In the light of the crucial role political parties play in connecting citizens with political decisions, this article assesses national parties' organizational linkages with the European level. It focuses on explaining variation between parties and the motivations they have to organize the way they do. Building on qualitative comparative case studies of Danish and Flemish parties, this study finds that country‐level factors override party‐level factors. Particularly the domestic political relevance of European affairs, combined with historical ties with European integration and distance from Brussels, determine the nature of parties' multilevel linkages. Contributing to the literature on parties as multilevel organization in the EU, these findings call attention to the great difficulty parties face in reaching beyond the confines of the nation‐state, despite the important role they play in providing the EU with the necessary democratic legitimacy.
{"title":"Home is where the heart is? A comparative analysis of Flemish and Danish parties' organizational linkages with the EU","authors":"Gilles Pittoors","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12278","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12278","url":null,"abstract":"In the light of the crucial role political parties play in connecting citizens with political decisions, this article assesses national parties' organizational linkages with the European level. It focuses on explaining variation between parties and the motivations they have to organize the way they do. Building on qualitative comparative case studies of Danish and Flemish parties, this study finds that country‐level factors override party‐level factors. Particularly the domestic political relevance of European affairs, combined with historical ties with European integration and distance from Brussels, determine the nature of parties' multilevel linkages. Contributing to the literature on parties as multilevel organization in the EU, these findings call attention to the great difficulty parties face in reaching beyond the confines of the nation‐state, despite the important role they play in providing the EU with the necessary democratic legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"50 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141350347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Inspired by collaborative governance theory, this study analyzes the process dynamics, outputs, and perceived impacts of a collaborative initiative launched by the Swedish government in 2014. It draws on extensive empirical sources related to the Swedish government's efforts to develop and implement a National Forest Programme (NFP) from 2014 to 2021. These sources include semistructured interviews, observations, public consultation comments, records of meetings and public hearings, reports from dialogues, and enacted policy documents. The results show that the collaboration initially provided a space for joint deliberation and capacity building on complex and contentious issues related to current land use. However, the final programme endorsed by the government in 2018 failed to initiate ambitious proposals on several key issues raised by participating actors, offering little indication of priorities and policy instruments to address fundamental gaps in current policy goals and their implementation. Consequently, the case reveals that it was not sufficient, and perhaps not even desirable, to address existing conflicts and policy problems in a comprehensive collaborative setting run by the Government Offices. The paper concludes with key insights for research on collaboration and suggests ways to move forward with policy designs that integrate multiple and competing policy goals in contested areas.
{"title":"What is at stake and what does it take? Collaborative governance and policy (in)action in the adoption of a National Forest Programme","authors":"Johanna Johansson","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12284","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12284","url":null,"abstract":"Inspired by collaborative governance theory, this study analyzes the process dynamics, outputs, and perceived impacts of a collaborative initiative launched by the Swedish government in 2014. It draws on extensive empirical sources related to the Swedish government's efforts to develop and implement a National Forest Programme (NFP) from 2014 to 2021. These sources include semistructured interviews, observations, public consultation comments, records of meetings and public hearings, reports from dialogues, and enacted policy documents. The results show that the collaboration initially provided a space for joint deliberation and capacity building on complex and contentious issues related to current land use. However, the final programme endorsed by the government in 2018 failed to initiate ambitious proposals on several key issues raised by participating actors, offering little indication of priorities and policy instruments to address fundamental gaps in current policy goals and their implementation. Consequently, the case reveals that it was not sufficient, and perhaps not even desirable, to address existing conflicts and policy problems in a comprehensive collaborative setting run by the Government Offices. The paper concludes with key insights for research on collaboration and suggests ways to move forward with policy designs that integrate multiple and competing policy goals in contested areas.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"4 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141380274","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A blooming research agenda has begun examining the influence of party competition dynamics on politician social media behaviour. Most studies focus on the US context, generally finding little evidence that party competition dynamics influence which policy issues politicians attend to on these platforms. Instead, I turn to the Danish context and show how party competition dynamics exert a substantial influence on politicians' attention to issues in their tweets. First, I map the level of politician issue attention on Twitter across several years outside election campaigns. Second, I show that party issue ownership and the status of a party as a government or opposition party strongly influence politicians' attention to issues on the platform. Third, I provide novel insights into how the interplay between party issue ownership and internal party organisation influences politician issue attention on Twitter. The findings indicate that the tweets posted by politicians are an integral aspect of contemporary party competition.
