Early Science and Medicine最新文献

This article examines the transformation of the “heart of the world” concept and its influence on the understanding of what causes planetary motion. It begins with Aristotle’s conception of the sphere of the fixed stars and that of commentators such as Simplicius, Averroes, and Aquinas. The focus then shifts to the notion of a mobile Sun positioned between the upper and lower planets in the geocentric tradition of Macrobius, medieval, and Renaissance thinkers. We then examine the transition to the Copernican Sun, which is both stationary in terms of its central geometric position but also perceived as the “natural” or vital center of the universe. These ideas are then traced from Copernicus and Rheticus to Kepler and Galileo. We will conclude with some considerations concerning Giordano Bruno and William Harvey, and the intriguing connection between the circulation of the blood and the Sun’s role as the heart of the world.

From 1643 onwards – almost until the ends of their lives –, the philosopher and astronomer Pierre Gassendi (1592–1655) and the mathematician and astrologer Jean-Baptiste Morin (1583–1656) were engaged in a bitter polemic. Scholars in the history of early modern science consider this polemic crucial both for understanding the debate over Galileanism and Copernicanism in France, and for understanding the decline of astrology within scholarly communities. This conflict began with the publication of Gassendi’s De motu impresso a motore translato (1642) and Morin’s subsequent critique of the author’s Galileanism and Copernican stance. As the polemic evolved, it came to include other members of Gassendi’s network, who retaliated with criticism of Morin’s astrological practices – a process that culminated in what Robert Alan Hatch interpreted in 2017 as a significant moment in the exclusion of astrology from French academic discourse. In this paper, I present evidence that two of the texts in this polemical series, the Anatomia ridiculi muris (1651) and the Favilla ridiculi muris (1653), which have traditionally been attributed to Gassendi’s pupil François Bernier (1620–1688), were in fact authored by Gassendi himself. This re-attribution casts Gassendi’s influence on the decline of astrology in early modern France in a different light, while also offering a deeper insight into his intellectual biography and into the composition of his Opera omnia.

According to the standard view, Borelli was a strict mechanist who sought to explain organic processes by resorting to invisible mechanisms. This paper aims to show that his outlook on living organisms as contained in De motu animalium was far more nuanced than historians have maintained. Borelli resorted to vis motiva as the source of activity of corpuscles, a notion that was at odds with strict mechanism. He identified motive force with spirits, namely with self-moving particles of matter. Borelli combined anatomy and mechanism and integrated the latter with chemical experiments and analogies. Like most late–seventeenth century physiologists, Borelli resorted to fermentation to account for several physiological processes such as digestion, generation, and muscular motion. He distinguished two kinds of fermentative processes: a slow one, as in the case of digestion, and a quick one, as in the case of the presumed effervescence of the blood which he maintained was the cause of muscular movement.

Luca Pacioli (ca. 1447–1517) is widely considered a central figure in the Italian Renaissance, particularly in the history of practical mathematics. The perspectival representations of geometrical bodies that Leonardo da Vinci drew for Pacioli’s Compendium de divina proportione are, in turn, often singled out to illustrate the relationships between the visual arts and mathematics in the late fifteenth century. Yet despite increasing scholarly attention, the philosophical framework of Pacioli’s works deserves to be further explored. This paper discusses how Pacioli ably developed his arguments on regular geometrical bodies by relying on a predominantly Aristotelian philosophical framework. In this way, Pacioli established correlations among the quantitative, material, and formal properties of regular geometrical bodies, concluding with the visualisation of their (geometrically defined) form at the level of the intellect.

In this paper I focus on the dietetic discussion at the end of the Timaeus (86b–90d) and read it against the background of the medical dietetics of its day. I try to show that Plato’s version of dietetics is deeply rooted in the preceding medical tradition and that it draws in particular on ideas attested in the Hippocratic treatises On Regimen and Airs, Waters, Places. On the other hand, I also argue that Plato is most likely the first author ever to identify intellectuals as a specific dietetic category and to propose a preventive regimen adapted to the specific needs of mathematicians, philosophers, and other men of letters. Therefore, his dietetic discussion in the Timaeus deserves recognition as an important contribution to the history of dietetic therapy and prevention.

This essay focuses on Jewish practical kabbalistic books of recipes that were produced in early modern East-Central Europe. These handwritten sources document the Jewish engagement with practical forms of expertise, which were informed by the theoretical foundations of kabbalistic knowledge. Through two case studies, the article highlights Jewish vernacular ideas about nature and matter, and the techniques used to transform these ideas into practical things during the early modern period. It also explores the phenomenon of recording these ideas and methods in the form of practical kabbalistic books of recipes, which serve as a prime example of practical episteme. In so doing, the article sheds light on the significance of kabbalistic theosophy and practical kabbalistic traditions, particularly those developed in East-Central Europe, in the broader history of Western European knowledge production.

Don Meir Alguades’s Segulot Muvḥanyot, extant in Parma, Biblioteca Palatina MS 2474, offers a rare insight into two converging questions in the history of late-medieval medical practice: how was practical knowledge transmitted? And to what extent did this practice draw on medical theory? The present article closely examines the various features of this collection – namely, the author to whom it was attributed, the text, the codex in which it was copied, and later renditions and mentions of the text. These reveal new information on the work, its formation and its reception, as well as on fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Jewish medical practice in Iberia and among Jews of Iberian descent. Considering this text as an exemplar of recorded clinical encounters allows us to advance tentative suggestions regarding the art of tailoring medical practice in the period, and the dynamics between medical theory and the medicine provided by learned physicians. The personalized recipes further demonstrate how the formulation of trust and credibility operated in Jewish medicine of the period, and how these survived through changing social contexts.

The thesis of this paper is that, in De Caelo I.2, the introduction and differentiation of simple bodies is achieved entirely by differentiating simple motions. This runs counter to the traditional interpretations of De Caelo I.2, which consider how, and how completely, Aristotle uses the differentiation of simple magnitudes to differentiate simple bodies, and which assume that he introduces the notion of a simple body independently of the notion of a simple motion. But the traditional interpretations miss the point of Aristotle’s argument in De Caelo I.2, which – so I argue – is to introduce the notion of simple motions, using this to introduce the notion of simple bodies, and to thereby provide an explanatory account of all possible locomotion. This is the reason why Aristotle identifies simple bodies in De Caelo I.2 with the fundamental components of the universe.

The paper explores Galen’s notion of the chreia of bodily parts and activities, and the method of its discovery against the Aristotelian background. It argues that the chreia of an object π (a bodily part or activity) is a connection between the activity ε for the sake of which π has come into existence, and the attributes of π without which ε would cease to exist or would not be as good. The discovery of chreia, then, is an explanation of this connection. Aristotle does not use the word ‘chreia’ in this sense, but in Parts of Animals he employs a partly overlapping notion which he calls ‘ergon’. Finally, the paper points out that Galen’s chreia is equivalent to the middle term of teleological demonstrations, as outlined in Aristotle’s Posterior Analytics II 11.

Sébastien Le Clerc was born into a family of goldsmiths in Lorraine, and received classical artisanal training. Yet over the course of a highly successful career as an engraver, he also became a widely published scientific author. This paper argues that geometrical skills played a key role in the dual development of Le Clerc’s career, and in his striving for recognition as a man of letters, as well as an engraver. By a detailed study of the geometrical skills displayed in Le Clerc’s two geometrical publications, this paper revisits the thorny question of the relations between scholars and artisans in the early modern period. Rather than a dependence on his hands-on, bodily experience, it was Le Clerc’s skill in geometry that lent support to his aspiring scholarly career.