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Landlord opposition to rent control and the politics of class monopoly rent 房东反对租金管制与阶级垄断租金政治
Pub Date : 2024-02-28 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241234546
Matthew B. Anderson, Graham Zickefoose, Tate Andrie, Tony Newton
Housing costs have soared in the United States and beyond in recent years, leading to growing calls for rent control among tenant rights advocates and legislators. This push to enact rent control has been met with substantial opposition by landlord associations, an opposition which is mobilized by long-standing arguments by economists rooted in neo-classical economic principles. The article extends existing criticism of one particular facet of this opposition: the argument that rent control will only worsen any housing crisis as rents increase due to landlords actively reducing supply. We argue that this argument amounts to the pursuit of something that mainstream economists have long ignored or disavowed to counter-act the intended purpose of rent control: class monopoly rent. By drawing on evidence from the statewide rent control legislation passed in Oregon in 2019, we engage with scholarship on the sociology of housing markets and Marxian rent theory to reveal that landlords acting as a collective voice through landlord associations to advance this argument effectively constitutes the discursive deployment of class monopoly power as a political strategy to lobby against tenant rights proponents. As such, we argue that landlords effectively engage in a “politics of class monopoly rent” which functions as a discursive weapon against tenant rights activists and low-income renters otherwise held captive in unaffordable housing markets. We offer this article as a resource for tenant rights activists and legislators who must inevitably confront this opposition in the process of mobilizing rent control legislation.
近年来,美国及其他国家的住房成本飙升,导致房客权利倡导者和立法者要求实行租金管制的呼声日益高涨。房东协会在推动租金管制的过程中遭到了强烈的反对,经济学家长期以来根据新古典主义经济学原理提出的论点对这种反对意见进行了动员。本文对这种反对意见的一个特殊方面进行了延伸,即租金管制只会加剧住房危机,因为房东会主动减少供应,从而导致租金上涨。我们认为,这一论点等同于追求主流经济学家长期以来忽视或否认的东西,以对抗租金管制的预期目的:阶级垄断租金。通过利用 2019 年俄勒冈州通过的全州租金管制立法中的证据,我们结合住房市场社会学和马克思租金理论的学术研究,揭示了房东通过房东协会以集体声音推进这一论点,实际上构成了阶级垄断权力的话语部署,作为游说房客权利支持者的政治策略。因此,我们认为,房东有效地参与了 "阶级垄断租金政治",并将其作为一种话语武器来对抗租户权利活动家和低收入租户,否则他们将被困在无法负担的住房市场中。我们将这篇文章作为租户权利活动家和立法者的资源,他们在动员租金管制立法的过程中不可避免地要面对这种反对。
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引用次数: 0
Re-purposing the built environment of urban China: Residential eldercare and David Harvey's capital switching in a new era 中国城市建筑环境的再利用:居住式养老服务与大卫-哈维在新时代的资本转换
Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241227235
James Lawson, Feng Xu
In urban China, institutional eldercare interacts with local land markets in ways that present special analytical problems in critical political economy. It is a new sector: home-based eldercare and childcare have formed complementary parts of intergenerational household strategies that are coming under system-wide pressure for the first time. Growth in Chinese institutional eldercare has increasingly contributed to the repurposing of a wide range of disused buildings, with noteworthy state encouragement. We read this post-reform feature of urban transformation to deploy David Harvey’s concept of ‘capital switching’ in new ways that are emerging in studies of China's urban geography. Harvey’s framework has already been used in analysing China’s multi-decade boom in the built environment. It exposed the stabilising effects of diverting capital from overaccumulation in single turnover and realisation cycles into deferred returns in the multi-cycle built environment albeit complicated by complex and distinctive interpenetrations of consumption fund and fixed capital, for-profit and not-for-profit sectors, state and non-state interests, and so on. This certainly speaks to the origins of contemporary Chinese urbanisation booms. But repurposing for institutional eldercare now appears to be playing a role in abating mounting overaccumulation and potential devalorisation in the built environment, pairing these unprofitable buildings with for-profit eldercare services operating and yielding profits in repeated single turnover cycles. We experiment with bundled commodity theory to understand repurposing buildings for residential eldercare in this new context.
