a shortened mean characteristic path length, reduced modularity, and reduced small-worldness index. At the nodal level, the left hippocampal tail showed increased measures of centrality, segregation, and integration, while nodes in the left amygdala showed decreased measures of centrality, segregation, and integration in patients with MDD compared with HCs.
Conclusion: Our results provide the first evidence of atypical topologic characteristics within the hippocampus-amygdala complex in patients with MDD using structure network analysis. It provides more delineate mechanism of those two structures that underlying neuropathologic process in MDD.
{"title":"Structural covariance network of the hippocampus-amygdala complex in medication-naïve patients with first-episode major depressive disorder.","authors":"Lianqing Zhang, Xinyue Hu, Yongbo Hu, Mengyue Tang, Hui Qiu, Ziyu Zhu, Yingxue Gao, Hailong Li, Weihong Kuang, Weidong Ji","doi":"10.1093/psyrad/kkac023","DOIUrl":"10.1093/psyrad/kkac023","url":null,"abstract":"<p><strong>Background: </strong>The hippocampus and amygdala are densely interconnected structures that work together in multiple affective and cognitive processes that are important to the etiology of major depressive disorder (MDD). Each of these structures consists of several heterogeneous subfields. We aim to explore the topologic properties of the volume-based intrinsic network within the hippocampus<b>-</b>amygdala complex in medication-naïve patients with first-episode MDD.</p><p><strong>Methods: </strong>High-resolution T1-weighted magnetic resonance imaging scans were acquired from 123 first-episode, medication-naïve, and noncomorbid MDD patients and 81 age-, sex-, and education level-matched healthy control participants (HCs). The structural covariance network (SCN) was constructed for each group using the volumes of the hippocampal subfields and amygdala subregions; the weights of the edges were defined by the partial correlation coefficients between each pair of subfields/subregions, controlled for age, sex, education level, and intracranial volume. The global and nodal graph metrics were calculated and compared between groups.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Compared with HCs, the SCN within the hippocampus<b>-</b>amygdala complex in patients with MDD showed a shortened mean characteristic path length, reduced modularity, and reduced small-worldness index. At the nodal level, the left hippocampal tail showed increased measures of centrality, segregation, and integration, while nodes in the left amygdala showed decreased measures of centrality, segregation, and integration in patients with MDD compared with HCs.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Our results provide the first evidence of atypical topologic characteristics within the hippocampus<b>-</b>amygdala complex in patients with MDD using structure network analysis. It provides more delineate mechanism of those two structures that underlying neuropathologic process in MDD.</p>","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"16 1","pages":"190-198"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC10917195/pdf/","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79108952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-14DOI: 10.1017/S0020818322000285
Thilo N. H. Albers, Morten Jerven, Marvin Suesse
Abstract What is the level of state capacity in developing countries today, and what have been its drivers over the past century? We construct a comprehensive new data set of tax and revenue collection for forty-six African polities from 1900 to 2015. Our data show that polities in Africa have been characterized by strong growth in fiscal capacity on average, but that substantial heterogeneity exists. The empirical analysis reveals that canonical state-building factors such as democratic institutions and interstate warfare have limited power to explain these divergent growth paths. On the other hand, accounting for the relationship between African polities and the international environment—through the availability of external finance and the legacy of colonialism—is key to understanding their differing investments in fiscal capacity. These insights add important nuances to established theories of state building. Not only can the availability of external finance deter investment in fiscal capacity, but it also moderates the efficacy of canonical state-building factors.
