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The unbearable oldness of generative artificial intelligence: Or the re-making of digital narratives in times of ChatGPT 生成式人工智能难以忍受的老旧:或在 ChatGPT 时代重塑数字叙事
Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.1177/13675494231223572
Nishant Shah
The emerging discourse catalyzed by the opening up of generative artificial intelligence (Gen-AI) applications for everyday usage often presents Gen-AI as radically and disruptively new. I revisit two moments in early conversations in computational history to offer a historicization of Chat GPT: the making of digital narratives through computational methods of storing, sorting and sequencing semantic units and the production of digital narratives through computational architecture of computability and stacks. I offer a framework of critical turns that unpack Gen-AI as a new form of digital narrative practice that challenges the future of meaning and function of narratives in everyday lives.
生成式人工智能(Gen-AI)应用在日常应用中的开放催化了新兴的讨论,这些讨论往往将生成式人工智能描述为彻底的、颠覆性的新事物。我重温了计算史早期对话中的两个时刻,以对 Chat GPT 进行历史化:通过存储、排序和语义单位排序的计算方法来制作数字叙事,以及通过可计算性和堆栈的计算架构来制作数字叙事。我提供了一个批判性转向框架,将 Gen-AI 解读为一种新形式的数字叙事实践,它对日常生活中叙事的意义和功能的未来提出了挑战。
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引用次数: 0
White and gendered aesthetics and attitudes of #pandemicbaking and #quarantinebaking 白人和性别审美以及 #大流行烘焙 # 和 #隔离霜烘焙 # 的态度
Pub Date : 2024-01-17 DOI: 10.1177/13675494231222855
Francesca Sobande
Foodwork is a political matter, and baking is no exception. Many messages are associated with the symbolic significance of baking, such as idealised notions of white, middle-class domesticity, femininity and visibility. The rise in home-baking during the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in a surge in social media content, which conveys much about the different meanings ascribed to baking. Relatedly, scholarship on ‘COVID-19 foodwork, race, gender, class and food justice’ highlights that intersecting oppressions are implicated in such matters. Drawing on different lines of research that specify and address structural power relations (e.g. gendered whiteness), I analyse the aesthetics and accompanying attitudes conveyed via Instagram posts about #pandemicbaking and #quarantinebaking. In doing so, I draw and build on critical studies of whiteness and digital food media, and connections between consumerism and COVID-19. This work considers what such online content suggests about the relationship between a ‘feminised, white, aestheticised ethos’ and digital discourse and depictions regarding food, family, domesticity, work and rest. Consequently, this research ponders over whether the labour and framing involved in documenting #pandemicbaking and #quarantinebaking on Instagram reflects a neoliberal form of entrepreneurial ‘freelance feminism’, which is animated by the tension between the ‘frequently polarized figures of “the feminist” and “the housewife”’. I examine the significance of three key themes related to #pandemicbaking and #quarantinebaking: (1) Gendered domestic labour and digital depictions and discourses of motherhood; (2) productivity, pausing and so-called ‘soulfulness’; and (3) domestic minimalism and aesthetics of whiteness. In turn, this article critically reflects on the relationship between mediated constructions of gendered whiteness and baking, while echoing calls for more research that explicitly addresses dynamics between digital whiteness, class, aesthetics, gendered racial capitalism, foodwork, feminism and online content creation.