在中国城市,机构养老与当地土地市场的互动方式给批判政治经济学带来了特殊的分析问题。这是一个新的领域:居家养老和儿童保育在代际家庭战略中形成了互补的部分,而这两个部分正首次受到全系统的压力。在国家的大力鼓励下,中国机构养老的发展越来越多地促进了各种废弃建筑的再利用。我们通过解读改革后城市转型的这一特点,以新的方式运用戴维-哈维(David Harvey)的 "资本转换 "概念,这一概念正在中国城市地理研究中崭露头角。哈维的框架已被用于分析中国建筑环境的数十年繁荣。它揭示了资本从单一周转和变现周期中的过度积累转向多周期建筑环境中的递延回报所产生的稳定效应,尽管消费基金和固定资本、营利部门和非营利部门、国家利益和非国家利益等复杂而独特的相互渗透关系使这一效应变得复杂。这无疑说明了当代中国城市化热潮的起源。但现在,机构养老的再利用似乎在缓解建筑环境中日益严重的过度积累和潜在贬值方面发挥了作用,将这些无利可图的建筑与营利性养老服务结合起来,在反复的单一周转周期中运营并获得利润。我们尝试使用捆绑商品理论来理解在这种新形势下将建筑重新用于老年住宅护理的问题。
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引用次数: 0
The lactosocial at Data Saheb’s Shrine (Lahore-Pakistan): Piety, flows, commons, and the community Data Saheb 神殿(巴基斯坦拉合尔)的哺乳社会:虔诚、流动、公有和社区
Pub Date : 2024-02-19 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241228496
Asif Mehmood, S. Hasnain
In this visual intervention, we show how a traditional community ( Gujjars) associated with livestock and dairy business enables and sustains milk commons as an articulation of their devotion to Lahore's city saint Data Ganj Bakhsh. We argue that the flows of milk at the shrine (monthly/annually) operate not only as a special purpose vehicle of piety for centuries but also as a device for Gujjar identity formation. The commoning practices reveal that identity, spirituality, and rituals are key cultural drivers of the urban commons and associated metabolic circulations, therefore, establishing themselves as important markers and analytical categories within the broader urban-nature-society debates. We seek to foreground constituent elements of the local commoning and the socio-nature at the shrine—milk, community, identity, and rituals of piety. We call their interplay the “ lactosocial” and show that it goes beyond the shrine, and its monthly/annual assemblies, and manifests itself throughout the year in other places, representations, and portrayals vis-à-vis Gujjar community. Through this work, we suggest that the lactosocial may be taken as a broader theoretical trope. It essentially moves our focus towards more-than-humans and the forms of power and social differentiation that cut across, inter alia, animal lifeworlds, traditional ecological knowledge, and neoliberal food policy domain.
在这一视觉干预中,我们展示了一个与畜牧业和奶制品业相关的传统社区(古贾尔人)如何促成和维持牛奶公社,以此表达他们对拉合尔城市圣人 Data Ganj Bakhsh 的虔诚。我们认为,几个世纪以来,圣地的牛奶流(每月一次/每年一次)不仅是虔诚的特殊载体,也是古贾尔人身份形成的一种手段。共同化实践揭示了身份认同、精神信仰和仪式是城市公共空间和相关新陈代谢循环的主要文化驱动力,因此,在更广泛的城市-自然-社会辩论中,它们被确立为重要的标记和分析类别。我们试图突出当地公地和圣地社会自然的组成要素--牛奶、社区、身份认同和虔诚仪式。我们将它们之间的相互作用称为 "乳社会",并表明它超越了圣地及其每月/每年的集会,全年都在其他地方、表现形式和对古贾尔社区的描述中体现出来。通过这项工作,我们认为可以将哺乳社会作为一个更广泛的理论特例。从根本上说,它将我们的关注点转移到了 "超人类 "以及跨越动物生活世界、传统生态知识和新自由主义粮食政策等领域的权力和社会分化形式。
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引用次数: 0
Luxury Venice: The spread of touristification processes as alpha territorialisation 奢华威尼斯:作为阿尔法领土化的旅游化进程的传播
Pub Date : 2024-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241227405
Carla Tedesco, Matteo Basso, Chiara Mazzoleni, Valeria Morea
In Venice, Italy, peculiar forms of alpha territorialisation are triggered mainly by touristification and ‘tourism-led gentrification’ processes. Such dynamics, increasingly supported by real estate financialisation, are currently spreading from the old town towards the minor islands of the Venetian lagoon, as well as towards the mainland. These processes change the traditional relationship between the old town and its islands. At the same time, such drifts are somehow counteracted by social movements and grassroots cultural practices that often implement forms of actions towards the realisation of an alternative idea of the city. This paper argues that such processes can be interpreted as phenomena of alpha territorialisation and that this interpretation helps us understand the spatial and environmental consequences of urban socio-economic restructuring processes.