{"title":"The Fiscal State in Africa: Evidence from a Century of Growth","authors":"Thilo N. H. Albers, Morten Jerven, Marvin Suesse","doi":"10.1017/S0020818322000285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818322000285","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract What is the level of state capacity in developing countries today, and what have been its drivers over the past century? We construct a comprehensive new data set of tax and revenue collection for forty-six African polities from 1900 to 2015. Our data show that polities in Africa have been characterized by strong growth in fiscal capacity on average, but that substantial heterogeneity exists. The empirical analysis reveals that canonical state-building factors such as democratic institutions and interstate warfare have limited power to explain these divergent growth paths. On the other hand, accounting for the relationship between African polities and the international environment—through the availability of external finance and the legacy of colonialism—is key to understanding their differing investments in fiscal capacity. These insights add important nuances to established theories of state building. Not only can the availability of external finance deter investment in fiscal capacity, but it also moderates the efficacy of canonical state-building factors.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"77 1","pages":"65 - 101"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-12-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46874566","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-25DOI: 10.1017/S0020818322000261
Kyosuke Kikuta, Mamoru Uesugi
Abstract We examine whether politically irrelevant events can cause conflicts, by analyzing the effects of professional football games in Europe on protests in Africa—an unintended spillover across the continents. By expanding psychological theories, we argue that the outcomes of the football games in Europe can affect African people's subjective evaluation of domestic politicians, which in turn can trigger protests. By exploiting as-if random variation in the results of 15,102 close football games conditional on betting odds, we find that compared to draw games, close losses of African players’ teams increase peaceful protests in their original countries while not changing the likelihood of riots or armed conflicts. The effect is particularly large for non-ethnic protests targeted at a central government. Close losses also temporarily decrease people's trust in their country's leader. By contrast, close victories do not have equivalent or compensating effects on protests or public opinion. These results suggest asymmetric misattribution: people in Africa unreasonably blame domestic politicians for bad luck in European football games, prompting protests; but they do not credit politicians with football victories.
{"title":"Do Politically Irrelevant Events Cause Conflict? The Cross-continental Effects of European Professional Football on Protests in Africa","authors":"Kyosuke Kikuta, Mamoru Uesugi","doi":"10.1017/S0020818322000261","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818322000261","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract We examine whether politically irrelevant events can cause conflicts, by analyzing the effects of professional football games in Europe on protests in Africa—an unintended spillover across the continents. By expanding psychological theories, we argue that the outcomes of the football games in Europe can affect African people's subjective evaluation of domestic politicians, which in turn can trigger protests. By exploiting as-if random variation in the results of 15,102 close football games conditional on betting odds, we find that compared to draw games, close losses of African players’ teams increase peaceful protests in their original countries while not changing the likelihood of riots or armed conflicts. The effect is particularly large for non-ethnic protests targeted at a central government. Close losses also temporarily decrease people's trust in their country's leader. By contrast, close victories do not have equivalent or compensating effects on protests or public opinion. These results suggest asymmetric misattribution: people in Africa unreasonably blame domestic politicians for bad luck in European football games, prompting protests; but they do not credit politicians with football victories.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"77 1","pages":"179 - 216"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45292479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-25DOI: 10.1017/S0020818322000273
Stephen Chaudoin
Abstract How do international organizations change the discussion of human rights violations, and how does their message reach the broader public? I show that national media is a key conduit. I analyze media coverage from the Philippines to show that the content of media coverage of the “war on drugs” changed after a major decision by the International Criminal Court. The ICC increased the proportion of media coverage focusing on human rights by triggering contestation between pro- and anti-human-rights actors. Original survey experimental evidence shows that this coverage shift blunts the effect of ICC actions on support for the war on drugs. This highlights an indirect role for international organizations in shaping media coverage and helps explain why they have struggled to win public opinion battles. Though their actions amplify the voices of human rights supporters, media coverage concurrently amplifies the voices of their opponents, which can crowd out coverage that might otherwise have decreased support for problematic polices.
{"title":"How International Organizations Change National Media Coverage of Human Rights","authors":"Stephen Chaudoin","doi":"10.1017/S0020818322000273","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818322000273","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract How do international organizations change the discussion of human rights violations, and how does their message reach the broader public? I show that national media is a key conduit. I analyze media coverage from the Philippines to show that the content of media coverage of the “war on drugs” changed after a major decision by the International Criminal Court. The ICC increased the proportion of media coverage focusing on human rights by triggering contestation between pro- and anti-human-rights actors. Original survey experimental evidence shows that this coverage shift blunts the effect of ICC actions on support for the war on drugs. This highlights an indirect role for international organizations in shaping media coverage and helps explain why they have struggled to win public opinion battles. Though their actions amplify the voices of human rights supporters, media coverage concurrently amplifies the voices of their opponents, which can crowd out coverage that might otherwise have decreased support for problematic polices.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"77 1","pages":"238 - 261"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45425684","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-12DOI: 10.1017/S0020818322000248
Brandon K. Yoder, William Spaniel
Abstract This article presents a formal model that shows how states can credibly reassure each other simply by maintaining a cooperative outward narrative. The reassurance literature to date has focused largely on costly signaling, whereby benign states must distinguish themselves by taking specific actions that hostile types would not. The mere lack of overtly expressed hostility without costly signals has been considered “cheap talk,” on the assumption that this behavior is costless for hostile states and thus uninformative. In contrast, this paper argues that maintaining a cooperative façade while secretly formulating and executing exploitative policies carries inherent trade-offs, and thus constitutes a credible reassurance signal. Foreign policy planning and implementation requires communication among various individuals, groups, and organizations, which has some probability of being observed and punished by outside actors. Yet efforts to conceal the policymaking process and reduce this probability are costly—they require investments in internal monitoring and restrictions on internal communication that can substantially degrade policy outcomes. Thus, to the extent that a state's foreign policymaking process is transparent—that is, that concealing internal communications is difficult—the absence of positive signals of hostility is a credible signal of its benign intentions. The argument is illustrated with a case study of German reassurance signals during the July Crisis preceding World War I.
