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Albert the Great on Climatic Determinism 阿尔伯特大帝的气候决定论
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240114
Vlad-Lucian Ile
The concept of ‘climate’ has evolved from its original meaning as an astronomical and geographical reality to a contemporary vision in which it appears as an entity that can be changed and affected by human beings. Long before arriving at the current state of affairs, the thirteenth-century notion of clima was closely related to the influence exerted by the heavens and the supra-terrestrial realm on terrestrial bodies that underwent generation and corruption. It is in this particular sense that we may speak of climate determinism: involving the formative and non-accidental action upon natural beings by climatic or regional conditions that were determined from above. This paper explores Albert the Great’s account of climatic determinism by relating the astronomical notion of clima with a pair of notions belonging to natural philosophy: locus and locatum. For this purpose, it will rely on the theory of natural places that Albert developed in De natura loci and in his other works of natural philosophy.
“气候”的概念已经从最初的天文和地理现实演变为当代的愿景,它似乎是一个可以被人类改变和影响的实体。早在事态发展到目前的状态之前,13世纪的气候概念就与天堂和超地球领域对经历了世代和腐败的地球身体的影响密切相关。正是在这种特殊意义上,我们可以谈论气候决定论:涉及从上面决定的气候或区域条件对自然生物的形成性和非偶然作用。本文探讨了阿尔伯特大帝对气候决定论的描述,将气候的天文概念与属于自然哲学的两个概念:地点和地点联系起来。为此,我们将依靠阿尔伯特在《自然地点论》(De natura loci)和其他自然哲学著作中提出的自然场所理论。
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引用次数: 0
Climata et temperamenta: the Influence of Climate and Environment on Human Complexion in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries 气候与气质:13、14世纪气候与环境对人类肤色的影响
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240115
Evelina Miteva
The present paper addresses the way in which local conditions – geographical, biological or astrological – were believed to influence the general constitution of human nature from the viewpoint of natural philosophy. What were the material conditions that constituted the diversity between peoples and individuals? The focus of this paper is on the relation between climatic zones and the complexion of their inhabitants. This relation and the ensuing natural determinism are present in Albert the Great’s De natura loci. While not being as specific as Albert in laying out the ethnographic specifics, Thomas Aquinas shared the general framework set out by his teacher that astrological and geographical conditions greatly affect the complexion of the inhabitants. In his unedited commentary on Aristotle’s Parva naturalia, John Buridan sticks to the general Aristotelian paradigm, to which Albert and Thomas also adhered, but considers in greater detail the way climatic conditions affect the individual human complexion.
本论文从自然哲学的观点论述了当地条件——地理的、生物的或占星的条件——被认为是如何影响人性的一般构成的。构成民族和个人之间差异的物质条件是什么?本文的重点是研究气候带与居民肤色之间的关系。这种关系和随之而来的自然决定论在阿尔伯特大帝的《自然轨迹》中都有体现。虽然托马斯·阿奎那没有像阿尔伯特那样详细地阐述人种学的细节,但他分享了他的老师提出的总体框架,即占星和地理条件极大地影响了居民的肤色。约翰·布里丹在他对亚里士多德的《自然形态》的未经编辑的评论中,坚持了亚里士多德的一般范式,阿尔伯特和托马斯也坚持了这一范式,但更详细地考虑了气候条件对个体人类肤色的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Climate after the Middle Ages: a Look at Later Developments 中世纪以后的气候:回顾后来的发展
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240116
Sara Miglietti
In this article, I explore the influence of medieval “climate theories” upon later thinkers, highlighting three thematic areas where this continuity was particularly strong: the problem of method; the management of disagreement; and the question of freedom. In each of these areas, Renaissance theorists built upon the work of their Scholastic predecessors (primarily Albert the Great and Roger Bacon) to discuss how human beings owed their character and physique to the specific “powers” (virtutes) of the places in which they lived. Yet Renaissance thinkers also introduced innovations that reflected the new discursive and material contexts in which they operated.
在本文中,我探讨了中世纪“气候理论”对后世思想家的影响,强调了三个主题领域,其中这种连续性特别强:方法问题;对分歧的处理;还有自由的问题。在这些领域中,文艺复兴时期的理论家们以他们的学术前辈(主要是阿尔伯特大帝和罗杰·培根)的工作为基础,讨论了人类如何将他们的性格和体格归功于他们所生活的地方的特定“力量”(美德)。然而,文艺复兴时期的思想家们也引入了一些创新,这些创新反映了他们所处的新的话语和物质环境。
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引用次数: 0
Ibn Bājja on Climates 伊本Bājja关于气候