在意大利威尼斯,阿尔法领土化的特殊形式主要由旅游化和 "旅游主导的绅士化 "进程引发。在房地产金融化的日益支持下,这种动力目前正从老城向威尼斯泻湖的小岛以及大陆蔓延。这些过程改变了老城与岛屿之间的传统关系。与此同时,社会运动和基层文化实践也在某种程度上抵消了这种漂移。本文认为,这种过程可以解释为阿尔法领土化现象,这种解释有助于我们理解城市社会经济结构调整过程的空间和环境后果。
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引用次数: 0
Luxury Venice: The spread of touristification processes as alpha territorialisation 奢华威尼斯:作为阿尔法领土化的旅游化进程的传播
Pub Date : 2024-02-04 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241227405
Carla Tedesco, Matteo Basso, Chiara Mazzoleni, Valeria Morea
In Venice, Italy, peculiar forms of alpha territorialisation are triggered mainly by touristification and ‘tourism-led gentrification’ processes. Such dynamics, increasingly supported by real estate financialisation, are currently spreading from the old town towards the minor islands of the Venetian lagoon, as well as towards the mainland. These processes change the traditional relationship between the old town and its islands. At the same time, such drifts are somehow counteracted by social movements and grassroots cultural practices that often implement forms of actions towards the realisation of an alternative idea of the city. This paper argues that such processes can be interpreted as phenomena of alpha territorialisation and that this interpretation helps us understand the spatial and environmental consequences of urban socio-economic restructuring processes.
在意大利威尼斯,阿尔法领土化的特殊形式主要由旅游化和 "旅游主导的绅士化 "进程引发。在房地产金融化的日益支持下,这种动力目前正从老城向威尼斯泻湖的小岛以及大陆蔓延。这些过程改变了老城与岛屿之间的传统关系。与此同时,社会运动和基层文化实践也在某种程度上抵消了这种漂移。本文认为,这种过程可以解释为阿尔法领土化现象,这种解释有助于我们理解城市社会经济结构调整过程的空间和环境后果。
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引用次数: 0
Thinking across agrarian class hierarchies in guest worker programs: Limitations to worker and farmer collective strategies 在客籍工人计划中跨越农业阶级等级的思考:工人和农民集体战略的局限性
Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241227234
M. Dudley, Laura-Anne Minkoff-Zern, Michelle Tynan, Anna Zoodsma
Both farmers and workers utilize guest worker programs to gain access to the transnational food labor economy. Yet such programs reinforce both employees’ and farm owners’ relative lack of power in the global food system. This paper discusses the approaches farmers and workers utilizing the H-2A guest worker program in the United States employ to cope with such inequalities. We assess findings from qualitative interviews in New York state with current and former workers and farmers participating in the program. We find that farmers draw on regional agrarian communities with historically established networks to collectively manage labor acquisition, seasonality, and affordability. In contrast, the temporary nature of workers’ time in the United States limits their ability to establish deep social networks, and workers cope either by increasing their hours and commitment or by leaving the program to work in agriculture without work authorization. These temporal and spatial constraints further diminish worker power within the food system by limiting their ability to effectively organize for better conditions, with consequences for global food system equity.
农民和工人都利用客籍工人计划进入跨国食品劳动经济。然而,这些计划加剧了雇员和农场主在全球粮食系统中相对缺乏权力的状况。本文讨论了美国农民和工人利用 H-2A 客籍工人计划应对这种不平等的方法。我们评估了在纽约州对参与该计划的现任和前任工人及农民的定性访谈结果。我们发现,农民利用地区农业社区历史上建立的网络来集体管理劳动力的获取、季节性和可负担性。与此相反,工人在美国工作的临时性限制了他们建立深层社会网络的能力,工人要么通过增加工作时间和投入来应对,要么通过离开计划,在没有工作许可的情况下从事农业工作。这些时间和空间上的限制进一步削弱了工人在粮食系统中的权力,限制了他们有效组织起来争取更好条件的能力,从而对全球粮食系统的公平性造成影响。
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引用次数: 0
Socioecological topologies of student debt in the United States 美国学生债务的社会生态拓扑结构
Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231214447
Rae Baker, Dylan M. Harris
Student debt burdens are second only to mortgages in the United States’ debt portfolio. With nearly 43 million people repaying trillions of dollars of student debt, it is no surprise that calls for student debt cancellation have grown amid the COVID-19 pandemic, which has only exacerbated already existing economic crises in the US. And yet, meaningful action to address student debt has largely been absent from recent legislation meant to help Americans overcome the residual impacts, including the financial burdens, of the COVID-19 pandemic. Here, we argue the absence of student debt relief is consonant with what we articulate as the topologies of student debt in the US, which we use to contextualize the student debt crisis. We provide two case studies—on the relationship between environmental legislation and student debt, and on the uneven ruralities of student debt—that give insight into the socioecological dimensions of student debt's topologies. We end this article by inviting others to join us as we develop more geographical evidence to support ongoing activism for student debt cancellation.