{"title":"Costly Concealment: Secret Foreign Policymaking, Transparency, and Credible Reassurance","authors":"Brandon K. Yoder, William Spaniel","doi":"10.1017/S0020818322000248","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818322000248","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract This article presents a formal model that shows how states can credibly reassure each other simply by maintaining a cooperative outward narrative. The reassurance literature to date has focused largely on costly signaling, whereby benign states must distinguish themselves by taking specific actions that hostile types would not. The mere lack of overtly expressed hostility without costly signals has been considered “cheap talk,” on the assumption that this behavior is costless for hostile states and thus uninformative. In contrast, this paper argues that maintaining a cooperative façade while secretly formulating and executing exploitative policies carries inherent trade-offs, and thus constitutes a credible reassurance signal. Foreign policy planning and implementation requires communication among various individuals, groups, and organizations, which has some probability of being observed and punished by outside actors. Yet efforts to conceal the policymaking process and reduce this probability are costly—they require investments in internal monitoring and restrictions on internal communication that can substantially degrade policy outcomes. Thus, to the extent that a state's foreign policymaking process is transparent—that is, that concealing internal communications is difficult—the absence of positive signals of hostility is a credible signal of its benign intentions. The argument is illustrated with a case study of German reassurance signals during the July Crisis preceding World War I.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"76 1","pages":"868 - 900"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45468698","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-11DOI: 10.1017/s0020818300012819
L. Knauer, Susan W. Blank, Jessie R. Janjigian
In the following index, agenda items considered by major organizations are listed by topic rather than under the organ in which they are discussed. Committees and commissions of major organizations have been listed independently except in the case of the seven main committees of the General Assembly which are listed under the heading General Assembly. References to organs of smaller organizations have been listed under the organization. For statements of policy made by national representatives, refer to the subheadings under the representative's country. Abbreviations in parentheses following an entry indicate the larger body of which it is a part. The pagination of Volume XIX is as follows: Number 1, Winter 1965, pp. 1-162; Number 2, Spring 1965, pp. 163-366; Number 3, Summer 1965, pp. 367-846; Number 4, Autumn 1965, pp. 847-1094.
{"title":"Index","authors":"L. Knauer, Susan W. Blank, Jessie R. Janjigian","doi":"10.1017/s0020818300012819","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/s0020818300012819","url":null,"abstract":"In the following index, agenda items considered by major organizations are listed by topic rather than under the organ in which they are discussed. Committees and commissions of major organizations have been listed independently except in the case of the seven main committees of the General Assembly which are listed under the heading General Assembly. References to organs of smaller organizations have been listed under the organization. For statements of policy made by national representatives, refer to the subheadings under the representative's country. Abbreviations in parentheses following an entry indicate the larger body of which it is a part. The pagination of Volume XIX is as follows: Number 1, Winter 1965, pp. 1-162; Number 2, Spring 1965, pp. 163-366; Number 3, Summer 1965, pp. 367-846; Number 4, Autumn 1965, pp. 847-1094.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"19 1","pages":"1095 - 1130"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1017/s0020818300012819","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46984091","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-10DOI: 10.1017/S002081832200025X
Tom Long, C. Schulz
Abstract International organizations come in many shapes and sizes. Within this institutional gamut, the multipurpose multilateral intergovernmental organization (MMIGO) plays a central role. This institutional form is often traced to the creation of the League of Nations, but in fact the first MMIGO emerged in the Western Hemisphere at the close of the nineteenth century. Originally modeled on a single-issue European public international union, the Commercial Bureau of the American Republics evolved into the multipurpose, multilateral Pan American Union (PAU). Contrary to prominent explanations of institutional genesis, the PAU's design did not result from functional needs nor from the blueprints of a hegemonic power. Advancing a recent synthesis between historical and rational institutionalism, we argue that the first MMIGO arose through a process of compensatory layering: a mechanism whereby a sequence of bargains over control and scope leads to gradual but transformative institutional change. We expect compensatory layering to occur when an organization is focal, power asymmetries among members of that organization are large, and preferences over institutional design diverge. Our empirical and theoretical contributions demonstrate the value a more global international relations (IR) perspective can bring to the study of institutional design. international relations (IR) scholars have long noted that international organizations provide smaller states with voice opportunities; our account suggests those spaces may be of smaller states’ own making.
