American Sociological Review最新文献_第8页

Intersecting the Academic Gender Gap: The Education of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual America 跨越学术性别差距：美国女同性恋、男同性恋和双性恋者的教育

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221075776

Joel Mittleman

Although gender is central to contemporary accounts of educational stratification, sexuality has been largely invisible as a population-level axis of academic inequality. Taking advantage of major recent data expansions, the current study establishes sexuality as a core dimension of educational stratification in the United States. First, I analyze lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) adults’ college completion rates: overall, by race/ethnicity, and by birth cohort. Then, using new data from the High School Longitudinal Survey of 2009, I analyze LGB students’ performance on a full range of achievement and attainment measures. Across analyses, I reveal two demographic facts. First, women’s rising academic advantages are largely confined to straight women: although lesbian women historically outpaced straight women, in contemporary cohorts, lesbian and bisexual women face significant academic disadvantages. Second, boys’ well-documented underperformance obscures one group with remarkably high levels of school success: gay boys. Given these facts, I propose that marginalization from hegemonic gender norms has important—but asymmetric—impacts on men’s and women’s academic success. To illustrate this point, I apply what I call a “gender predictive” approach, using supervised machine learning methods to uncover patterns of inequality otherwise obscured by the binary sex/gender measures typically available in population research.

尽管性别是当代教育分层的核心，但性作为学术不平等的人口层面的轴心，在很大程度上是看不见的。利用最近的主要数据扩展，目前的研究将性行为确立为美国教育分层的核心维度。首先，我分析了女同性恋、男同性恋和双性恋（LGB）成年人的大学毕业率：总体而言，按种族/民族和出生队列。然后，利用2009年高中纵向调查的新数据，我分析了LGB学生在一系列成就和成就衡量标准上的表现。通过分析，我揭示了两个人口统计事实。首先，女性日益增长的学术优势在很大程度上局限于异性恋女性：尽管女同性恋女性在历史上超过了异性恋女性，但在当代群体中，女同性恋和双性恋女性面临着严重的学术劣势。其次，男孩们有据可查的表现不佳掩盖了一个在学校取得显著成功的群体：男同性恋。鉴于这些事实，我认为，被霸权性别规范边缘化对男性和女性的学术成功有着重要但不对称的影响。为了说明这一点，我应用了我所说的“性别预测”方法，使用监督机器学习方法来揭示不平等模式，否则就会被人口研究中通常可用的二元性别/性别测量所掩盖。

{"title":"Intersecting the Academic Gender Gap: The Education of Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual America","authors":"Joel Mittleman","doi":"10.1177/00031224221075776","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224221075776","url":null,"abstract":"Although gender is central to contemporary accounts of educational stratification, sexuality has been largely invisible as a population-level axis of academic inequality. Taking advantage of major recent data expansions, the current study establishes sexuality as a core dimension of educational stratification in the United States. First, I analyze lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) adults’ college completion rates: overall, by race/ethnicity, and by birth cohort. Then, using new data from the High School Longitudinal Survey of 2009, I analyze LGB students’ performance on a full range of achievement and attainment measures. Across analyses, I reveal two demographic facts. First, women’s rising academic advantages are largely confined to straight women: although lesbian women historically outpaced straight women, in contemporary cohorts, lesbian and bisexual women face significant academic disadvantages. Second, boys’ well-documented underperformance obscures one group with remarkably high levels of school success: gay boys. Given these facts, I propose that marginalization from hegemonic gender norms has important—but asymmetric—impacts on men’s and women’s academic success. To illustrate this point, I apply what I call a “gender predictive” approach, using supervised machine learning methods to uncover patterns of inequality otherwise obscured by the binary sex/gender measures typically available in population research.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47122122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 14

Criminalizing Poverty: The Consequences of Court Fees in a Randomized Experiment 将贫困定罪:随机实验中法院费用的后果