饮食是一个政治问题,烘焙也不例外。许多信息都与烘焙的象征意义相关,如白人、中产阶级的理想化家庭观念、女性气质和可见度。在 COVID-19 大流行期间,家庭烘焙的兴起导致了社交媒体内容的激增,这在很大程度上表达了烘焙的不同含义。与此相关,有关 "COVID-19 食品制作、种族、性别、阶级和食品正义 "的学术研究强调,这些问题牵涉到相互交叉的压迫。借鉴具体说明和解决结构性权力关系(如性别化的白人)的不同研究思路,我分析了 Instagram 上有关 #pandemicbaking 和 #quarantinebaking 的帖子所传达的美学和相应态度。在此过程中,我借鉴了对白人和数字食品媒体的批判性研究,以及消费主义和 COVID-19 之间的联系。这项研究考虑了这些在线内容对 "女性化、白人化、审美化伦理 "与有关食品、家庭、家务、工作和休息的数字话语和描述之间关系的启示。因此,本研究思考了在 Instagram 上记录 #pandemicbaking 和 #quarantinebaking 所涉及的劳动和框架是否反映了一种新自由主义形式的创业型 "自由女权主义",这种 "自由女权主义 "因 "女权主义者 "和 "家庭主妇 "这两个经常两极分化的人物之间的紧张关系而活跃。我研究了与 #pandemicbaking 和 #quarantinebaking 相关的三个关键主题的意义:(1) 性别化家务劳动与母性的数字描述和论述;(2) 生产力、停顿和所谓的 "灵魂";(3) 家庭极简主义和白人美学。本文反过来批判性地反思了性别化白人与烘焙的媒介建构之间的关系,同时呼吁开展更多研究,明确探讨数字白人、阶级、美学、性别化种族资本主义、食品加工、女权主义和在线内容创作之间的动态关系。
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引用次数: 0
The politics of vulnerability in the influencer economy 影响者经济中的弱势政治
Pub Date : 2023-12-29 DOI: 10.1177/13675494231212346
Brooke Erin Duffy, Anuli Ononye, Megan Sawey
While workers of all stripes are compelled to embrace uncertainty under conditions of neoliberalism, ideologies of risk assume a particular guise in the platform economy, wherein laborers are exhorted to ‘put yourself out there’. Given the attendant harms associated with public visibility – especially for women and other marginalized groups – it seems crucial to explore platform-dependent laborers’ experiences of ‘putting themselves out there’. This article draws upon in-depth interviews with 23 social media influencers and content creators, sampled from across platforms, content niches and subjectivities. Our analysis revealed that vulnerability is a structuring concept in the influencer economy – one that operates at multiple, often overlapping levels. First, the commercial logic of authenticity casts personal vulnerability as a strategy for building community and accruing followers. But influencers’ individual disclosures were often entangled with their social identities (e.g., gender, race, sexuality, ability and body type), which rendered them socially vulnerable to targeted antagonism from audiences. Interviewees experienced a range of harms, from identity-based hate and harassment to concerted take-down campaigns. These personal and social vulnerabilities were compounded by the vulnerabilities of platform-dependent labor: not only did participants identify the failures of platforms to protect them, some shared a sense that these companies exacerbated harms through a commercial logic that incentivizes antagonism. After examining the emotional labor necessary to manage such platform vulnerabilities, we close by reiterating the unique precarity of platform labor, wherein participants lack the social and legal protections typically afforded to ‘vulnerable workers’.
在新自由主义条件下,各行各业的劳动者都不得不接受不确定性,而在平台经济中,风险意识形态则披上了特殊的外衣,劳动者被要求 "把自己展示出来"。考虑到与公众可见性相关的附带伤害--尤其是对妇女和其他边缘化群体而言--探讨依赖平台的劳动者 "将自己展示出来 "的经历似乎至关重要。本文对 23 位社交媒体影响者和内容创作者进行了深入访谈,访谈样本来自不同平台、不同内容领域和不同主体。我们的分析表明,脆弱性是影响者经济中的一个结构性概念,它在多个层面上运作,而且往往相互重叠。首先,真实性的商业逻辑将个人弱点作为建立社区和积累粉丝的策略。但影响者的个人披露往往与他们的社会身份(如性别、种族、性取向、能力和体型)纠缠在一起,这使他们在社会上很容易受到受众有针对性的对抗。受访者经历了一系列伤害,从基于身份的仇恨和骚扰到协调一致的取缔运动。这些个人和社会脆弱性因依赖平台的劳动的脆弱性而变得更加复杂:受访者不仅发现平台未能保护他们,而且一些人还认为,这些公司通过激励对立情绪的商业逻辑加剧了伤害。在研究了管理这种平台脆弱性所需的情感劳动之后,我们最后重申了平台劳动的独特不稳定性,即参与者缺乏通常给予 "弱势工人 "的社会和法律保护。
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引用次数: 0
‘It’s like almost hypnotised people’: An exploration of vernacular discourses and social imaginaries of terrorism in the United Kingdom 就像几乎被催眠的人":英国关于恐怖主义的本土话语和社会想象的探索
Pub Date : 2023-12-29 DOI: 10.1177/13675494231218167
Itoiz Rodrigo-Jusué
Despite recent calls for ‘ordinary’ citizens to become active and responsible as individuals in preventing and countering terrorism and radicalisation in the United Kingdom, little is yet known about how members of the general public make sense of political violence, or about how they think it should be dealt with. Using a bottom-up vernacular security studies approach, this article examines what lay citizens believe about the causes of terrorism and what responses they think are appropriate. Based on qualitative data from one-to-one interviews with members of the public and an analysis based on constructivist grounded theory methodology, the article discusses three key figures that emerged from interviewees’ accounts of terrorism: the vulnerable subject, the radicalised individual and the radicaliser. Overall, the results reveal that a radicalisation framework is dominant in participants’ discourses on terrorism. The article argues that the dominant imaginaries of terrorism identified in this research draw consent towards pre-emptive security practices such as the Prevent duty and de-radicalisation interventions. The discussion problematises the depoliticisation of political violence and the normalisation of illiberal security measures that this conceptualisation of terrorism entails, while stressing the discriminatory character of the social imaginaries of terrorism.