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240112
Corrado la Martire
Extant information about Ibn Bājja’s interest in climatology is limited to a few vague anecdotes. This article seeks to expand our understanding of his views on the inhabitable and uninhabitable regions of the earth, drawing primarily on his commentaries on Aristotle’s Meteorology (al-Āthār al-ʿulwiyya) and Generation and Corruption (al-Kawn wa-l-fasād). The article presents an attempt to explain why Ibn Bājja believed that some sections of the earth are inhabitable, how climate affects the human character, and how this topic fits into Ibn Bājja’s overall framework of thought.
关于伊本Bājja对气候学的兴趣,现存的信息仅限于一些模糊的轶事。这篇文章试图扩大我们对他关于地球上宜居和不宜居地区的观点的理解,主要借鉴他对亚里士多德的气象学(al- -Āthār al- al- al- ulwiyya)和生成与腐败(al- kawn wa-l-fasād)的评论。这篇文章试图解释为什么伊本Bājja认为地球的某些部分是适合居住的,气候是如何影响人类性格的,以及这个话题是如何融入伊本Bājja的整体思想框架的。
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引用次数: 0
“Northerners are Strong, Southerners are Timid”: the Notion of Climate in Medieval Physiognomy "北方人强壮,南方人胆小":中世纪相术中的气候概念
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240113
Lisa Devriese
This article examines the role that climate played in medieval physiognomy, and more specifically in the medieval commentaries on the pseudo-Aristotelian Physiognomonica. As the Physiognomonica is mainly a listing of external bodily features and of their corresponding character traits without explaining how precisely these connections come about, certain medieval commentators attempted to fill this knowledge gap. Our study shows how the notion of climate in medieval commentaries on the Physiognomonica is employed to support and explain physiognomic theories, in two general ways. On the one hand, the notion of climate offers a general framework to explain how the body is formed; on the other, climate is used also to rationalize certain pseudo-Aristotelian connections that would seem at a first glance not to make sense.
本文考察了气候在中世纪相面学中所扮演的角色,更具体地说,是在中世纪对伪亚里士多德的相面学的评论中。由于《面相表》主要列出了外在的身体特征和相应的性格特征,而没有解释这些联系是如何精确产生的,某些中世纪的评论家试图填补这一知识空白。我们的研究显示了中世纪《面相笔记》注释中的气候概念是如何以两种一般方式支持和解释面相理论的。一方面,气候的概念提供了一个解释身体如何形成的总体框架;另一方面,气候也被用来合理化某些乍一看似乎没有意义的伪亚里士多德联系。
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引用次数: 0
Albrecht Dürer’s Drawing Devices: an Experimental Study Albrecht drer的绘图装置:实验研究
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-12-20 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20241334
Philip Steadman
In the two editions of his Underweysung der Messung of 1525 and 1538, Albrecht Dürer published designs for four devices to help artists with drawing. The present author has reconstructed all four tools and made experiments, in each case drawing a lute. The paper reports on the problems encountered and the times taken. For comparison, a perspective view of the lute is constructed geometrically, and other drawings are made freehand. The two more complex machines proved to be inaccurate, time-consuming, and almost unworkable. The gridded frame is faster and more accurate. Best of all in terms of speed and precision is tracing on glass, which in the experiments took less than a tenth of the time needed to set up and draw a perspective of the lute’s difficult curved form. The paper follows the historical legacy of Dürer’s devices. The complex machines are republished repeatedly in Renaissance texts on perspective but were arguably little used in practice. By contrast, the gridded frame and tracing on glass were recommended in many teaching texts and used widely by artists right up to the twentieth century.
在 1525 年和 1538 年出版的两版《Underweysung der Messung》中,阿尔布雷希特-丢勒发表了四种工具的设计图,以帮助艺术家进行绘画。本文作者重建了这四种工具并进行了实验,每次都绘制了一把琵琶。本文报告了遇到的问题和花费的时间。为了进行比较,作者用几何图形绘制了琵琶的透视图,并用手绘的方式绘制了其他图画。事实证明,两种更复杂的机器都不准确、耗时,几乎无法工作。网格框架更快、更准确。就速度和精度而言,最好的方法是在玻璃上进行描摹,在实验中,设置和绘制琵琶困难的曲线透视图所需的时间不到十分之一。论文沿袭了丢勒装置的历史传统。在文艺复兴时期的透视学文献中,这些复杂的机器被反复提及,但可以说在实践中却很少使用。相比之下,网格框架和在玻璃上描画则是许多教学课本中推荐的方法,直到二十世纪仍被艺术家广泛使用。
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引用次数: 0
Heart, Center of the World, and the Principle of Motion: from Aristotle to Kepler and Galileo 心脏、世界中心和运动原理:从亚里士多德到开普勒和伽利略
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240109
Miguel Á. Granada

