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Gaslighting and Peer Disagreement 气话和同伴间的分歧
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.3233
Scott Hill
I present a counterexample to Kirk-Giannini’s Dilemmatic Theory of gaslighting. 
我提出了柯克-贾尼尼(Kirk-Giannini)"煤气灯困境理论 "的一个反例。
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引用次数: 0
Maxim and Principle Contractualism 马克西姆和原则契约论
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.2719
Aaron Salomon
I argue that, in order to address the ideal world problem while remaining faithful to our concept of morality, Contractualists should no longer determine which actions I must perform by seeing whether they accord with certain principles for the general regulation of behavior. Instead, I argue, Contractualists should determine whether it is right or wrong for me to perform an action by evaluating any maxim that might be reflected by my action. I call the resulting view “Maxim Contractualism.” It states that an agent’s action is morally required just in case any maxim that he might adopt that involves not performing that action is one that someone could reasonably reject. Finally, I argue that, although Act Contractualism also provides us with the materials to solve the Ideal World Problem, it is a worse solution because it cannot account for the fact that, sometimes, what would happen if I performed an action over time is relevant to whether I am permitted to perform that action right here, right now.
我认为,为了在解决理想世界问题的同时忠实于我们的道德概念,契约论者不应再通过观察我的行为是否符合一般行为规范的某些原则来决定我必须采取哪些行动。相反,我认为,契约论者应该通过评估我的行为可能反映出的任何格言,来确定我的行为是对还是错。我将由此产生的观点称为 "格言契约论"。这种观点认为,只要行为人可能采纳的任何涉及不采取该行动的格言是有人可以合理地拒绝的,那么他的行动就是道德所要求的。最后,我认为,虽然行为契约论也为我们提供了解决理想世界问题的材料,但它是一个更糟糕的解决方案,因为它无法解释这样一个事实,即有时,如果我在一段时间内采取某种行动会发生什么,这与我是否被允许在此时此地采取该行动是相关的。
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引用次数: 0
Nonnaturalism, the Supervenience Challenge, Higher-Order Properties, and Trope Theory 非自然主义、超验性挑战、高阶属性和绰号理论
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.2103
Jussi Suikkanen
Nonnaturalist realism is the view that normative properties are unique kind of stance-independent properties. It has been argued that such views fail to explain why two actions that are exactly alike otherwise must also have the same normative properties. Mark Schroeder and Knut Olav Skarsaune have recently suggested that nonnaturalist realists can respond to this supervenience challenge by taking the primary bearers of normative properties to be action kinds. This paper develops their response in two ways. First, it provides additional motivation for the previous claim about the bearers of normative properties by drawing from the work of H. A. Prichard. Second, and more importantly, it formulates a plausible metaphysical framework based on the contemporary trope theory to explain why action kinds would have their second-order properties, including their normative properties, necessarily.
非自然主义现实主义认为,规范属性是一种独特的与立场无关的属性。有人认为,这种观点无法解释为什么两个在其他方面完全相同的行为也必须具有相同的规范属性。马克-施罗德(Mark Schroeder)和克努特-奥拉夫-斯卡尔绍纳(Knut Olav Skarsaune)最近提出,非自然主义现实主义者可以通过把规范属性的主要承载者视为行动种类来回应这种超验性挑战。本文从两个方面发展了他们的回应。首先,本文通过借鉴普里查德(H. A. Prichard)的研究成果,为前面关于规范属性的承担者的主张提供了额外的动机。其次,更重要的是,本文在当代特例理论的基础上提出了一个可信的形而上学框架,以解释为什么行动种类必然具有其二阶属性,包括其规范属性。
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引用次数: 0
Dismissing Blame 卸责
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.2844
Justin Snedegar
When someone blames you, you might accept the blame or you might reject it, challenging the blamer’s interpretation of the facts or providing a justification or excuse. Either way, there are opportunities for edifying moral discussion and moral repair. But another common, and less constructive, response is to simply dismiss the blame, refusing to engage with the blamer. Even if you agree that you are blameworthy, you may refuse to engage with the blame—and, specifically, with blame coming from this particular person. This is a common response if the blamer is being hypocritical or meddlesome in blaming the wrongdoer. This paper aims to make sense of this kind of response: What are we doing when we dismiss blame? A common thought is that we dismiss demands issued by blame, but we still must identify the content of the relevant demands. My proposal is that when we dismiss blame, we dismiss a demand to respond to the blame with a second-personal expression of remorse to the blamer.
