Three cases of international medical travelers from Yemen, a capital‐poor country in the southwest corner of the Arabian Peninsula, help to counter misconceptions within discussions of medical tourism. These misconceptions include the suggestion of leisure in medical tourism, the role of gender and class, and the ease with which we dismiss the health concerns of wealthy individuals. Instead, this article proposes, we should uncover commonalities and differences within international medical travel while avoiding slipping into generalities and stereotypical portrayals.
{"title":"Complicating common ideas about medical tourism: gender, class, and globality in Yemenis' international medical travel.","authors":"Beth Kangas","doi":"10.1086/655912","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/655912","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Three cases of international medical travelers from Yemen, a capital‐poor country in the southwest corner of the Arabian Peninsula, help to counter misconceptions within discussions of medical tourism. These misconceptions include the suggestion of leisure in medical tourism, the role of gender and class, and the ease with which we dismiss the health concerns of wealthy individuals. Instead, this article proposes, we should uncover commonalities and differences within international medical travel while avoiding slipping into generalities and stereotypical portrayals.</p>","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"36 2","pages":"327-32"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/655912","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29498937","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Drawing on microlevel research with men and women of differing ages living in rural and urban Siem Reap (home to the global heritage and tourist site of Angkor), this article focuses on the key discourses and practices that men and women draw on to (de)stabilize putatively traditional ideals of Cambodian womanhood and to (re)situate them in the contemporary period. Mapping the complex ways that people represent, make sense of, and respond to prerevolutionary cultural norms of female behavior in a very different era (with particular, though not exclusive, attention paid to mobility and education), the article demonstrates how deeper ideological changes concerning women’s relationship to Khmer tradition will have to accompany the surface reordering of Cambodian gender relations if equality between women and men is to be achieved. Until then, the ideal woman in contemporary Cambodian society is ultimately one who can creatively negotiate and balance the multiple demands placed on her by society, family, and self.
{"title":"\"We don't forget the old rice pot when we get the new one\": discourses on ideals and practices of women in contemporary Cambodia.","authors":"Katherine Brickell","doi":"10.1086/655915","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/655915","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Drawing on microlevel research with men and women of differing ages living in rural and urban Siem Reap (home to the global heritage and tourist site of Angkor), this article focuses on the key discourses and practices that men and women draw on to (de)stabilize putatively traditional ideals of Cambodian womanhood and to (re)situate them in the contemporary period. Mapping the complex ways that people represent, make sense of, and respond to prerevolutionary cultural norms of female behavior in a very different era (with particular, though not exclusive, attention paid to mobility and education), the article demonstrates how deeper ideological changes concerning women’s relationship to Khmer tradition will have to accompany the surface reordering of Cambodian gender relations if equality between women and men is to be achieved. Until then, the ideal woman in contemporary Cambodian society is ultimately one who can creatively negotiate and balance the multiple demands placed on her by society, family, and self.</p>","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"36 2","pages":"437-62"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/655915","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29498942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As part of a feminist commitment to collaboration, this article, which appears as a companion essay to Minh-Ha T. Pham's "The Right to Fashion in the Age of Terror," offers a point of departure for thinking about fashion and beauty as processes that produce subjects recruited to, and aligned with, the national interests of the United States in the war on terror. The Muslim woman in the veil and her imagined opposite, the fashionably modern and implicitly Western woman, become convenient metaphors for articulating geopolitical contests of power as human rights concerns, as rescue missions, as beautifying mandates. This essay examines newer iterations of this opposition, after September 11, 2001, in order to demonstrate the critical resonance of a biopolitics of fashion and beauty. After the events of September 11, 2001, George W. Bush's administration launched a military and public relations campaign to promote U.S. national interests using the language of feminism and human rights. While these discourses in the United States helped to reinvigorate a declining economy, and specifically a flagging fashion industry (as Pham addresses in her companion essay), feminism abroad was deployed to very different ends. This article considers the establishment of the Kabul Beauty School by the nongovernmental organization Beauty without Borders, sponsored in large part by the U.S. fashion and beauty industries. Examining troubling histories of beauty's relation to morality, humanity, and security, as well as to neoliberal discourses of self-governance, the author teases out the biopower and biopolitics of beauty, enacted here through programs of empowerment that are inseparable from the geopolitical aims of the U.S. deployment in Afghanistan.