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/00031224221075783

D. Pager, Rebecca Goldstein, Helen Ho, B. Western

Court-related fines and fees are widely levied on criminal defendants who are frequently poor and have little capacity to pay. Such financial obligations may produce a criminalization of poverty, where later court involvement results not from crime but from an inability to meet the financial burdens of the legal process. We test this hypothesis using a randomized controlled trial of court-related fee relief for misdemeanor defendants in Oklahoma County, Oklahoma. We find that relief from fees does not affect new criminal charges, convictions, or jail bookings after 12 months. However, control respondents were subject to debt collection efforts at significantly higher rates that involved new warrants, additional court debt, tax refund garnishment, and referral to a private debt collector. Despite significant efforts at debt collection among those in the control group, payments to the court totaled less than 5 percent of outstanding debt. The evidence indicates that court debt charged to indigent defendants neither caused nor deterred new crime, and the government obtained little financial benefit. Yet, fines and fees contributed to a criminalization of low-income defendants, placing them at risk of ongoing court involvement through new warrants and debt collection.

与法院相关的罚款和费用被广泛征收给那些经常贫穷且几乎没有支付能力的刑事被告。这种财政义务可能会导致贫困被定罪，因为后来法院的介入不是因为犯罪，而是因为无法承担法律程序的财政负担。我们在俄克拉荷马州俄克拉何马县对轻罪被告的法庭相关费用减免进行了随机对照试验，检验了这一假设。我们发现，减免费用不会影响12个月后新的刑事指控、定罪或监禁。然而，对照组受访者的债务催收工作的利率要高得多，包括新的认股权证、额外的法院债务、退税扣押和转介给私人债务催收员。尽管对照组在债务催收方面做出了重大努力，但向法院支付的款项总额不到未偿债务的5%。证据表明，向贫困被告收取的法庭债务既没有引起也没有阻止新的犯罪，政府也没有获得多少经济利益。然而，罚款和费用助长了对低收入被告的刑事定罪，使他们面临通过新的逮捕令和债务催收持续参与法庭的风险。

{"title":"Criminalizing Poverty: The Consequences of Court Fees in a Randomized Experiment","authors":"D. Pager, Rebecca Goldstein, Helen Ho, B. Western","doi":"10.1177/00031224221075783","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224221075783","url":null,"abstract":"Court-related fines and fees are widely levied on criminal defendants who are frequently poor and have little capacity to pay. Such financial obligations may produce a criminalization of poverty, where later court involvement results not from crime but from an inability to meet the financial burdens of the legal process. We test this hypothesis using a randomized controlled trial of court-related fee relief for misdemeanor defendants in Oklahoma County, Oklahoma. We find that relief from fees does not affect new criminal charges, convictions, or jail bookings after 12 months. However, control respondents were subject to debt collection efforts at significantly higher rates that involved new warrants, additional court debt, tax refund garnishment, and referral to a private debt collector. Despite significant efforts at debt collection among those in the control group, payments to the court totaled less than 5 percent of outstanding debt. The evidence indicates that court debt charged to indigent defendants neither caused nor deterred new crime, and the government obtained little financial benefit. Yet, fines and fees contributed to a criminalization of low-income defendants, placing them at risk of ongoing court involvement through new warrants and debt collection.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49229462","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 15

Bloodlines: National Border Crossings and Antisemitism in Weimar Germany 血统:魏玛德国的国家边境过境和反犹主义

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-02-12 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211071145

R. Braun

This article argues that national border crossings act as focal points for xenophobia. Two mechanisms converge to produce this pattern. First, when the nation-state is under pressure, border crossings make cross-national differences salient, producing a perceived link between international forces and socioeconomic problems of vulnerable social classes. Second, border crossings come to symbolize international threats and attract aggressive nationalist mobilization by radical movements who frame ethnic outsiders as an international evil. In this distinct spatial landscape, ethnic outsiders become scapegoats for broader social problems among individuals losing social status. I develop my argument through the study of local variation in antisemitism in Weimar Germany before the Holocaust. Statistical analysis of Jewish bogeymen and an in-depth exploration of local reports on antisemitism reveal how pluralism in the Weimar Republic started eroding among members of the lower-middle class living at the margins of the state. In doing so, I draw attention to the spatial sources of xenophobia and demonstrate that borders between nations activate borders within nations, shedding new light on the complicated relationship between pluralism and state formation.