当有人指责你时,你可能会接受指责,也可能会拒绝指责,质疑指责者对事实的解释,或提供理由或借口。无论哪种方式,都有机会进行有益的道德讨论和道德修复。但另一种常见的、不那么有建设性的反应是简单地驳回指责,拒绝与指责者接触。即使你同意自己应该受到指责,你也可能拒绝接受指责,特别是来自这个人的指责。如果责备者在责备不法行为人时表现得虚伪或多管闲事,这种反应就很常见。本文旨在解释这种反应:当我们否定指责时,我们在做什么?一种常见的想法是,我们否定了指责所提出的要求,但我们仍然必须确定相关要求的内容。我的建议是,当我们否定责备时,我们否定的是以第二人称向责备者表达悔意来回应责备的要求。
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引用次数: 1
Dismissing Blame 卸责
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.2844
Justin Snedegar
When someone blames you, you might accept the blame or you might reject it, challenging the blamer’s interpretation of the facts or providing a justification or excuse. Either way, there are opportunities for edifying moral discussion and moral repair. But another common, and less constructive, response is to simply dismiss the blame, refusing to engage with the blamer. Even if you agree that you are blameworthy, you may refuse to engage with the blame—and, specifically, with blame coming from this particular person. This is a common response if the blamer is being hypocritical or meddlesome in blaming the wrongdoer. This paper aims to make sense of this kind of response: What are we doing when we dismiss blame? A common thought is that we dismiss demands issued by blame, but we still must identify the content of the relevant demands. My proposal is that when we dismiss blame, we dismiss a demand to respond to the blame with a second-personal expression of remorse to the blamer.
当有人指责你时,你可能会接受指责,也可能会拒绝指责,质疑指责者对事实的解释,或提供理由或借口。无论哪种方式,都有机会进行有益的道德讨论和道德修复。但另一种常见的、不那么有建设性的反应是简单地驳回指责,拒绝与指责者接触。即使你同意自己应该受到指责,你也可能拒绝接受指责,特别是来自这个人的指责。如果责备者在责备不法行为人时表现得虚伪或多管闲事,这种反应就很常见。本文旨在解释这种反应:当我们否定指责时,我们在做什么?一种常见的想法是,我们否定了指责所提出的要求,但我们仍然必须确定相关要求的内容。我的建议是,当我们否定责备时,我们否定的是以第二人称向责备者表达悔意来回应责备的要求。
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引用次数: 1
What Time Travel Teaches Us about Moral Responsibility 时间旅行教我们如何承担道德责任
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.1770
Taylor Cyr, Neal Tognazzini
This paper explores what the metaphysics of time travel might teach us about moral responsibility. We take our cue from a recent paper by Yishai Cohen, who argues that if time travel is metaphysically possible, then one of the most influential theories of moral responsibility (i.e., Fischer and Ravizza’s) is false. We argue that Cohen’s argument is unsound but that Cohen’s argument can serve as a lens to bring reasons-responsive theories of moral responsibility into sharper focus, helping us to better understand actual-sequence theories of moral responsibility more generally and showing how actual-sequence theorists should respond to a recent criticism.
本文探讨了时间旅行的形而上学在道德责任方面可能给我们带来的启示。科恩认为,如果时间旅行在形而上学上是可能的,那么最有影响力的道德责任理论之一(即费舍尔和拉维扎的理论)就是错误的。我们认为科恩的论证是不正确的,但科恩的论证可以作为一个透镜,使理性回应的道德责任理论更加清晰,帮助我们更好地理解更广泛的实际序列道德责任理论,并展示实际序列理论家应该如何回应最近的批评。
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引用次数: 0
Paternalism and Exclusion 家长制和排斥
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.2741
Kyle Van Oosterum
What makes paternalism wrong? I give an indirect answer to that question by challenging a recent trend in the literature that I call the exclusionary strategy. The exclusionary strategy aims to show how some feature of the paternalizee’s normative situation morally excludes acting for the paternalizee’s well-being. This moral exclusion consists either in ruling out the reasons for which a paternalizer may act or in changes to the right-making status of the reasons that (would) justify paternalistic intervention. I argue that both versions of the exclusionary strategy fail to explain the wrongness of paternalism and that they struggle to accommodate the mainstream view that paternalism is only pro tanto wrong. Their failure consists either in being implausibly strong expressions of antipaternalism or in struggling to spell out the scope of exclusion in an uncomplicated way. After discouraging this exclusionary strategy, I suggest we can capture what is appealing about it—as well as avoiding its pitfalls—by sketching a philosophical model in which we compare the weights of reasons for and against paternalistically interfering. To precisify this sketch, I introduce some conceptual tools from the literature on practical reasoning—in particular, the concept of modifiers—and suggest that these tools offer a better starting point for figuring out what makes paternalism (pro tanto) wrong.