在美国的债务组合中,学生债务负担仅次于抵押贷款。由于近 4300 万人正在偿还数万亿美元的学生债务,在 COVID-19 大流行的情况下,要求取消学生债务的呼声日益高涨也就不足为奇了。然而,在近期旨在帮助美国人克服 COVID-19 大流行所带来的残余影响(包括经济负担)的立法中,却基本上没有针对学生债务问题采取有意义的行动。在此,我们认为学生债务减免的缺失与我们所阐述的美国学生债务拓扑结构是一致的,我们用拓扑结构来说明学生债务危机的来龙去脉。我们提供了两个案例研究--环境立法与学生债务之间的关系,以及学生债务的不均衡农村性--这两个案例研究让我们深入了解了学生债务拓扑结构的社会生态维度。在文章的最后,我们邀请其他人加入我们的行列,共同为学生债务的取消提供更多的地理证据。
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引用次数: 0
The labor of strikes: Unions, workers, and the 2023 US strike wave 罢工的劳动:工会、工人和 2023 年美国罢工浪潮
Pub Date : 2024-01-22 DOI: 10.1177/19427786241227171
Tod Rutherford
This article examines the ongoing 2023 US strike wave while setting it within the institutional and historical context of the post-war American industrial relations paradigm. This paradigm was often challenged by workers, and after 1970, its decline also reflected deindustrialization, increasing employer attacks and state and legal shifts toward neoliberalism which contributed to the decline of unionization, strikes, and increasingly deteriorating work conditions. However, especially after the 2008–2009 crisis, these factors also laid the basis for increasing worker resistance. The COVID-19 pandemic and its aftermath have shifted labor market conditions in the workers’ favor and contributed to the current strike wave, and some strikes such as those by the United Auto Workers have been framed within a wider political and class narrative. Nonetheless, the trajectory of these strikes is in question. Whether they can lead to a sustained increase in American workers’ power depends on their ability to scale up both through organizing and politically via the state.
本文在将 2023 年美国罢工浪潮置于战后美国劳资关系范式的制度和历史背景下进行研究。这一范式经常受到工人的挑战,1970 年后,它的衰落也反映了去工业化、雇主攻击的增加以及国家和法律向新自由主义的转变,这些因素导致了工会组织的衰落、罢工和日益恶化的工作条件。然而,特别是在 2008-2009 年危机之后,这些因素也为工人的抵抗运动日益高涨奠定了基础。COVID-19 大流行病及其后果使劳动力市场条件发生了有利于工人的变化,并促成了当前的罢工浪潮,而一些罢工(如美国汽车工人联合会的罢工)则被纳入了更广泛的政治和阶级叙事之中。尽管如此,这些罢工的轨迹仍是个问题。它们能否导致美国工人力量的持续增长,取决于他们通过组织和国家政治手段扩大规模的能力。
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引用次数: 0
University and resistance: New state and new struggles 大学与抵抗运动新国家与新斗争
Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231220336
Raouf Ahmad Peerzada, Amrita Sharma, Samyuktha Kannan
Resistance movements in India have often found support and sustenance within universities that have offered profound association, critical engagement, expertise, camaraderie, and, in some cases, even leadership. Working within the structural confines of statism, nationalism and global capitalism, universities have managed to advance critical instruction, pedagogical innovations, and political resistance. This dialectical relationship between the university and society emphasizes the position of educators as inextricably linked to the social production of labor power. With the power to equip students, teachers not only become conduits of emancipatory knowledge but also have the power to politicize students and transform the classroom into spaces of resistance against capitalism, that has consistently emphasized education as a commodity. As a result, universities have offered and preserved crucial spaces of radical (re)thinking and a critical platform for waging a war for democracy. A new form of protracted and collective political resistance is necessary if democracy is to be restored from the ruins of unrestrained capitalism. Being the meeting points of decades of collective struggles of students–teachers–workers, universities may yet again offer that if they survive the assaults of neoliberalism and evolve to preserve its progressive social character.