这篇文章与范明河(Minh-Ha T. Pham)的《恐怖时代的时尚权利》(The Right to Fashion in The Age of Terror)一文中并列,作为女权主义者对合作的承诺的一部分,它提供了一个出发点,让我们思考时尚与美是一种过程,这种过程产生的对象被招募到美国在反恐战争中的国家利益,并与之保持一致。戴着面纱的穆斯林妇女和她想象中的对立面,时髦的现代和含蓄的西方妇女,成为表达地缘政治权力竞争的方便隐喻,作为人权问题,作为救援任务,作为美化任务。本文考察了2001年9月11日之后这种对立的更新版本,以展示时尚与美丽的生命政治的批判性共鸣。2001年9月11日事件发生后,乔治·w·布什政府发起了一场军事和公共关系运动,利用女权主义和人权的语言来促进美国的国家利益。虽然这些话语在美国帮助重振了衰退的经济,特别是萎靡不振的时尚产业(正如范在她的文章中所说的那样),但在国外,女权主义被用于截然不同的目的。这篇文章考虑了由非政府组织“美丽无国界”在很大程度上由美国时尚和美容行业赞助的喀布尔美容学校的建立。作者考察了美与道德、人性、安全以及新自由主义自治话语之间令人不安的历史关系,梳理出了美的生命力量和生命政治,这些都是通过与美国在阿富汗部署的地缘政治目标密不可分的授权项目制定的。
{"title":"The biopower of beauty: humanitarian imperialisms and global feminisms in an age of terror.","authors":"Mimi Thi Nguyen","doi":"10.1086/655914","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/655914","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>As part of a feminist commitment to collaboration, this article, which appears as a companion essay to Minh-Ha T. Pham's \"The Right to Fashion in the Age of Terror,\" offers a point of departure for thinking about fashion and beauty as processes that produce subjects recruited to, and aligned with, the national interests of the United States in the war on terror. The Muslim woman in the veil and her imagined opposite, the fashionably modern and implicitly Western woman, become convenient metaphors for articulating geopolitical contests of power as human rights concerns, as rescue missions, as beautifying mandates. This essay examines newer iterations of this opposition, after September 11, 2001, in order to demonstrate the critical resonance of a biopolitics of fashion and beauty. After the events of September 11, 2001, George W. Bush's administration launched a military and public relations campaign to promote U.S. national interests using the language of feminism and human rights. While these discourses in the United States helped to reinvigorate a declining economy, and specifically a flagging fashion industry (as Pham addresses in her companion essay), feminism abroad was deployed to very different ends. This article considers the establishment of the Kabul Beauty School by the nongovernmental organization Beauty without Borders, sponsored in large part by the U.S. fashion and beauty industries. Examining troubling histories of beauty's relation to morality, humanity, and security, as well as to neoliberal discourses of self-governance, the author teases out the biopower and biopolitics of beauty, enacted here through programs of empowerment that are inseparable from the geopolitical aims of the U.S. deployment in Afghanistan.</p>","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"36 2","pages":"359-84"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/655914","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29498939","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay explores how concepts of value and cheapness circulate around the bodies of clients of the Johannesburg-based cosmetic surgery tourism company Surgeon and Safari. I show how the production of a luxurious experience and the mitigation of risk take place within a transnational network enabled by the presence of medical tourism in multiple locales. By placing Surgeon and Safari's activities within the context of the neoliberalization of health care in South Africa, I explore how the division between private versus public health spaces functions as both a technique of valuing clients' bodies and as a process of racialization.
{"title":"Surgeon and Safari: producing valuable bodies in Johannesburg.","authors":"Andrew Mazzaschi","doi":"10.1086/655941","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/655941","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>This essay explores how concepts of value and cheapness circulate around the bodies of clients of the Johannesburg-based cosmetic surgery tourism company Surgeon and Safari. I show how the production of a luxurious experience and the mitigation of risk take place within a transnational network enabled by the presence of medical tourism in multiple locales. By placing Surgeon and Safari's activities within the context of the neoliberalization of health care in South Africa, I explore how the division between private versus public health spaces functions as both a technique of valuing clients' bodies and as a process of racialization.</p>","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"36 2","pages":"303-11"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/655941","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29498469","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Tourists travel to Arkansas' mountain regions to experience, appreciate, and consume multiple aspects of otherness, including sacred sites and pristine and authentic peoples and environments. A largely unexplored aspect of this consumption of authenticity is alternative medicine, provided to tourists and day travelers in search of physical and emotional restoration. Traditional forms of medicine are deeply rooted in women's social roles as community healers in the region and are perpetuated in part because of the lack of readily accessible forms of so-called modern medicine. Contemporary medical tourism in Arkansas has promoted access to folk health systems, preserving them by incorporating them into tourists' health care services, and also has attracted new and dynamic alternative medical practices while encouraging the transformation of existing forms of traditional medicine. Ultimately, the blend of alternative, folk, and conventional medicine in the Arkansas highlands is evidence of globalizing forces at work in a regional culture. It also serves to highlight a renewed appreciation for the historic continuity and the efficacy of traditional knowledge in the upper South.