这篇文章认为，国家过境点是仇外心理的焦点。两种机制汇聚在一起产生了这种模式。首先，当民族国家面临压力时，过境使跨国家差异凸显，在国际力量和弱势社会阶层的社会经济问题之间产生了明显的联系。其次，过境点象征着国际威胁，并吸引了激进运动的激进民族主义动员，他们将外来种族定性为国际邪恶。在这种独特的空间景观中，外来种族成为失去社会地位的个人中更广泛社会问题的替罪羊。我通过研究大屠杀前魏玛德国反犹太主义的地方差异来发展我的论点。对犹太怪物的统计分析和对当地反犹太主义报告的深入探索揭示了魏玛共和国的多元主义是如何在生活在国家边缘的中下层成员中开始侵蚀的。在这样做的过程中，我提请人们注意仇外心理的空间来源，并表明国家之间的边界激活了国家内部的边界，为多元化和国家形成之间的复杂关系提供了新的线索。

{"title":"Bloodlines: National Border Crossings and Antisemitism in Weimar Germany","authors":"R. Braun","doi":"10.1177/00031224211071145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224211071145","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that national border crossings act as focal points for xenophobia. Two mechanisms converge to produce this pattern. First, when the nation-state is under pressure, border crossings make cross-national differences salient, producing a perceived link between international forces and socioeconomic problems of vulnerable social classes. Second, border crossings come to symbolize international threats and attract aggressive nationalist mobilization by radical movements who frame ethnic outsiders as an international evil. In this distinct spatial landscape, ethnic outsiders become scapegoats for broader social problems among individuals losing social status. I develop my argument through the study of local variation in antisemitism in Weimar Germany before the Holocaust. Statistical analysis of Jewish bogeymen and an in-depth exploration of local reports on antisemitism reveal how pluralism in the Weimar Republic started eroding among members of the lower-middle class living at the margins of the state. In doing so, I draw attention to the spatial sources of xenophobia and demonstrate that borders between nations activate borders within nations, shedding new light on the complicated relationship between pluralism and state formation.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46882653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 2

Public Investments and Class Gaps in Parents' Developmental Expenditures. 公共投资和父母发展支出的阶级差距。

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211069975

Margot I Jackson, Daniel Schneider

Families and governments are the primary sources of investment in children, providing access to basic resources and other developmental opportunities. Recent research identifies significant class gaps in parental investments that contribute to high levels of inequality by family income and education. State-level public investments in children and families have the potential to reduce class inequality in children's developmental environments by affecting parents' behavior. Using newly assembled administrative data from 1998-2014, linked to household-level data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey, we examine how public sector investment in income support, health and education is associated with the private expenditures of low and high-SES parents on developmental items for children. Are class gaps in parental investments in children narrower in contexts of higher public investment for children and families? We find that more generous public spending for children and families is associated with significantly narrower class gaps in private parental investments. Moreover, we find that equalization is driven by bottom up increases in low-SES households' developmental spending in response to the progressive state investments of income support and health, and by top down decreases in high-SES households' developmental spending in response to the universal state investment of public education.

家庭和政府是儿童投资的主要来源，提供获得基本资源和其他发展机会的机会。最近的研究发现，在父母投资方面存在显著的阶级差距，这导致了家庭收入和教育的高度不平等。国家层面对儿童和家庭的公共投资有可能通过影响父母的行为来减少儿童发展环境中的阶级不平等。我们使用1998-2014年新收集的行政数据，并将其与消费者支出调查的家庭层面数据联系起来，研究了公共部门在收入支持、卫生和教育方面的投资与低收入和高社会经济地位父母在儿童发展项目上的私人支出之间的关系。在对儿童和家庭进行更高的公共投资的背景下，父母对儿童投资的阶级差距会缩小吗?我们发现，对儿童和家庭的更慷慨的公共支出与私人父母投资的阶级差距显着缩小有关。此外，我们发现，由于国家对收入支持和健康的逐步投资，低社会经济地位家庭的发展支出自下而上地增加，而高社会经济地位家庭的发展支出自上而下地减少，这是对国家对公共教育的普遍投资的回应。

