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Purity 纯净
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10795875
Margaret Derry
This article uses the concept of purity to explore the thinking of purebred animal breeders and that of eugenicists in Britain and North America between 1880 and 1920. It begins with an explanation of why such a study is important and continues with the historical background of purity's role in animal breeding over the nineteenth century and an assessment of the theoretical foundations of Francis Galton's eugenics. The article argues that the shared concern with pedigree keeping, which characterized both purebred breeding and eugenics, made it easy for historians to assume that the two fields were more connected than they actually were. In fact, the basis for purity in animal breeding—namely, inbreeding and marketability—could not migrate to eugenics. Pedigree use in animal breeding (inbreeding, consistency, and marketability) actually had little in common with pedigree use in eugenics (evidence of inheritance via statistical quantification). Unpacking this historic connection between animal breeding and eugenics has significance today for such disciplines as animal breeding itself, genetics, politics, and ethics.
本文使用纯种的概念来探讨 1880 年至 1920 年间英国和北美纯种动物饲养者和优生学家的思想。文章首先解释了此类研究的重要性,然后介绍了纯种性在十九世纪动物育种中的历史背景,并对弗朗西斯-高尔顿的优生学理论基础进行了评估。文章认为,纯种繁育和优生学的共同特点是对血统保持的关注,这使得历史学家很容易认为这两个领域的联系比实际情况要多。事实上,动物育种的纯度基础--即近亲繁殖和适销性--不可能迁移到优生学中。动物育种中的血统使用(近亲繁殖、一致性和适销性)实际上与优生学中的血统使用(通过统计量化证明遗传)几乎没有共同之处。解读动物育种与优生学之间的这一历史联系,对今天的动物育种本身、遗传学、政治学和伦理学等学科都具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
William Ellis: Eighteenth-Century Farmer, Journalist, and Entrepreneur 威廉·埃利斯:十八世纪农民、记者和企业家
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474528
Emma Moesswilde
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引用次数: 0
Country of the Cursed and the Driven: Slavery and the Texas Borderlands 被诅咒和被驱使的国家:奴隶制与德克萨斯边疆
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474568
C. Wolnisty
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引用次数: 0
Mennonite Farmers: A Global History of Place and Sustainability 门诺派农民:地方和可持续性的全球历史
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474467
M. Tauger
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引用次数: 0
Seeing Red: Indigenous Land, American Expansion, and the Political Economy of Plunder in North America 《看到红色:土著土地、美洲扩张和北美掠夺的政治经济学》
3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474548
Gabrielle Guillerm
At the heart of Seeing Red is the massive land transfer from the Anishinaabeg to the United States as the newly independent country sought to transform Indigenous homelands into American homesteads. Focusing on the sixty years after US independence in 1783, Michael Witgen—himself an Anishinaabe scholar—examines the legal and diplomatic mechanisms that US officials used to dispossess Indigenous peoples living in today's states of Michigan and Wisconsin from their homelands. Whereas the United States expelled by force most Indigenous peoples living between the Appalachians and the Mississippi River through its infamous Indian Removal policy, Witgen asserts that US officials dealing with the Anishinaabeg implemented a different approach, which he calls a “political economy of plunder.” With this new concept, Witgen makes an important contribution to our understanding of Indigenous dispossession in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, demonstrating that, in the Upper Great Lakes, the US empire acted less as the settler empire it sought to be than as a traditional exogenous colonizer exploiting Native peoples and their resources.The opening chapter, “A Nation of Settlers,” explores the legal mechanisms that the United States devised to colonize the Northwest Territory (today's states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin) following the American Revolution. The 1787 Northwest Ordinance was the key piece of legislation organizing the territory's transition into states and regulating the sale of land from the public domain to US settlers. As Witgen explains, the provisions of the Northwest Ordinance were grounded in a political fantasy of the Northwest as empty land devoid of Indigenous presence. Even though US officials and settlers knew that Indigenous peoples still lived on