{"title":"Party competition on social media: Evidence from politicians' tweets","authors":"Daniel Møller Eriksen","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12276","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12276","url":null,"abstract":"A blooming research agenda has begun examining the influence of party competition dynamics on politician social media behaviour. Most studies focus on the US context, generally finding little evidence that party competition dynamics influence which policy issues politicians attend to on these platforms. Instead, I turn to the Danish context and show how party competition dynamics exert a substantial influence on politicians' attention to issues in their tweets. First, I map the level of politician issue attention on Twitter across several years outside election campaigns. Second, I show that party issue ownership and the status of a party as a government or opposition party strongly influence politicians' attention to issues on the platform. Third, I provide novel insights into how the interplay between party issue ownership and internal party organisation influences politician issue attention on Twitter. The findings indicate that the tweets posted by politicians are an integral aspect of contemporary party competition.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"95 18","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140984414","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The paper contributes to the debate of the Swedish welfare state by re‐examining the view of freedom underlying the design of this welfare model. The point of departure is two interpretations by Bo Rothstein and Henrik Berggren and Lars Trägårdh, which both describe advancement of individual autonomy as the ultimate point of the model. The paper argues that these readings are overly liberal in the sense that they exaggerate the importance of individualism and autonomy. The view of freedom that shaped the Swedish welfare state was not liberal, and individual autonomy was not the overriding goal for the founders of the model. Instead, the view is best described as quasi‐republican and nondomination based. It was mostly a result of semi‐Marxist ideas about capitalist power and exploitation that lingered on in the ideology of the Swedish social democratic party, the SAP, in the 1930s and 1940s. During the first decades of the 1900s, the SAP gradually revised these ideas in a domination‐based direction. It was the outcome of this process that more than anything else gave the impetus to the design of the Swedish welfare state.
本文通过重新审视这一福利模式设计背后的自由观，为有关瑞典福利国家的讨论做出了贡献。本文的出发点是 Bo Rothstein 和 Henrik Berggren 以及 Lars Trägårdh 的两种解释，这两种解释都将促进个人自主作为该模式的终极目标。本文认为，这些解读过于自由，夸大了个人主义和自治的重要性。塑造瑞典福利国家的自由观并非自由主义，个人自主也不是该模式创始人的首要目标。相反，这种观点最好被描述为准共和主义和非宗派主义。这主要是 20 世纪 30 年代和 40 年代瑞典社会民主党（SAP）意识形态中关于资本主义权力和剥削的半马克思主义思想的结果。在 20 世纪头几十年里，瑞典社会民主党逐渐将这些思想修正为以统治为基础的方向。正是这一过程的结果推动了瑞典福利国家的设计。
{"title":"The view of freedom that shaped the Swedish welfare state","authors":"Jouni Reinikainen","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12277","url":null,"abstract":"The paper contributes to the debate of the Swedish welfare state by re‐examining the view of freedom underlying the design of this welfare model. The point of departure is two interpretations by Bo Rothstein and Henrik Berggren and Lars Trägårdh, which both describe advancement of individual autonomy as the ultimate point of the model. The paper argues that these readings are overly liberal in the sense that they exaggerate the importance of individualism and autonomy. The view of freedom that shaped the Swedish welfare state was not liberal, and individual autonomy was not the overriding goal for the founders of the model. Instead, the view is best described as quasi‐republican and nondomination based. It was mostly a result of semi‐Marxist ideas about capitalist power and exploitation that lingered on in the ideology of the Swedish social democratic party, the SAP, in the 1930s and 1940s. During the first decades of the 1900s, the SAP gradually revised these ideas in a domination‐based direction. It was the outcome of this process that more than anything else gave the impetus to the design of the Swedish welfare state.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"23 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140982592","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Do informational and financial resources systematically secure interest group access and influence on public policy, and is one of these two resources politically more valuable than the other? Answering these questions is vital to understanding some of the drivers of political inequality and skewed influence associated with contemporary democratic politics. Focusing on two of the most commonly mobilized types of resources—money and information—this article reviews 60 studies on the topic. First, a qualitative synthesis shows that informational resources tend to be at least partially positively related to access and influence, while financial resources are more ambiguously associated with both outcomes. Second, a series of meta‐regressions support this conclusion since they tend toward showing that informational resources are significantly stronger associated with these outcomes than financial resources. Thus, these results paint a more nuanced picture than the literature suggesting that moneyed interests subvert democratic politics.
