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Descartes et la fabrique du monde: Le problème cosmologique de Copernic à Descartes, written by Édouard Mehl 笛卡尔与世界工厂:从哥白尼到笛卡尔的宇宙学问题,由埃杜阿尔·梅尔撰写
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630028
Antonella Del Prete
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引用次数: 1
Characterisations in Britain of Isaac Newton’s Approach to Physical Inquiry in the Principia between 1687 and 1713 1687年至1713年间艾萨克·牛顿《原理》物理探究方法在英国的特点
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630021
Jip van Besouw, S. Ducheyne
In order to gain a better understanding of the impact and circulation of the first edition of the Principia, we offer an analysis of public perceptions in Britain of Isaac Newton’s approach to physical inquiry in the Principia between the appearance of its first and second editions, in 1687 and 1713, respectively. We treat Newton’s readers as actors with distinctive scholarly backgrounds and interests rather than as followers or popularisers of a “Newtonian philosophy,” a label we find to be largely absent in the historical record before 1713, when it was purposefully used by Roger Cotes in his preface to the second edition of the Principia. Through our survey, we gain considerable insight into how Newton’s readers characterised the Principia and its author. We establish that British readers of the first edition of the Principia ascribed a relatively stable and interrelated number of characteristics to Newton’s natural philosophical approach, although different readers emphasised different things. We also show that the most detailed accounts of Newton’s natural philosophical approach were, not surprisingly, given in polemical contexts. We find that it is only at the very end of this period, and in polemical contexts, that the notion of a “Newtonian philosophy” with a specific and pathbreaking approach to physical inquiry arose.
为了更好地理解《原理》第一版的影响和发行量,我们分别在1687年第一版和1713年第二版出现期间,对英国公众对艾萨克·牛顿在《原理》中所采用的物理研究方法的看法进行了分析。我们将牛顿的读者视为具有独特学术背景和兴趣的演员,而不是“牛顿哲学”的追随者或普及者。我们发现,在1713年之前的历史记录中,“牛顿哲学”这个标签基本上是不存在的,当时罗杰·柯茨(Roger Cotes)在《原理》第二版的序言中有意使用了这个标签。通过我们的调查,我们对牛顿的读者如何描述《原理》及其作者有了相当深入的了解。我们发现,第一版《原理》的英国读者认为牛顿的自然哲学方法具有一些相对稳定且相互关联的特征,尽管不同的读者强调的东西不同。我们还表明,牛顿的自然哲学方法的最详细的叙述,毫不奇怪,是在论战的背景下给出的。我们发现,只有在这一时期的最后阶段,在争论的背景下,“牛顿哲学”的概念才以一种特定的、开创性的方式出现在物理研究中。
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引用次数: 0
Princess Elisabeth’s Cautions and Descartes’ Suppression of the Traité de l’Homme 伊丽莎白公主的告诫与笛卡儿对《人的本性》的压制
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630020
Harold J. Cook
Why did Descartes not publish his chief physiology work during his lifetime? Descartes considered that the physiological and medical conclusions that could be drawn from his philosophy were fundamental to his intellectual project, and an apparently complete work was circulating among friends in 1641 but was only published more than a decade after his death, as De Homine (1662) and Traité de l’Homme (1664). This paper argues that Princess Elisabeth’s careful consideration of his physiology raised questions about whether the common interpretation of his philosophy as dualistic was correct, implicating it in some of the most dangerous arguments of his generation. Her questions served as a warning, in a moment when the personal papers and even the liberty of the Frenchman were threatened. Descartes had no interest in becoming a medical Galileo, and listened to the princess, leaving the work unpublished.
为什么笛卡尔生前没有发表他的主要生理学著作?笛卡尔认为,从他的哲学中可以得出的生理学和医学结论是他的智力计划的基础,1641年,一部看似完整的作品在朋友之间流传,但在他去世十多年后才出版,分别是《De Homine》(1662)和《TraitéDe l’Homme》(166 4)。本文认为,伊丽莎白公主对他的生理学的仔细考虑引发了人们对他的哲学二元论的普遍解释是否正确的质疑,并将其纳入了他那一代最危险的争论中。在个人文件甚至法国人的自由受到威胁的时刻,她的问题起到了警告的作用。笛卡尔对成为一名医学伽利略毫无兴趣,他听从了公主的意见,这部作品没有出版。
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引用次数: 0
Finally, a Monograph on Bruno’s De immenso! 最后,一本关于布鲁诺的《无限》的专著!