these unceded lands, they nonetheless believed that Indigenous peoples could claim title to the land but did not properly own it because, unlike Euro-Americans, they lived in an alleged state of nature without private property and farms. For the US settler state, the idea of Indigenous self-determination on Indigenous land was simply unthinkable. Instead, US westward expansion demanded the elimination of Indigenous peoples from the land, through either removal or assimilation.Moving chronologically, the four other chapters illuminate how, time and again, the United States failed to implement its settler vision in the Michigan Territory, resorting, instead, to the political economy of plunder. Unlike the southern part of the Northwest Territory (Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois) that saw a rapid settler invasion of Indigenous homelands after 1783, the Michigan Territory long remained dominated by the fur trade, which required the ongoing presence of Anishinaabe families hunting and processing the furs. Into the 1830s, the Anishinaabeg dominated the demography in most areas of the Michigan Territory. Individual stories, such as the experience of anglophone Pro
《看见红色》的核心内容是,随着美国这个新独立的国家试图将原住民的家园转变为美国人的家园,大量土地从阿尼什纳阿贝格转移到美国。迈克尔·维根(Michael witgen)是一位阿尼什纳贝学者,他关注的是1783年美国独立后的60年,研究了美国官员用来将生活在今天的密歇根州和威斯康星州的土著居民从他们的家园驱逐出去的法律和外交机制。尽管美国通过其臭名昭著的印第安人迁移政策,以武力驱逐了居住在阿巴拉契亚山脉和密西西比河之间的大多数土著居民,但维根断言,美国官员处理阿尼什纳贝格人的方式不同,他称之为“掠夺的政治经济”。通过这个新概念,维根对我们理解18世纪末和19世纪初的土著被剥夺做出了重要贡献,他表明,在上五大湖,美帝国与其说是一个殖民者帝国,不如说是一个传统的外来殖民者,剥削土著人民和他们的资源。第一章“移民之国”探讨了美国独立战争后,美国为殖民西北地区(今天的俄亥俄州、印第安纳州、伊利诺伊州、密歇根州和威斯康星州)而设计的法律机制。1787年的《西北法令》(Northwest Ordinance)是法律的关键部分,它组织了该地区向各州的过渡,并规范了从公共领域向美国定居者出售土地的行为。正如维根所解释的那样,《西北条例》的规定是建立在一种政治幻想之上的,即西北是一片没有土著居民存在的空旷之地。尽管美国官员和定居者知道土著人民仍然生活在这些未被割让的土地上,但他们仍然认为土著人民可以声称拥有土地的所有权,但并没有真正拥有它,因为与欧美人不同,他们生活在一种所谓的自然状态中,没有私有财产和农场。对于美国的移民国家来说,在土著土地上实现土著自决的想法简直是不可想象的。相反,美国向西扩张要求通过迁移或同化的方式将土著居民从这片土地上消灭。其他四章按时间顺序排列,阐明了美国如何一次又一次地未能在密歇根领土上实现其移民愿景,而是诉诸于掠夺的政治经济。1783年之后,美国西北地区南部(俄亥俄州、印第安纳州和伊利诺伊州)的原住民家园迅速被移民入侵,而密歇根地区长期以来一直以皮草贸易为主导,这需要持续存在的阿尼什纳比人(Anishinaabe)家庭狩猎和加工皮草。直到19世纪30年代,安西纳阿贝格在密歇根领地的大部分地区都占主导地位。个人故事——比如讲英语的新教传教士威廉•鲍特维尔(William Boutwell)的经历——令人信服地说明,在一个以亲属关系(而非私有财产)为主导的讲阿尼什纳布语的世界里,他感觉自己像是一个局外人——美国在该地区建立主权的雄心是多么难以捉摸。在这种背景下,美国官员依靠与阿尼什纳阿格族有亲属关系的商人和印度代理人,将后者带到条约桌上,并以欺诈手段谈判土地割让,从1819年的《萨吉诺条约》开始。商人们知道毛皮贸易正在衰落,他们打算从这些条约中获利,他们把美国支付给阿尼什纳阿贝格人土地的大部分现金作为债务,并提供各种条约中承诺的贸易商品。与人们熟悉的关注搬迁的方式不同,维根阐明了在没有大量白人定居者的情况下,几十年来向阿尼什纳阿格人支付的掠夺性年金是如何使商人受益最大的。虽然穷困潦倒,领土也只剩下原来的一小部分,但Anishinaabeg逃避了迁移,迫使美国“将自己视为一个生活在被盗土地上的移民国家”(337)。一个简短的回顾不能公正地评价维根的精辟分析或他提出的多个子论点。维根强调掠夺经济的遗产一直延续到21世纪,并呼吁对美国盗窃土著土地的原罪进行清算,而不仅仅是奴役的罪,这一点值得称赞。事实上,维根通过分析从西北地区分割出来的州是如何不仅以土著人的剥夺和消灭为前提,而且还以通过一系列黑人法典将自由的黑人排除在外为前提,巧妙地阐释了19世纪早期定居者殖民主义和反黑人种族主义的复杂性。《看到红色》极大地有助于我们理解美国白人至上主义的历史及其遗产。
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引用次数: 0
Meatpacking America: How Migration, Work, and Faith Unite and Divide the Heartland 肉类包装美国:移民、工作和信仰如何团结和分裂心脏地带
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474588
Margaret Weber
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引用次数: 1
Beyond Bananas 除了香蕉
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474427
M. Raby
From 1926 to 1974, the United Fruit Company operated the Lancetilla Experiment Station near Tela, Honduras. As a laboratory and botanical garden where one of the world's largest living collections of tropical fruits could be found, it stood in apparent contrast to the vast banana monocultures of the surrounding area. While United Fruit's infamous plantations depended on the application of pesticides and chemical knowledge to produce a single commodity crop, its Lancetilla Experiment Station pursued a broad research program oriented toward agricultural diversification. This essay examines the history of Lancetilla to explore the company's sponsorship of science and the multiple, shifting meanings of “diversification” within this prototypical transnational agribusiness. The history of experimentation at Lancetilla reveals a range of contested visions of economic development in twentieth-century Latin America, and it is a history that has left surprising traces in both local Honduran landscapes and the face of global agribusiness today. Ultimately, by introducing oil palm to Central America, United Fruit's crop diversification project served to replace one monoculture with another.