{"title":"Interest group resources, access, and influence: An empirical review","authors":"Jonas A. H. Whittlestone, M. Klitgaard","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12274","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12274","url":null,"abstract":"Do informational and financial resources systematically secure interest group access and influence on public policy, and is one of these two resources politically more valuable than the other? Answering these questions is vital to understanding some of the drivers of political inequality and skewed influence associated with contemporary democratic politics. Focusing on two of the most commonly mobilized types of resources—money and information—this article reviews 60 studies on the topic. First, a qualitative synthesis shows that informational resources tend to be at least partially positively related to access and influence, while financial resources are more ambiguously associated with both outcomes. Second, a series of meta‐regressions support this conclusion since they tend toward showing that informational resources are significantly stronger associated with these outcomes than financial resources. Thus, these results paint a more nuanced picture than the literature suggesting that moneyed interests subvert democratic politics.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"2 11","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141003960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper bridges literature on political parties and organizational studies by providing a new theoretical lens on political party developments. There has been growing scholarly interest in populist parties and the issues that serve as the raison d'être for their political platform. While the literature has been preoccupied with the journey of the anti‐hero rising to power, less has been written about the organization of the party once it has transcended to political influence. Likewise, whereas organizational birthmarks and imprinting have been integral concepts in the study of organizations, there has been little permeation of the concepts into the study of political parties. The Danish People's Party and Norwegian Progress Party provide two illustrative cases, showing that their original formation and later transformation into the current parties brought with it challenges to their structure and ideology. Our findings show that while an increase in external support to the political party, that is, votes, imprints organizational birthmarks, it is during a decrease in the very same external support that organizational birthmarks are uncovered and challenged. Through process‐tracing and our theoretical model, we identify organizational birthmarks and causal mechanisms in which competing organizational birthmarks create an internal division within the political party.
{"title":"From exclusion to establishment: Organizational birthmarks and imprinting within populist parties","authors":"Johan Erik Andersen, Jarle Trondal","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12272","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12272","url":null,"abstract":"This paper bridges literature on political parties and organizational studies by providing a new theoretical lens on political party developments. There has been growing scholarly interest in populist parties and the issues that serve as the raison d'être for their political platform. While the literature has been preoccupied with the journey of the anti‐hero rising to power, less has been written about the organization of the party once it has transcended to political influence. Likewise, whereas organizational birthmarks and imprinting have been integral concepts in the study of organizations, there has been little permeation of the concepts into the study of political parties. The Danish People's Party and Norwegian Progress Party provide two illustrative cases, showing that their original formation and later transformation into the current parties brought with it challenges to their structure and ideology. Our findings show that while an increase in external support to the political party, that is, votes, imprints organizational birthmarks, it is during a decrease in the very same external support that organizational birthmarks are uncovered and challenged. Through process‐tracing and our theoretical model, we identify organizational birthmarks and causal mechanisms in which competing organizational birthmarks create an internal division within the political party.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"31 21","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140695900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study employs a mixed‐methods approach to investigate the nature of Facebook posts related to Muslims and LGBTQ+ individuals in Finland, spanning a period of 4 years. Through the use of the CrowdTangle platform, the researchers extracted and analyzed Facebook posts that encompassed predetermined keywords indicative of potential hate speech. The findings underscored divergent patterns of engagement and sentiment toward these two groups, with implications for the different levels of societal acceptance and tolerance exhibited. Posts related to Muslims typically elicited controversy and were often depicted as threats, whereas posts about the LGBTQ+ community generally advocated for inclusivity. However, persistent negative stereotypes about the LGBTQ+ community were also evident. The analysis also brought to light how political parties strategically used these discourses to steer conversations, consolidate their ideological positions, and mobilize their respective supporters. Grounded in the social identity theory, this study sheds light on the complex dynamics of online political discourse, revealing its far‐reaching impacts on societal attitudes, intergroup relations, and formation of group identities. The nuanced understanding derived from these observations suggests that interventions fostering healthier public discussions on social media platforms could contribute significantly to combating societal division, prejudice, and bias. This research underscores the importance of scrutinizing online discourses to address issues of societal cohesion and social acceptance.