尽管最近英国呼吁 "普通 "公民作为个人积极负责地预防和打击恐怖主义和激进化,但人们对普通公众如何理解政治暴力或他们认为应该如何应对政治暴力却知之甚少。本文采用自下而上的本土安全研究方法,探讨普通公民对恐怖主义起因的看法以及他们认为适当的应对措施。文章基于与公众一对一访谈的定性数据以及基于建构主义基础理论方法的分析,讨论了受访者对恐怖主义的描述中出现的三个关键人物:弱势主体、激进化个人和激进化者。总体而言,研究结果表明,激进化框架在受访者关于恐怖主义的论述中占据主导地位。文章认为,本研究中发现的恐怖主义主导性想象促使人们同意采取先发制人的安全措施,如预防责任和去激进化干预措施。讨论对这种恐怖主义概念化所导致的政治暴力非政治化和非自由安全措施正常化提出了质疑,同时强调了恐怖主义社会想象的歧视性特征。
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引用次数: 0
Beyond ‘reifying whiteness’ in feminist media studies 超越女性主义媒体研究中的 "白人再定义
Pub Date : 2023-12-24 DOI: 10.1177/13675494231216918
Simidele Dosekun
In this talk, I turn a Black and transnational feminist reflexive eye on the field of feminist media studies, to surface for critical consideration a certain ‘story that we tell’ about race, more specifically about the visibly dominant whiteness, in the global North, of the kinds of media texts and cultures that commonly comprise our objects of analysis. I show that there is a repeated critical claim to the effect that the texts and cultures ‘reify whiteness’. Interrogating and faulting some of the variously methodological, epistemological and ontological premises and effects of the claim, I argue that it is itself performative: it contributes to the very reification that it decries, not least by seemingly serving to explain and justify why, in a given piece of scholarship, further questions about race cannot really be attended to. I argue that we need to go beyond reifying whiteness in feminist media studies, so that we can attempt to offer more complete and rigorous consideration of the racial politics of what we study and how, and indeed who we are, our various positionalities, as not only scholars of media but also audiences, consumers and users ourselves.
在本讲座中,我将黑人和跨国女权主义者的反思视角转向女权媒体研究领域,以揭示某种 "我们讲述的故事",供我们批判性地思考种族问题,更具体地说,是关于在全球北方,通常构成我们分析对象的媒体文本和文化中明显占主导地位的白人问题。我的研究表明,这些文本和文化 "再造了白人",这是一种反复出现的批评主张。我对这种说法在方法论、认识论和本体论方面的前提和影响提出了质疑和批评,我认为这种说法本身就具有表演性:它助长了它所谴责的 "白人化",尤其是它似乎可以解释和证明为什么在特定的学术作品中,无法真正关注有关种族的进一步问题。我认为,在女性主义媒体研究中,我们需要超越对白人的重新定义,这样我们才能尝试对我们所研究的内容的种族政治学进行更全面、更严谨的思考,以及如何思考,事实上我们是谁,我们的各种立场,不仅是媒体学者,也是受众、消费者和使用者。
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引用次数: 0
Representing the middle-class ‘hipster’: Emerging modes of distinction, generational oppositions and gentrification 代表中产阶级的 "潮人":新出现的区分模式、代际对立和城市化
Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1367549418772168
E. le Grand
This article explores how representations of the ‘hipster’ in newspapers and on blogs are bound up with processes of class distinction in contemporary Britain. The analysis demonstrates that the hipster is a contested middle-class social type who is the object of both denigration and prestige. The hipster is typically represented as a young person associated with the middle-class fraction of the cultural intermediaries who is engaged in a particular set of reflexive and trendy consumption practices, often performed in gentrified urban spaces and linked to the creative industries. The article suggests that the disputed status of ‘hipster cool’ is indicative of shifting class distinctions in cultural taste and classificatory struggles within the middle class between generational groupings that involve questions of authenticity. Such contestations are reflected by the increasing legitimacy of emerging forms of cultural capital rooted in popular culture and embraced by young people, and the waning symbolic power of traditional highbrow culture associated with an older generation of middle-class people. It is also argued that the classificatory struggles over hipster tastes and lifestyles have a spatial dimension as bound up with the public controversies and social anxieties linked to gentrification in neoliberal Britain.