是什么让家长制成为错误?我对这一问题给出了一个间接的答案,即对最近文献中的一种趋势提出质疑,我称之为排斥策略。排他性策略旨在说明,被父爱者的规范状况的某些特征如何在道德上排除了为被父爱者的福祉采取行动。这种道德排斥要么是排除了施父权者可以采取行动的理由,要么是改变了(将)证明施父权干预是正当的理由的正确性地位。我认为,这两种版本的排斥策略都无法解释家长制的错误性,而且它们很难适应主流观点,即家长制只是在一定程度上是错误的。它们的失败要么在于对反家长制的表达过于强烈,要么在于难以简明扼要地阐明排斥的范围。在劝阻了这种排斥策略之后,我建议我们可以通过勾勒一个哲学模型,比较支持和反对家长式干预的理由的权重,来捕捉这种策略的魅力所在,并避免其陷阱。为了更精确地勾勒这一模型,我从实践推理的文献中引入了一些概念工具--尤其是修改者的概念--并建议这些工具为我们提供一个更好的出发点,以找出是什么使得家长式干预(pro tanto)成为错误。
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引用次数: 0
Gaslighting and Peer Disagreement 气话和同伴间的分歧
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.3233
Scott Hill
I present a counterexample to Kirk-Giannini’s Dilemmatic Theory of gaslighting. 
我提出了柯克-贾尼尼(Kirk-Giannini)"煤气灯困境理论 "的一个反例。
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引用次数: 0
How to Read a Riot 如何解读骚乱
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.2316
Ricky Mouser
How should we think about public rioting for political ends? Might it ever be more than morally excusable behavior? In this essay, I show how political rioting can sometimes be positively morally justified as an intermediate defensive harm in between civilly disobedient protest and political revolution. I do so by reading political rioters as, at the same time, uncivil and ultimately conciliatory with their state. Unlike civilly disobedient protestors, political rioters express a lack of faith in the value or applicability of civility in interacting with the state under the political status quo. But unlike political revolutionaries who aim at separation from the state, political rioters paradigmatically seek fuller inclusion within it. By rejecting even the appearance of compliance with the political status quo’s systems of justice, political rioters can create a unique venue for systemically marginalized citizens to express warranted disrespect for the state that maintains them in ongoing subjection, as well as their inviolable respect for themselves as persons with dignity beyond the boundaries of civility.
我们应该如何看待出于政治目的的公众暴乱?它是否可能不仅仅是道德上可以原谅的行为?在这篇文章中,我将说明政治暴乱作为介于公民不服从抗议和政治革命之间的一种中间性防御伤害,有时在道德上是积极合理的。为此,我将政治暴乱者解读为不文明者,同时又是最终与国家和解者。与不服从命令的抗议者不同,政治暴乱者表示在政治现状下与国家互动时不相信文明的价值或适用性。但与以脱离国家为目标的政治革命者不同,政治暴乱者在范式上寻求更充分地融入国家。政治暴乱者甚至拒绝在表面上遵守政治现状的司法制度,他们可以创造一个独特的场所,让制度上被边缘化的公民表达对使他们处于持续臣服地位的国家的应有的不敬,以及他们对自己作为具有超越文明界限的尊严的人的不可侵犯的尊重。
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引用次数: 1
Privileged Citizens and the Right to Riot 特权公民与暴乱权
Pub Date : 2024-02-14 DOI: 10.26556/jesp.v26i3.3086
Thomas Carnes
Avia Pasternak’s account of permissible political rioting includes a constraint that insists only oppressed citizens, and not privileged citizens, are permitted to riot when rioting is justified. This discussion note argues that Pasternak’s account, with which I largely agree, should be expanded to admit the permissibility of privileged citizens rioting alongside and in solidarity with oppressed citizens. The permissibility of privileged citizens participating in riots when rioting is justified is grounded in the notions that it is sometimes necessary, in accordance with Pasternak’s necessity condition, and that it will oftentimes substantially improve the chances of successfully achieving the just aims the rioting seeks to achieve, in accordance with Pasternak’s success condition. Allowing for this improves Pasternak’s already strong account of permissible political rioting on its own terms.
阿维娅-帕斯捷尔纳克(Avia Pasternak)关于可允许的政治暴乱的论述包括一个约束条件,即坚持认为只有受压迫的公民,而非特权公民,才可在暴乱正当的情况下进行暴乱。本讨论说明认为,帕斯捷尔纳克的论述(我基本同意)应予以扩展,以允许特权公民与受压迫公民一起并声援受压迫公民进行暴动。根据帕斯捷尔纳克的必要性条件,特权公民参与暴乱有时是必要的;根据帕斯捷尔纳克的成功条件,特权公民参与暴乱往往会大大提高成功实现暴乱所要达到的正义目的的机会。考虑到这一点,帕斯捷尔纳克关于允许的政治暴乱的论述本身就已经很有力了。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy
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