印度的抵抗运动往往能在大学中找到支持和后盾,大学提供了深刻的联系、批判性的参与、专业知识、友情,在某些情况下甚至是领导力。在国家主义、民族主义和全球资本主义的结构限制下,大学设法推进批判性教学、教学创新和政治反抗。大学与社会之间的这种辩证关系强调了教育工作者的地位,即他们与社会劳动生产率有着千丝万缕的联系。教师有能力武装学生,不仅成为解放知识的渠道,而且有能力使学生政治化,并将课堂转化为反抗资本主义的空间,而资本主义一直强调教育是一种商品。因此,大学提供并保留了激进(重新)思考的重要空间,以及为民主而战的重要平台。如果要从无节制的资本主义废墟中恢复民主,就必须采取一种新的持久的集体政治抵抗形式。大学是学生-教师-工人数十年集体斗争的交汇点,如果大学能在新自由主义的攻击下幸存下来,并不断发展以保持其进步的社会特性,那么大学就有可能再次提供这样的机会。
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引用次数: 0
The language of intractability and the Gaza War: Conflating anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism is historically problematic and misses how much contemporary Israel has become a role model for ethno-nationalists worldwide 棘手的语言与加沙战争:将反犹太主义与反犹太复国主义混为一谈在历史上是有问题的,而且忽略了当代以色列在多大程度上已成为全世界种族民族主义者的榜样。
Pub Date : 2023-12-15 DOI: 10.1177/19427786231220046
John Agnew
The 2023 Gaza War quickly became a war of words. In the war over public opinion, support for the lot of the Palestinians or criticism of Israeli government actions alike were put down to an anti-Zionism inspired by anti-Semitism. My purpose is to question this conflation and to suggest that in fact historically and today it has been pro-Zionism that has been inspired more by popular anti-Semitism, a conspiratorial view of the world in which Jewish people figure exclusively as “enemies” of the nations in which they live, rather than the opposite. Zionism, as its early proponents all said, was a solution to anti-Semitism. In creating a Jewish nation state, Jews could be shielded from the animus and consequences of anti-Semitism. In doing so, of course, any Palestinian collective political future would necessarily be compromised. The competing claims to the same territory this entails cannot be resolved by simply adopting “better language.” The language war confuses the real issue at hand: Israelis and Palestinians alike are inheritors of the logic of the territorialized (ethno) nation state imported from nineteenth-century Europe. The historical irony is that Israel is now a “role model” for the populist-nationalists whose political ancestors demonized their Jewish populations as “other” and “disloyal.” This points to the tragedy of the nation state that the Gaza War represents. Shared political space is impossible to comprehend while locked into this logic.
2023 年的加沙战争很快变成了一场口水战。在舆论战中,支持巴勒斯坦人的命运或批评以色列政府的行为都被归结为由反犹太主义激发的反犹太复国主义。我的目的是对这种混淆提出质疑,并指出,事实上,在历史上和今天,支持犹太复国主义的人更多地是受到流行的反犹太主义的启发,这种阴谋论式的世界观认为,犹太人完全是他们所生活的国家的 "敌人",而不是相反。犹太复国主义的早期支持者都说,犹太复国主义是反犹太主义的解决方案。通过建立一个犹太民族国家,犹太人可以免受反犹太主义的敌意和影响。当然,这样做必然会损害巴勒斯坦集体的政治未来。对同一片领土的竞争性诉求并不能通过简单地使用 "更好的语言 "来解决。语言战争混淆了当前的真正问题:以色列人和巴勒斯坦人都继承了从十九世纪欧洲传入的领土化(种族)民族国家的逻辑。具有历史讽刺意味的是,以色列现在成了民粹民族主义者的 "榜样",而他们的政治祖先曾将犹太人妖魔化为 "异类 "和 "不忠"。这说明了加沙战争所代表的民族国家的悲剧。如果陷入这种逻辑,就不可能理解共享的政治空间。
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引用次数: 0
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Human Geography
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