本文探讨了报纸和博客中的 "潮人 "形象如何与当代英国的阶级分化进程联系在一起。分析表明,"潮人 "是一种有争议的中产阶级社会类型,既是诋毁的对象,也是声望的对象。潮人的典型代表是与文化中介的中产阶级部分相关联的年轻人,他们从事一套特殊的反思性和时尚的消费行为,通常在绅士化的城市空间中进行,并与创意产业相关联。文章认为,"潮人酷 "地位的争议表明,文化品位的阶级差别在不断变化,中产阶级内部各代人之间的阶级斗争涉及真实性问题。这种争论反映在新兴的文化资本形式的合法性日益增强,这些资本植根于流行文化并受到年轻人的追捧,而与老一代中产阶级相关的传统高雅文化的象征性力量正在减弱。本文还论证了关于潮人品味和生活方式的分类斗争具有空间维度,因为它与英国新自由主义下与绅士化相关的公共争议和社会焦虑紧密相连。
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引用次数: 5
Representing the middle-class ‘hipster’: Emerging modes of distinction, generational oppositions and gentrification 代表中产阶级的 "潮人":新出现的区分模式、代际对立和城市化
Pub Date : 2020-04-01 DOI: 10.1177/1367549418772168
E. le Grand
This article explores how representations of the ‘hipster’ in newspapers and on blogs are bound up with processes of class distinction in contemporary Britain. The analysis demonstrates that the hipster is a contested middle-class social type who is the object of both denigration and prestige. The hipster is typically represented as a young person associated with the middle-class fraction of the cultural intermediaries who is engaged in a particular set of reflexive and trendy consumption practices, often performed in gentrified urban spaces and linked to the creative industries. The article suggests that the disputed status of ‘hipster cool’ is indicative of shifting class distinctions in cultural taste and classificatory struggles within the middle class between generational groupings that involve questions of authenticity. Such contestations are reflected by the increasing legitimacy of emerging forms of cultural capital rooted in popular culture and embraced by young people, and the waning symbolic power of traditional highbrow culture associated with an older generation of middle-class people. It is also argued that the classificatory struggles over hipster tastes and lifestyles have a spatial dimension as bound up with the public controversies and social anxieties linked to gentrification in neoliberal Britain.
本文探讨了报纸和博客中的 "潮人 "形象如何与当代英国的阶级分化进程联系在一起。分析表明,"潮人 "是一种有争议的中产阶级社会类型,既是诋毁的对象,也是声望的对象。潮人的典型代表是与文化中介的中产阶级部分相关联的年轻人,他们从事一套特殊的反思性和时尚的消费行为,通常在绅士化的城市空间中进行,并与创意产业相关联。文章认为,"潮人酷 "地位的争议表明,文化品位的阶级差别在不断变化,中产阶级内部各代人之间的阶级斗争涉及真实性问题。这种争论反映在新兴的文化资本形式的合法性日益增强,这些资本植根于流行文化并受到年轻人的追捧,而与老一代中产阶级相关的传统高雅文化的象征性力量正在减弱。本文还论证了有关潮人品味和生活方式的分类斗争具有空间维度,因为它与英国新自由主义下与绅士化相关的公共争议和社会焦虑紧密相连。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
European Journal of Cultural Studies
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