1926年至1974年,联合果品公司在洪都拉斯特拉附近经营Lancetilla实验站。作为一个实验室和植物园,这里可以发现世界上最大的热带水果活体收藏之一,它与周围地区巨大的香蕉单一种植形成了明显的对比。虽然联合果品臭名昭著的种植园依赖于杀虫剂和化学知识的应用来生产单一的商品作物,但其Lancetilla实验站致力于开展广泛的农业多样化研究计划。本文考察了Lancetilla的历史,以探索该公司对科学的赞助,以及在这个典型的跨国农业综合企业中“多元化”的多重、不断变化的含义。Lancetilla的实验历史揭示了20世纪拉丁美洲一系列有争议的经济发展愿景,这段历史在洪都拉斯当地和当今全球农业综合企业的面貌中都留下了令人惊讶的痕迹。最终,通过将油棕引入中美洲,联合果品的作物多样化项目用另一种单一种植取代了一种单一栽培。
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引用次数: 0
With and against the Grain 支持谷物和反对谷物
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474447
L. Chu
This article studies the Asian Vegetable Research and Development Center (AVRDC) in Taiwan. It begins with the Sino-American Joint Commission on Rural Reconstruction (JCRR), a US-funded agency championing plant breeding and land reform. Capitalizing on Japanese colonial legacy, a technocratic Chinese nationalism, and Cold War geopolitics, the JCRR boosted the productivity of rice while diversifying the agricultural economy through vegetable cultivation. The AVRDC, supported by the Rockefeller Foundation and the US government, was created in 1971 to bring this vision to Southeast Asia. The expulsion of Taiwan from the United Nations nonetheless threatened the center's survival. To carve out its sphere of influence, the AVRDC combined vegetable breeding programs with experiments on home gardening and small-scale agriculture, inserting itself into a bourgeoning sustainability discourse in the 1980s. The article argues that the center's ambiguous position within the international agricultural research network prompted it to adopt a “modest narrative” that celebrated not heroic figures but the collaborative endeavor of scientists sympathetic to farmers. However, the marginalization of agriculture and shifting identity politics in Taiwan made the center's achievement increasingly less relevant to its host country, thus complicating the significance of the AVRDC to the agricultural history of Taiwan.
本文以台湾亚洲蔬菜研究发展中心(AVRDC)为研究对象。它始于中美农村重建联合委员会(JCRR),这是一个由美国资助的倡导植物育种和土地改革的机构。利用日本的殖民遗产、中国的技术官僚民族主义和冷战地缘政治,JCRR提高了水稻的生产率,同时通过蔬菜种植实现了农业经济的多样化。在洛克菲勒基金会和美国政府的支持下,AVRDC成立于1971年,旨在将这一愿景带到东南亚。尽管如此,将台湾驱逐出联合国还是威胁到了该中心的生存。为了开拓自己的影响范围,AVRDC将蔬菜育种项目与家庭园艺和小规模农业实验结合起来,在20世纪80年代将自己融入了蓬勃发展的可持续发展话语中。这篇文章认为,该中心在国际农业研究网络中的模棱两可的地位促使它采用了一种“谦虚的叙述”,这种叙述不是歌颂英雄人物,而是歌颂同情农民的科学家的合作努力。然而,台湾农业的边缘化和身份政治的转变使得该中心的成就与东道国的相关性越来越小,从而使AVRDC对台湾农业历史的意义变得复杂。
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引用次数: 1
Harvesting State Support: Institutional Change and Local Agency in Japanese Agriculture 收获国家支持:日本农业的制度变迁与地方机构
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474497
Nicole L. Freiner
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引用次数: 0
Seed Money: Monsanto's Past and Our Food Future 种子资金:孟山都的过去和我们的食品未来
IF 0.6 3区 哲学 Q1 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-08-01 DOI: 10.1215/00021482-10474477
A. Hay
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Agricultural History
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