{"title":"Public Investments and Class Gaps in Parents' Developmental Expenditures.","authors":"Margot I Jackson, Daniel Schneider","doi":"10.1177/00031224211069975","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224211069975","url":null,"abstract":"Families and governments are the primary sources of investment in children, providing access to basic resources and other developmental opportunities. Recent research identifies significant class gaps in parental investments that contribute to high levels of inequality by family income and education. State-level public investments in children and families have the potential to reduce class inequality in children's developmental environments by affecting parents' behavior. Using newly assembled administrative data from 1998-2014, linked to household-level data from the Consumer Expenditure Survey, we examine how public sector investment in income support, health and education is associated with the private expenditures of low and high-SES parents on developmental items for children. Are class gaps in parental investments in children narrower in contexts of higher public investment for children and families? We find that more generous public spending for children and families is associated with significantly narrower class gaps in private parental investments. Moreover, we find that equalization is driven by bottom up increases in low-SES households' developmental spending in response to the progressive state investments of income support and health, and by top down decreases in high-SES households' developmental spending in response to the universal state investment of public education.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9974177/pdf/nihms-1824504.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10860166","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 13

Heterogeneous Effects of Intergenerational Social Mobility: An Improved Method and New Evidence. 代际社会流动的异质效应：改进的方法和新证据

IF 7.1 1区社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-02-01 Epub Date: 2021-12-03 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211052028

Liying Luo

Intergenerational social mobility has immense implications for individuals' well-being, attitudes, and behaviors. However, previous methods may be unreliable for estimating heterogeneous mobility effects, especially in the presence of moderate- or large-scale intergenerational mobility. We propose an improved method, called the "mobility contrast model" (MCM). Using simulation evidence, we demonstrated that the MCM is more flexible and reliable for estimating and testing heterogeneous mobility effects, and the results are robust to the scale of intergenerational mobility. We revisited the debate about the effect of mobility on fertility and analyzed data from the 1962 Occupational Changes in a Generation Study (OCG-1) and more recent data from the 1974 through 2018 General Social Survey (GSS) using both previous models and the MCM. The MCM suggested a small association between fertility and occupational mobility in the GSS data but substantial and heterogeneous educational mobility effects on fertility in the OCG-1 and the GSS. Such effects were difficult to pinpoint using previous methods because mobility effects of different magnitudes and opposite directions among mobility groups may cancel out. The new method can be extended to investigate the effect of intergenerational mobility across multiple generations and other research areas including immigrant assimilation and heterogamy.

代际社会流动对个人的福祉、态度和行为有着巨大的影响。然而，以往的方法在估计异质性流动效应时可能并不可靠，尤其是在存在中度或大规模代际流动的情况下。我们提出了一种改进的方法，称为 "流动性对比模型"（MCM）。通过模拟证据，我们证明了 MCM 在估计和检验异质性流动效应方面更加灵活可靠，而且其结果对代际流动的规模具有稳健性。我们再次讨论了流动性对生育率的影响，并使用以前的模型和 MCM 分析了 1962 年《一代人的职业变化研究》（OCG-1）中的数据以及 1974 年至 2018 年《一般社会调查》（GSS）中的最新数据。MCM表明，在GSS数据中，生育率与职业流动性之间的关联很小，但在OCG-1和GSS中，教育流动性对生育率的影响很大，而且是异质性的。用以前的方法很难确定这种影响，因为流动群体之间不同程度和相反方向的流动影响可能会抵消。新方法可以扩展到研究多代人之间的代际流动效应以及其他研究领域，包括移民同化和异配。

{"title":"Heterogeneous Effects of Intergenerational Social Mobility: An Improved Method and New Evidence.","authors":"Liying Luo","doi":"10.1177/00031224211052028","DOIUrl":"10.1177/00031224211052028","url":null,"abstract":"Intergenerational social mobility has immense implications for individuals' well-being, attitudes, and behaviors. However, previous methods may be unreliable for estimating heterogeneous mobility effects, especially in the presence of moderate- or large-scale intergenerational mobility. We propose an improved method, called the \"mobility contrast model\" (MCM). Using simulation evidence, we demonstrated that the MCM is more flexible and reliable for estimating and testing heterogeneous mobility effects, and the results are robust to the scale of intergenerational mobility. We revisited the debate about the effect of mobility on fertility and analyzed data from the 1962 Occupational Changes in a Generation Study (OCG-1) and more recent data from the 1974 through 2018 General Social Survey (GSS) using both previous models and the MCM. The MCM suggested a small association between fertility and occupational mobility in the GSS data but substantial and heterogeneous educational mobility effects on fertility in the OCG-1 and the GSS. Such effects were difficult to pinpoint using previous methods because mobility effects of different magnitudes and opposite directions among mobility groups may cancel out. The new method can be extended to investigate the effect of intergenerational mobility across multiple generations and other research areas including immigrant assimilation and heterogamy.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":7.1,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC9850847/pdf/nihms-1849299.pdf","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10598907","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Another Person’s Peril: Peanut Allergy, Risk Perceptions, and Responsible Sociality 另一个人的危险:花生过敏，风险感知，和负责任的社会