{"title":"Compensatory Layering and the Birth of the Multipurpose Multilateral IGO in the Americas","authors":"Tom Long, C. Schulz","doi":"10.1017/S002081832200025X","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S002081832200025X","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract International organizations come in many shapes and sizes. Within this institutional gamut, the multipurpose multilateral intergovernmental organization (MMIGO) plays a central role. This institutional form is often traced to the creation of the League of Nations, but in fact the first MMIGO emerged in the Western Hemisphere at the close of the nineteenth century. Originally modeled on a single-issue European public international union, the Commercial Bureau of the American Republics evolved into the multipurpose, multilateral Pan American Union (PAU). Contrary to prominent explanations of institutional genesis, the PAU's design did not result from functional needs nor from the blueprints of a hegemonic power. Advancing a recent synthesis between historical and rational institutionalism, we argue that the first MMIGO arose through a process of compensatory layering: a mechanism whereby a sequence of bargains over control and scope leads to gradual but transformative institutional change. We expect compensatory layering to occur when an organization is focal, power asymmetries among members of that organization are large, and preferences over institutional design diverge. Our empirical and theoretical contributions demonstrate the value a more global international relations (IR) perspective can bring to the study of institutional design. international relations (IR) scholars have long noted that international organizations provide smaller states with voice opportunities; our account suggests those spaces may be of smaller states’ own making.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"77 1","pages":"1 - 32"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48880036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-08-22DOI: 10.1017/S0020818322000169
Minseon Ku, Jennifer Mitzen
Abstract International relations theory has had a trust revival, with scholars focusing on how trust can enhance interpersonal cooperation attempts between leaders. We propose there is another type of trust at play in world politics. International system trust is a feeling of confidence in the international social order, which is indexed especially by trust in its central unit, state persons. System trust anchors ontological security, and its presence is an unstated assumption of the international relations trust scholarship. In this paper we conceptualize system trust. We illuminate its presence by flagging the production of state personhood in a familiar case in international relations trust scholarship, the 1985 Geneva Summit between Reagan and Gorbachev. Interpersonal and system trust perspectives highlight different aspects of the same summit. The juxtaposition suggests new lines of research into the production of state persons in diplomacy, the relationship between interpersonal and system trust, and the impact of the rise of personalistic/patrimonial leadership on diplomacy and international order.
{"title":"The Dark Matter of World Politics: System Trust, Summits, and State Personhood","authors":"Minseon Ku, Jennifer Mitzen","doi":"10.1017/S0020818322000169","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020818322000169","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract International relations theory has had a trust revival, with scholars focusing on how trust can enhance interpersonal cooperation attempts between leaders. We propose there is another type of trust at play in world politics. International system trust is a feeling of confidence in the international social order, which is indexed especially by trust in its central unit, state persons. System trust anchors ontological security, and its presence is an unstated assumption of the international relations trust scholarship. In this paper we conceptualize system trust. We illuminate its presence by flagging the production of state personhood in a familiar case in international relations trust scholarship, the 1985 Geneva Summit between Reagan and Gorbachev. Interpersonal and system trust perspectives highlight different aspects of the same summit. The juxtaposition suggests new lines of research into the production of state persons in diplomacy, the relationship between interpersonal and system trust, and the impact of the rise of personalistic/patrimonial leadership on diplomacy and international order.","PeriodicalId":48388,"journal":{"name":"International Organization","volume":"76 1","pages":"799 - 829"},"PeriodicalIF":7.8,"publicationDate":"2022-08-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46847104","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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