{"title":"Online polarization and identity politics: An analysis of Facebook discourse on Muslim and LGBTQ+ communities in Finland","authors":"Ali Unlu, Tommi Kotonen","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12270","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12270","url":null,"abstract":"This study employs a mixed‐methods approach to investigate the nature of Facebook posts related to Muslims and LGBTQ+ individuals in Finland, spanning a period of 4 years. Through the use of the CrowdTangle platform, the researchers extracted and analyzed Facebook posts that encompassed predetermined keywords indicative of potential hate speech. The findings underscored divergent patterns of engagement and sentiment toward these two groups, with implications for the different levels of societal acceptance and tolerance exhibited. Posts related to Muslims typically elicited controversy and were often depicted as threats, whereas posts about the LGBTQ+ community generally advocated for inclusivity. However, persistent negative stereotypes about the LGBTQ+ community were also evident. The analysis also brought to light how political parties strategically used these discourses to steer conversations, consolidate their ideological positions, and mobilize their respective supporters. Grounded in the social identity theory, this study sheds light on the complex dynamics of online political discourse, revealing its far‐reaching impacts on societal attitudes, intergroup relations, and formation of group identities. The nuanced understanding derived from these observations suggests that interventions fostering healthier public discussions on social media platforms could contribute significantly to combating societal division, prejudice, and bias. This research underscores the importance of scrutinizing online discourses to address issues of societal cohesion and social acceptance.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"98 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140746930","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper posits that, contrary to conventional wisdom, Sweden's decision to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and end its official policy of ‘nonalignment’ is neither very surprising nor radical in nature. Utilising the shelter theory framework, we examine the Swedish case to shed a new light on the economic, societal and political shelter‐seeking policy choices that led to Stockholm's NATO application in May of 2022. The analysis finds that Sweden's established strategy of seeking shelter from Western powers eventually induced and facilitated close military cooperation with NATO—ultimately leading to accession on 7 March 2024. The decision to join the Alliance should, therefore, be understood as a culmination, building on a historically flexible approach to neutrality and previously established shelter arrangements that were deemed in 2022, after Russia's full‐scale invasion of Ukraine and subsequent developments in Finland, to be no longer sufficient in deterring or responding to new threat dynamics. The case indicates that shelter theory accurately captures the foreign policy strategy of a small neutral and later nonaligned state. However, analysing Sweden's move towards NATO within the given framework also presents an opportunity for theory development; specifically, the theory ought to more meticulously examine three small‐state shelter‐seeking features, namely, how societal and economic shelter relations may precede and, therefore, affect political shelter strategies (or vice versa), the role of ‘critical junctures’ in the theory; and finally, how small states may be affected by each other's shelter‐seeking strategies.
{"title":"Sweden's quest for shelter: ‘Nonalignment' and NATO membership","authors":"Baldur Thorhallsson, Thomas Stude Vidal","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12271","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12271","url":null,"abstract":"This paper posits that, contrary to conventional wisdom, Sweden's decision to join the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) and end its official policy of ‘nonalignment’ is neither very surprising nor radical in nature. Utilising the shelter theory framework, we examine the Swedish case to shed a new light on the economic, societal and political shelter‐seeking policy choices that led to Stockholm's NATO application in May of 2022. The analysis finds that Sweden's established strategy of seeking shelter from Western powers eventually induced and facilitated close military cooperation with NATO—ultimately leading to accession on 7 March 2024. The decision to join the Alliance should, therefore, be understood as a culmination, building on a historically flexible approach to neutrality and previously established shelter arrangements that were deemed in 2022, after Russia's full‐scale invasion of Ukraine and subsequent developments in Finland, to be no longer sufficient in deterring or responding to new threat dynamics. The case indicates that shelter theory accurately captures the foreign policy strategy of a small neutral and later nonaligned state. However, analysing Sweden's move towards NATO within the given framework also presents an opportunity for theory development; specifically, the theory ought to more meticulously examine three small‐state shelter‐seeking features, namely, how societal and economic shelter relations may precede and, therefore, affect political shelter strategies (or vice versa), the role of ‘critical junctures’ in the theory; and finally, how small states may be affected by each other's shelter‐seeking strategies.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"23 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140361619","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Minika Ekanem, B. Noble, G. Poelzer, Hans‐Kristian Hernes
Institutions have significant implications for whether and how energy systems restructure, evolve, and successfully transition. Yet, literature analyzing energy sector reforms often approach transitions from economic or technical perspectives, with much less attention to the underlying roles and influences of institutions. This paper explores the roles and influence of institutions on the speed, direction, timing, and sequence of energy transitions. A conceptual framework integrating the hierarchy of institutions with an historical institutionalist approach is developed and applied to explore transitions in Norway's electricity sector as a case study. Results show that conversion followed by layering emerge as the dominant modes of institutional change in Norway's electricity sector reform, illustrating the importance of alignment between institutions in creating the conditions for large‐scale energy transitions and the importance of boundaries to maintain alignment between levels of institutions. Governments can minimize potential gaps between transition intentions and outcomes through effective conversion and layering of institutional arrangements, but layering challenges emerge when institutional change introduces new actors or energy arenas to existing policy paradigms.