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-01-12 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211067773

Michaela DeSoucey, M. Waggoner

This article examines perceptions of health risk when some individuals within a shared space are in heightened danger but anyone, including unaffected others, can be a vector of risk. Using the case of peanut allergy and drawing on qualitative content analysis of the public comments submitted in response to an unsuccessful 2010 U.S. Department of Transportation proposal to prohibit peanuts on airplanes, we analyze contention over the boundaries of responsibility for mitigating exposure to risk. We find three key dimensions of proximity to risk (material, social, and situational) characterizing ardent claims both for and against policy enactment. These proximity concerns underlay commenters’ sensemaking about fear, trust, rights, moral obligations, and liberty in the act of sharing space with others, while allowing them to stake positions on what we call “responsible sociality”—an ethic of discernible empathy for proximate others and of consideration for public benefit in social and communal settings. We conclude by discussing the insights our case affords several other areas of scholarship attentive to the intractable yet timely question of “for whom do we care?”

本文研究了当共享空间中的一些人处于高度危险之中，但任何人，包括未受影响的其他人，都可能成为风险载体时，人们对健康风险的看法。以花生过敏案例为例，并对2010年美国运输部禁止飞机上花生的提案所提交的公众意见进行定性内容分析，我们分析了减轻风险暴露责任界限的争论。我们发现风险接近的三个关键维度(物质、社会和情境)表征了支持和反对政策制定的热心主张。在与他人分享空间的行为中，这些对邻近性的关注奠定了评论者对恐惧、信任、权利、道德义务和自由的理解，同时允许他们在我们所谓的“负责任的社会”上建立立场——这是一种对邻近他人的明显同情和对社会和公共环境中公共利益的考虑的伦理。最后，我们将讨论我们的案例提供给其他几个学术领域的见解，这些领域关注“我们关心谁?”这个棘手而及时的问题。

{"title":"Another Person’s Peril: Peanut Allergy, Risk Perceptions, and Responsible Sociality","authors":"Michaela DeSoucey, M. Waggoner","doi":"10.1177/00031224211067773","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224211067773","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines perceptions of health risk when some individuals within a shared space are in heightened danger but anyone, including unaffected others, can be a vector of risk. Using the case of peanut allergy and drawing on qualitative content analysis of the public comments submitted in response to an unsuccessful 2010 U.S. Department of Transportation proposal to prohibit peanuts on airplanes, we analyze contention over the boundaries of responsibility for mitigating exposure to risk. We find three key dimensions of proximity to risk (material, social, and situational) characterizing ardent claims both for and against policy enactment. These proximity concerns underlay commenters’ sensemaking about fear, trust, rights, moral obligations, and liberty in the act of sharing space with others, while allowing them to stake positions on what we call “responsible sociality”—an ethic of discernible empathy for proximate others and of consideration for public benefit in social and communal settings. We conclude by discussing the insights our case affords several other areas of scholarship attentive to the intractable yet timely question of “for whom do we care?”","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47899827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 6

Alternative View of Modernity: The Subaltern Speaks 现代性的另类观点:次等人的话语

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211065719

Aldon D Morris

This article derives from my 2021 ASA presidential address. I examine how sociologists including Karl Marx, Emile Durkheim, Max Weber, and white American sociologists have omitted key determinants of modernity in their accounts of this pivotal development in world history. Those determinants are white supremacy, western empires, racial hierarchies, colonization, slavery, Jim Crow, patriarchy, and resistance movements. This article demonstrates that any accounts omitting these determinants will only produce an anemic and misleading analysis of modernity. The central argument maintains that the sociologist W. E. B. Du Bois developed a superior analysis of modernity by analytically centering these determinants. I conclude by making a case for the development of an emancipatory sociology in the tradition of Du Boisian critical sociological thought.