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630022
Delfina Giovannozzi
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引用次数: 0
Women, Philosophy and Science: Italy and Early Modern Europe, edited by Sabrina Ebbersmeyer and Gianni Paganini 《女性、哲学与科学:意大利与近代早期欧洲》,作者:Sabrina Ebbersmeyer和Gianni Paganini
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630030
Iulia Z Mihai
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引用次数: 0
Science without Leisure: Practical Naturalism in Istanbul, 1660–1732, written by Harun Küçük 《没有闲暇的科学:伊斯坦布尔的实用自然主义,1660-1732》,作者:哈伦·克<e:1> <e:1>
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-11-11 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630031
O. Akopyan
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引用次数: 0
The Dawn of Scientific Biography 科学传记的黎明
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-18 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630017
M. Segre
This article endeavors to contribute to a better understanding of the literary contexts of early biographies of scientists written during the Scientific Revolution. To what extent are these biographies influenced by stereotypes that are an inadequate fit for modern history of science? Its claim is that there was, indeed, a literary model for biographies of scientists, and that this model had deep roots in Biblical and classical literature. While the model was similar to that used in Renaissance biographies of artists, it did not fully emerge until as late as the seventeenth century.
本文试图有助于更好地理解在科学革命期间撰写的早期科学家传记的文学背景。这些传记在多大程度上受到不适合现代科学史的刻板印象的影响?它的主张是,确实存在一种科学家传记的文学模式,这种模式深深植根于圣经和古典文学。虽然这种模式与文艺复兴时期艺术家传记中使用的模式相似,但直到17世纪才完全出现。
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引用次数: 1
The Colorless History of Pseudo-Aristotle’s De coloribus 伪亚里士多德《论色彩》的无色史
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-18 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630016
L. Devriese
This article examines the medieval reception history of De coloribus. This pseudo-Aristotelian treatise on colors was translated from Greek into Latin in the thirteenth century, but the question of its success and use by contemporary scholars has not yet received any attention. After an examination of its medieval commentary tradition, the marginal glosses, and the first attestations, I conclude that De coloribus was scarcely used in the medieval Latin West, although the translation survived in a significant number of manuscripts. In the second part of the article, I look into some possible explanations for this limited reception history. One of the main factors is the availability of several alternative discussions on color in the Aristotelian corpus as well as in the non-Aristotelian scientific literature.
本文考察了中世纪De coloribus的接受史。这篇伪亚里士多德关于色彩的论文于13世纪从希腊语翻译成拉丁语,但其成功与被当代学者使用的问题尚未得到任何关注。经过对其中世纪评论传统、边缘注释和第一次证明的研究,我得出结论,De coloribus在中世纪拉丁西方几乎没有使用过,尽管翻译在大量手稿中幸存下来。在文章的第二部分,我探讨了对这种有限的接收历史的一些可能的解释。其中一个主要因素是亚里士多德语料库和非亚里士多德科学文献中关于颜色的几种替代讨论的可用性。
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引用次数: 0
Horoscopes of the Moon: Weather Prediction as Astrology in Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos 月亮的星座图:托勒密的四星座中的天气预报
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-08-18 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02630018
C. Hall
Ptolemy’s Tetrabiblos is not usually considered as a meteorological text. I examine the sections of the Tetrabiblos that deal with weather prediction and argue that Ptolemy considers it part of astrology. I show that the way Ptolemy categorises weather prediction differs significantly from other Greco-Roman writers, including Cicero (On Divination) and Sextus Empiricus (Against the Astrologers). I argue for these conclusions: first, that Ptolemy considers weather prediction to be part of astrology – i.e., a scientific practice which includes giving an account of the causes of phenomena with reference to the stars; to give such an account for the weather requires a practitioner to go beyond the observation and cataloguing of weather signs. Secondly, I argue that understanding weather prediction as astrology means that the distinction between horoscopic and general astrology is more fluid than is sometimes thought. Finally, I will show that Ptolemy’s views on weather prediction provide a case study for his view of astral causation.
托勒密的《Tetrabiblos》通常不被认为是气象文本。我研究了《四书》中关于天气预测的部分,并认为托勒密认为这是占星术的一部分。我发现托勒密对天气预测的分类方式与其他希腊罗马作家有很大不同,包括西塞罗(《占卜论》)和塞克斯图·经验主义(《反对占星家》)。我支持这些结论:首先,托勒密认为天气预报是占星术的一部分,即一种科学实践,包括根据恒星解释现象的原因;要对天气做出这样的解释,从业者需要超越对天气迹象的观察和编目。其次,我认为,将天气预测理解为占星术意味着占星术和一般占星术之间的区别比有时想象的更为多变。最后,我将展示托勒密关于天气预报的观点为他关于星体因果关系的观点提供了一个案例研究。
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引用次数: 0
A Reply to the Four Reviewers 对四位评论者的答复
IF 0.3 2区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-06-28 DOI: 10.1163/15733823-02620015
W. Newman
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引用次数: 0
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