This article examines the transformation of the “heart of the world” concept and its influence on the understanding of what causes planetary motion. It begins with Aristotle’s conception of the sphere of the fixed stars and that of commentators such as Simplicius, Averroes, and Aquinas. The focus then shifts to the notion of a mobile Sun positioned between the upper and lower planets in the geocentric tradition of Macrobius, medieval, and Renaissance thinkers. We then examine the transition to the Copernican Sun, which is both stationary in terms of its central geometric position but also perceived as the “natural” or vital center of the universe. These ideas are then traced from Copernicus and Rheticus to Kepler and Galileo. We will conclude with some considerations concerning Giordano Bruno and William Harvey, and the intriguing connection between the circulation of the blood and the Sun’s role as the heart of the world.

本文探讨了 "世界之心 "概念的转变及其对行星运动成因的理解所产生的影响。文章从亚里士多德的定星球体概念开始,以及辛普里西乌斯、阿维罗伊斯和阿奎那等评论家的概念。然后,重点转向马克罗比乌斯、中世纪和文艺复兴思想家的地心说传统中,位于上下行星之间的移动太阳的概念。然后,我们研究向哥白尼太阳的过渡,哥白尼太阳在几何中心位置上是静止的,但也被视为宇宙的 "自然 "或重要中心。这些思想将从哥白尼和雷提库斯一直追溯到开普勒和伽利略。最后,我们将对乔尔达诺-布鲁诺(Giordano Bruno)和威廉-哈维(William Harvey)以及血液循环与太阳作为世界心脏的角色之间的有趣联系进行一些思考。
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引用次数: 0
Evidence for Re-attributing to Pierre Gassendi the Authorship of Anatomia ridiculi muris (1651) and Favilla ridiculi muris (1653) 将《Anatomia ridiculi muris》(1651 年)和《Favilla ridiculi muris》(1653 年)的作者重新归于皮埃尔-加森迪的证据
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240108
Rodolfo Garau

From 1643 onwards – almost until the ends of their lives –, the philosopher and astronomer Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655) and the mathematician and astrologer Jean-Baptiste Morin (1583–1656) were engaged in a bitter polemic. Scholars in the history of early modern science consider this polemic crucial both for understanding the debate over Galileanism and Copernicanism in France, and for understanding the decline of astrology within scholarly communities. This conflict began with the publication of Gassendi’s De motu impresso a motore translato (1642) and Morin’s subsequent critique of the author’s Galileanism and Copernican stance. As the polemic evolved, it came to include other members of Gassendi’s network, who retaliated with criticism of Morin’s astrological practices – a process that culminated in what Robert Alan Hatch interpreted in 2017 as a significant moment in the exclusion of astrology from French academic discourse. In this paper, I present evidence that two of the texts in this polemical series, the Anatomia ridiculi muris (1651) and the Favilla ridiculi muris (1653), which have traditionally been attributed to Gassendi’s pupil François Bernier (1620–1688), were in fact authored by Gassendi himself. This re-attribution casts Gassendi’s influence on the decline of astrology in early modern France in a different light, while also offering a deeper insight into his intellectual biography and into the composition of his Opera omnia.