这篇文章来源于我2021年ASA主席的演讲。我研究了包括卡尔·马克思、埃米尔·涂尔干、马克斯·韦伯和美国白人社会学家在内的社会学家，在他们对世界历史上这一关键发展的描述中，是如何忽略了现代性的关键决定因素的。这些决定因素是白人至上、西方帝国、种族等级、殖民、奴隶制、吉姆·克劳、父权制和抵抗运动。本文表明，任何忽略这些决定因素的解释只会产生对现代性的贫血和误导性分析。中心论点认为，社会学家W. E. B.杜波依斯通过集中分析这些决定因素，对现代性进行了卓越的分析。最后，我为杜波依斯批判社会学思想传统中解放社会学的发展提出了一个案例。

引用次数: 14

Technologies of Expertise: Opioids and Pain Management’s Credibility Crisis 专业技术：阿片类药物与疼痛管理的可信度危机

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2022-01-06 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211069567

Jane Pryma

Journalistic accounts of the opioid crisis often paint prescription opioids as the instrument of profit-minded pharmaceutical companies who enlisted pain specialists to overprescribe addictive drugs. Broadening beyond a focus on pharmaceutical power, this article offers a comparative-historical explanation, rooted in inter- and intra-professional dynamics, of the global increase in rates of opioid prescribing. Through archival analysis and in-depth interviews with pain specialists and public-health officials in the United States and France, I explain how and why opioids emerged as the “right tool for the job” of pain relief in the 1980s and 1990s, affecting how pain science is produced, pain management is administered, and a right to pain relief is promised in different national contexts. I argue that opioids, selected and destigmatized as the technology for pain relief, helped establish a global network of pain expertise, linking a fledgling field of pain specialists to the resources of global-health governance, public-health administration, humanitarian organizations, and pharmaceutical companies. I then compare how U.S. and French pain specialists leveraged opioids to strengthen the boundaries of their emergent fields. Pain specialists’ differing degrees of autonomy in each country’s network of pain expertise shaped the extent to which opioids could dominate pain management and lead to crisis. Tracing the relationship between opioids and pain expertise, I show how technologies can drive crises of expert credibility if and when they escape the control of the networked fields that selected them.

关于阿片类药物危机的新闻报道经常将处方阿片类药描绘成有盈利意识的制药公司的工具，这些公司招募疼痛专家来过量处方成瘾药物。这篇文章超越了对制药力量的关注，对全球阿片类药物处方率的上升提供了一个基于职业间和职业内动态的比较历史解释。通过档案分析和对美国和法国疼痛专家和公共卫生官员的深入采访，我解释了阿片类药物如何以及为什么在20世纪80年代和90年代成为止痛的“正确工具”，影响了疼痛科学的产生、疼痛管理的实施，以及在不同国家背景下承诺的止痛权利。我认为，阿片类药物被选为止痛技术并被消除了污名，有助于建立全球疼痛专家网络，将新兴的疼痛专家领域与全球卫生治理、公共卫生管理、人道主义组织和制药公司的资源联系起来。然后，我比较了美国和法国疼痛专家如何利用阿片类药物来加强其新兴领域的边界。疼痛专家在每个国家的疼痛专业知识网络中拥有不同程度的自主权，这决定了阿片类药物在多大程度上可能主导疼痛管理并导致危机。追踪阿片类药物和疼痛专业知识之间的关系，我展示了如果技术逃脱了选择它们的网络领域的控制，它们如何会引发专家可信度的危机。