{"title":"Understanding institutional layers and modes of change for energy transitions: Analysis of Norway's electricity sector reforms","authors":"Minika Ekanem, B. Noble, G. Poelzer, Hans‐Kristian Hernes","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12267","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12267","url":null,"abstract":"Institutions have significant implications for whether and how energy systems restructure, evolve, and successfully transition. Yet, literature analyzing energy sector reforms often approach transitions from economic or technical perspectives, with much less attention to the underlying roles and influences of institutions. This paper explores the roles and influence of institutions on the speed, direction, timing, and sequence of energy transitions. A conceptual framework integrating the hierarchy of institutions with an historical institutionalist approach is developed and applied to explore transitions in Norway's electricity sector as a case study. Results show that conversion followed by layering emerge as the dominant modes of institutional change in Norway's electricity sector reform, illustrating the importance of alignment between institutions in creating the conditions for large‐scale energy transitions and the importance of boundaries to maintain alignment between levels of institutions. Governments can minimize potential gaps between transition intentions and outcomes through effective conversion and layering of institutional arrangements, but layering challenges emerge when institutional change introduces new actors or energy arenas to existing policy paradigms.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"18 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140412143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Energy agendas in national parliaments are crucial when countries seek to develop their energy futures while adhering to international obligations. This article examines how energy agendas emerge and evolve in parliamentary debates using data from Finland over a period of 12 years. By relying on topic modelling, we can show how the key energy agendas relate to an overall energy solution, promoting domestic energy production and seeking carbon‐neutral energy, and how they evolve successively alongside general concerns for the country's task ahead in the field. Examining more detailed agendas, in turn, validates the first analysis and exposes some differences in the agendas of political parties. These differences were few. This further specifies the nature of Finnish energy politics, which is often considered consensual except for nuclear power and peat as sources of energy. The article demonstrates that scholars who examine parliamentary politics may benefit from the use of language‐based computational methodologies to uncover insights that have previously been difficult to attain.
{"title":"Energy agendas: A longitudinal analysis of Finnish parliamentary debates","authors":"Juri Mykkänen, P. Repo, K. Matschoss","doi":"10.1111/1467-9477.12266","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12266","url":null,"abstract":"Energy agendas in national parliaments are crucial when countries seek to develop their energy futures while adhering to international obligations. This article examines how energy agendas emerge and evolve in parliamentary debates using data from Finland over a period of 12 years. By relying on topic modelling, we can show how the key energy agendas relate to an overall energy solution, promoting domestic energy production and seeking carbon‐neutral energy, and how they evolve successively alongside general concerns for the country's task ahead in the field. Examining more detailed agendas, in turn, validates the first analysis and exposes some differences in the agendas of political parties. These differences were few. This further specifies the nature of Finnish energy politics, which is often considered consensual except for nuclear power and peat as sources of energy. The article demonstrates that scholars who examine parliamentary politics may benefit from the use of language‐based computational methodologies to uncover insights that have previously been difficult to attain.","PeriodicalId":509462,"journal":{"name":"Scandinavian Political Studies","volume":"16 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140444766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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