从 1643 年起,哲学家兼天文学家皮埃尔-加森迪(Pierre Gassendi,1592-1655 年)和数学家兼占星家让-巴蒂斯特-莫兰(Jean-Baptiste Morin,1583-1656 年)就展开了激烈的论战,几乎直到他们生命的最后一刻。研究早期现代科学史的学者认为,这场论战对于理解伽利略主义和哥白尼主义在法国的争论,以及理解占星术在学术界的衰落都至关重要。这场冲突始于伽森迪的《De motu impresso a motore translato》(1642 年)的出版,以及莫兰随后对作者伽利略主义和哥白尼立场的批判。随着论战的发展,加森迪网络中的其他成员也加入进来,他们对莫林的占星学实践进行了反击--这一过程最终导致罗伯特-阿兰-哈奇(Robert Alan Hatch)在 2017 年将占星学解释为法国学术话语中排斥占星学的重要时刻。在本文中,我提出了证据,证明这一系列论战中的两篇文章--《Anatomia ridiculi muris》(1651 年)和《Favilla ridiculi muris》(1653 年)--传统上被认为是加森迪的学生弗朗索瓦-贝尼埃(François Bernier,1620-1688 年)所作,实际上是加森迪本人所著。这一重新归属从另一个角度反映了加森迪对近代早期法国占星术衰落的影响,同时也让人们更深入地了解了他的思想传记和他的 Opera omnia 的创作过程。
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引用次数: 0
Mechanism, vis motiva, and Fermentation: a Reassessment of Borelli’s Physiology 机制、动机和发酵:对博莱利生理学的重新评估
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-08-08 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240110
Antonio Clericuzio, Carmen Schmechel

According to the standard view, Borelli was a strict mechanist who sought to explain organic processes by resorting to invisible mechanisms. This paper aims to show that his outlook on living organisms as contained in De motu animalium was far more nuanced than historians have maintained. Borelli resorted to vis motiva as the source of activity of corpuscles, a notion that was at odds with strict mechanism. He identified motive force with spirits, namely with self-moving particles of matter. Borelli combined anatomy and mechanism and integrated the latter with chemical experiments and analogies. Like most late–seventeenth century physiologists, Borelli resorted to fermentation to account for several physiological processes such as digestion, generation, and muscular motion. He distinguished two kinds of fermentative processes: a slow one, as in the case of digestion, and a quick one, as in the case of the presumed effervescence of the blood which he maintained was the cause of muscular movement.

按照标准的观点,博雷利是一个严格的机械主义者,他试图用看不见的机制来解释有机过程。本文旨在说明,他在《De motu animalium》一书中对生物体的看法远比历史学家所认为的要细微得多。博雷利将 "动力"(vis motiva)作为生物体活动的源泉,这一观点与严格的机制相悖。他将动力与精神,即自我运动的物质微粒相提并论。博雷利将解剖学和机械学结合起来,并将后者与化学实验和类比结合起来。与十七世纪晚期的大多数生理学家一样,博雷利借助发酵来解释消化、生成和肌肉运动等生理过程。他将发酵过程分为两种:一种是缓慢的发酵过程,如消化过程;另一种是快速的发酵过程,如血液的假定流动,他认为血液的流动是肌肉运动的原因。
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引用次数: 0
Form and Matter of Regular Geometrical Bodies in Luca Pacioli’s Summa (1494) and Compendium de divina proportione (1498) 卢卡-帕乔利的《总结》(1494 年)和《神比例大全》(1498 年)中规则几何体的形式和物质
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q3 HISTORY & PHILOSOPHY OF SCIENCE Pub Date : 2024-06-28 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-20240106
Giacomo Damiani

Luca Pacioli (ca. 1447–1517) is widely considered a central figure in the Italian Renaissance, particularly in the history of practical mathematics. The perspectival representations of geometrical bodies that Leonardo da Vinci drew for Pacioli’s Compendium de divina proportione are, in turn, often singled out to illustrate the relationships between the visual arts and mathematics in the late fifteenth century. Yet despite increasing scholarly attention, the philosophical framework of Pacioli’s works deserves to be further explored. This paper discusses how Pacioli ably developed his arguments on regular geometrical bodies by relying on a predominantly Aristotelian philosophical framework. In this way, Pacioli established correlations among the quantitative, material, and formal properties of regular geometrical bodies, concluding with the visualisation of their (geometrically defined) form at the level of the intellect.

卢卡-帕乔利(Luca Pacioli,约 1447-1517 年)被广泛认为是意大利文艺复兴时期,尤其是实用数学史上的核心人物。达芬奇为帕乔利的《神比例大全》所绘制的几何体透视图也经常被用来说明 15 世纪晚期视觉艺术与数学之间的关系。然而,尽管学术界越来越关注帕乔利,但他作品的哲学框架仍值得进一步探讨。本文讨论了帕乔利如何依靠以亚里士多德为主导的哲学框架,干练地发展了他关于规则几何体的论点。通过这种方式,帕乔利在正则几何体的数量、物质和形式属性之间建立了关联,并最终在智力层面上将其(几何定义的)形式形象化。
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引用次数: 0
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Early Science and Medicine
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