{"title":"Technologies of Expertise: Opioids and Pain Management’s Credibility Crisis","authors":"Jane Pryma","doi":"10.1177/00031224211069567","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224211069567","url":null,"abstract":"Journalistic accounts of the opioid crisis often paint prescription opioids as the instrument of profit-minded pharmaceutical companies who enlisted pain specialists to overprescribe addictive drugs. Broadening beyond a focus on pharmaceutical power, this article offers a comparative-historical explanation, rooted in inter- and intra-professional dynamics, of the global increase in rates of opioid prescribing. Through archival analysis and in-depth interviews with pain specialists and public-health officials in the United States and France, I explain how and why opioids emerged as the “right tool for the job” of pain relief in the 1980s and 1990s, affecting how pain science is produced, pain management is administered, and a right to pain relief is promised in different national contexts. I argue that opioids, selected and destigmatized as the technology for pain relief, helped establish a global network of pain expertise, linking a fledgling field of pain specialists to the resources of global-health governance, public-health administration, humanitarian organizations, and pharmaceutical companies. I then compare how U.S. and French pain specialists leveraged opioids to strengthen the boundaries of their emergent fields. Pain specialists’ differing degrees of autonomy in each country’s network of pain expertise shaped the extent to which opioids could dominate pain management and lead to crisis. Tracing the relationship between opioids and pain expertise, I show how technologies can drive crises of expert credibility if and when they escape the control of the networked fields that selected them.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2022-01-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47503711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 3

Articulating the Pueblo Cubano: Women’s Politicization and Productivity in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959 to 1969 阐明古巴普韦布洛人:1959年至1969年革命时期古巴妇女的政治化和生产力

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2021-12-21 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211060836

J. Triplett

How do political actors forge social solidarity across preexisting axes of social difference? This article investigates how political elites undertaking projects of political articulation—understood as linking together diverse constituencies to create integrated political blocs—contend with preexisting cultural constraints embedded in the social fabric. I do so by tracing how the post-1959 Cuban regime attempted to build a population-wide revolutionary identity despite persisting cultural understandings of women primarily as apolitical housewives. Through systematic analysis of a large corpus of state discourse in the form of speeches and women’s magazines, I show how regime leaders negotiated, with varying degrees of success over time, the cultural constraints that gender posed to their unifying project. Ultimately, the regime’s initiatives to politicize women through including them in mass campaigns and radicalizing their traditional household tasks were relatively successful, but cultural backlash against women’s increasing presence in the labor force prompted the institutionalization of a gendered division of labor in the economy that traditionalized their initially radical entry into the workplace. Analyzing how political elites confront and manage social differences within political blocs promises to contribute to a better understanding of the political production of social solidarity and its downstream effects on categorical inequalities.

政治行为者如何在先前存在的社会差异轴上建立社会团结?本文研究了政治精英们如何进行政治衔接项目——将不同的选区联系在一起，创造一体化的政治集团——与嵌入在社会结构中的预先存在的文化约束作斗争。为此，我追溯了1959年后的古巴政权是如何试图建立一种全民革命的身份认同的，尽管文化上一直认为女性主要是不关心政治的家庭主妇。通过对以演讲和女性杂志为形式的大量国家话语的系统分析，我展示了政权领导人是如何谈判的，随着时间的推移，取得了不同程度的成功，性别对他们的统一计划构成了文化限制。最终，该政权通过将妇女纳入群众运动并使她们的传统家务激进化来将妇女政治化的举措相对成功，但对妇女在劳动力中日益增加的文化反弹促使经济中性别分工的制度化，使她们最初激进地进入工作场所变得传统。分析政治精英如何面对和管理政治集团内部的社会差异，有助于更好地理解社会团结的政治产物及其对绝对不平等的下游影响。

{"title":"Articulating the Pueblo Cubano: Women’s Politicization and Productivity in Revolutionary Cuba, 1959 to 1969","authors":"J. Triplett","doi":"10.1177/00031224211060836","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224211060836","url":null,"abstract":"How do political actors forge social solidarity across preexisting axes of social difference? This article investigates how political elites undertaking projects of political articulation—understood as linking together diverse constituencies to create integrated political blocs—contend with preexisting cultural constraints embedded in the social fabric. I do so by tracing how the post-1959 Cuban regime attempted to build a population-wide revolutionary identity despite persisting cultural understandings of women primarily as apolitical housewives. Through systematic analysis of a large corpus of state discourse in the form of speeches and women’s magazines, I show how regime leaders negotiated, with varying degrees of success over time, the cultural constraints that gender posed to their unifying project. Ultimately, the regime’s initiatives to politicize women through including them in mass campaigns and radicalizing their traditional household tasks were relatively successful, but cultural backlash against women’s increasing presence in the labor force prompted the institutionalization of a gendered division of labor in the economy that traditionalized their initially radical entry into the workplace. Analyzing how political elites confront and manage social differences within political blocs promises to contribute to a better understanding of the political production of social solidarity and its downstream effects on categorical inequalities.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41259872","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 0

Pathways toward Inclusive Income Growth: A Comparative Decomposition of National Growth Profiles 实现包容性收入增长的途径：国民增长概况的比较分解

IF 9.1 1区社会学 Q1 Social Sciences

American Sociological Review

Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00031224211054808

Zachary Parolin, J. Gornick

Despite rising interest in income inequality, scholars remain divided over the mechanisms underlying inclusive income growth and how these mechanisms vary across countries. This study introduces the concept of national growth profiles, that is, the additive contribution of changes in taxes, transfers, composition, and other factors including market institutions to changes across a country’s income distribution. We present a decomposition framework to measure national growth profiles for eight high-income countries from the 1980s to 2010s. Our findings adjudicate competing sociological and economic perspectives on rising inequality. First, we find that policy-driven changes in taxes and transfers are the dominant drivers of inclusive growth at the tails of the income distributions. Second, rising educational attainment contributes most to income growth across the distribution, but consistently contributes to less-inclusive growth. When changes in education are considered, changes in assortative mating and single parenthood have little consequence for changes in inequality. Third, changes to other factors including market institutions increased inequality in countries such as the United States, but less so in France and Germany. Had the United States matched the changes to Dutch tax policy, Danish transfer policy, or other factors of most other countries, it could have achieved more inclusive income growth than observed.

尽管人们对收入不平等越来越感兴趣，但学者们对包容性收入增长的基本机制以及这些机制在各国之间的差异仍存在分歧。本研究引入了国民增长概况的概念，即税收、转移支付、组成和其他因素（包括市场制度）的变化对一个国家收入分配变化的加性贡献。我们提出了一个分解框架来衡量八个高收入国家从20世纪80年代到2010年代的国民增长状况。我们的研究结果对不平等加剧的社会学和经济学观点进行了评判。首先，我们发现政策驱动的税收和转移支付变化是收入分配尾部包容性增长的主要驱动因素。其次，教育程度的提高对收入增长的贡献最大，但对包容性增长的贡献始终较小。当考虑到教育的变化时，择偶和单亲的变化对不平等的变化几乎没有影响。第三，包括市场制度在内的其他因素的变化加剧了美国等国的不平等，但法国和德国的不平等程度较低。如果美国与荷兰税收政策、丹麦转移政策或大多数其他国家的其他因素相匹配，它本可以实现比观察到的更具包容性的收入增长。

{"title":"Pathways toward Inclusive Income Growth: A Comparative Decomposition of National Growth Profiles","authors":"Zachary Parolin, J. Gornick","doi":"10.1177/00031224211054808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00031224211054808","url":null,"abstract":"Despite rising interest in income inequality, scholars remain divided over the mechanisms underlying inclusive income growth and how these mechanisms vary across countries. This study introduces the concept of national growth profiles, that is, the additive contribution of changes in taxes, transfers, composition, and other factors including market institutions to changes across a country’s income distribution. We present a decomposition framework to measure national growth profiles for eight high-income countries from the 1980s to 2010s. Our findings adjudicate competing sociological and economic perspectives on rising inequality. First, we find that policy-driven changes in taxes and transfers are the dominant drivers of inclusive growth at the tails of the income distributions. Second, rising educational attainment contributes most to income growth across the distribution, but consistently contributes to less-inclusive growth. When changes in education are considered, changes in assortative mating and single parenthood have little consequence for changes in inequality. Third, changes to other factors including market institutions increased inequality in countries such as the United States, but less so in France and Germany. Had the United States matched the changes to Dutch tax policy, Danish transfer policy, or other factors of most other countries, it could have achieved more inclusive income growth than observed.","PeriodicalId":48461,"journal":{"name":"American Sociological Review","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":9.1,"publicationDate":"2021-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42632890","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}

引用次数: 7