{"title":"Medical tourism in the backcountry: alternative health and healing in the Arkansas Ozarks.","authors":"Justin M Nolan, Mary Jo Schneider","doi":"10.1086/655911","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/655911","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>Tourists travel to Arkansas' mountain regions to experience, appreciate, and consume multiple aspects of otherness, including sacred sites and pristine and authentic peoples and environments. A largely unexplored aspect of this consumption of authenticity is alternative medicine, provided to tourists and day travelers in search of physical and emotional restoration. Traditional forms of medicine are deeply rooted in women's social roles as community healers in the region and are perpetuated in part because of the lack of readily accessible forms of so-called modern medicine. Contemporary medical tourism in Arkansas has promoted access to folk health systems, preserving them by incorporating them into tourists' health care services, and also has attracted new and dynamic alternative medical practices while encouraging the transformation of existing forms of traditional medicine. Ultimately, the blend of alternative, folk, and conventional medicine in the Arkansas highlands is evidence of globalizing forces at work in a regional culture. It also serves to highlight a renewed appreciation for the historic continuity and the efficacy of traditional knowledge in the upper South.</p>","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"36 2","pages":"319-26"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2011-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/655911","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"29498936","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The goal of this article is to introduce a new category into international political economy-the global household-and to begin to widen the focus of international political economy to include nonmarket transactions and noncapitalist production. As an economic institution composed of transnational extended families and codwellers (including international migrants and family members left behind in countries of origin), the global household is engaged in coordinating international migration, sending and receiving billions of dollars in remittances, and organizing and conducting market- and non-market-oriented production on an international scale. We first trace the discursive antecedents of the global household concept to theories of the household as a site of noncapitalist production and to feminist ethnographies of transnational families. In order to demonstrate the potential significance and effect of this newly recognized institution, we estimate the aggregate population of global households, the size and distribution of remittances, and the magnitude and sectoral scope of global household production. We then examine the implications of the global household concept for three areas of inquiry: globalization, economic development, and the household politics of economic transformation. Finally, we briefly explore the possibilities for research and activism opened up by a feminist, postcapitalist international political economy centered on the global household.
{"title":"The global household: toward a feminist postcapitalist international political economy.","authors":"Maliha Safri, Julie Graham","doi":"10.1086/652913","DOIUrl":"10.1086/652913","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>The goal of this article is to introduce a new category into international political economy-the global household-and to begin to widen the focus of international political economy to include nonmarket transactions and noncapitalist production. As an economic institution composed of transnational extended families and codwellers (including international migrants and family members left behind in countries of origin), the global household is engaged in coordinating international migration, sending and receiving billions of dollars in remittances, and organizing and conducting market- and non-market-oriented production on an international scale. We first trace the discursive antecedents of the global household concept to theories of the household as a site of noncapitalist production and to feminist ethnographies of transnational families. In order to demonstrate the potential significance and effect of this newly recognized institution, we estimate the aggregate population of global households, the size and distribution of remittances, and the magnitude and sectoral scope of global household production. We then examine the implications of the global household concept for three areas of inquiry: globalization, economic development, and the household politics of economic transformation. Finally, we briefly explore the possibilities for research and activism opened up by a feminist, postcapitalist international political economy centered on the global household.</p>","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"36 1","pages":"99-126"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2010-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"10450167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L'A. pose la question pourquoi il y a si peu d'attention accordee aux ecrits economiques feministes des annees 1990 - nottament sur la discrimination dans le marche du travail ou sur la production des menages - par les theoriciens de la discipline
{"title":"Can We Talk? Feminist Economists in Dialogue with Social Theorists","authors":"J. Nelson","doi":"10.1086/500599","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/500599","url":null,"abstract":"L'A. pose la question pourquoi il y a si peu d'attention accordee aux ecrits economiques feministes des annees 1990 - nottament sur la discrimination dans le marche du travail ou sur la production des menages - par les theoriciens de la discipline","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"31 1","pages":"1051 - 1074"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2006-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/500599","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"60382866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
n 1900, Emile Durkheim celebrated a new century by summing up the history of sociology in the old one. Although he named founding figures from both sides of the Atlantic, he characterized the new field as an "essentially French science" (1900, 609). Only France could provide an appropriate home for the new science; only France combined the innovations of a postrevolutionary social order with the continuous intellectual tradition of Cartesian rationality. In his earlier history of socialism, Durkheim had named Henri de Saint-Simon as the founder of "sociological" thinking (1958), but, in his new centennial history, he awarded the lion's share of the praise to Auguste Comte, the "father" of the field, the inventor of the term sociology, and, despite his debts to Saint-Simon, "for us, the masterpar excellence" (Durkheim 1900, 609-12).1 In subsequent histories of the discipline, Durkheim has joined his predecessor Comte among the acknowledged "founding fathers of modern sociology," and Comte and Durkheim's nineteenth-century French social science has become part of the prehistory of twentieth-century American
{"title":"Sexual politics in Comte and Durkheim: feminism, history, and the French sociological tradition.","authors":"J E Pedersen","doi":"10.1086/495678","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/495678","url":null,"abstract":"n 1900, Emile Durkheim celebrated a new century by summing up the history of sociology in the old one. Although he named founding figures from both sides of the Atlantic, he characterized the new field as an \"essentially French science\" (1900, 609). Only France could provide an appropriate home for the new science; only France combined the innovations of a postrevolutionary social order with the continuous intellectual tradition of Cartesian rationality. In his earlier history of socialism, Durkheim had named Henri de Saint-Simon as the founder of \"sociological\" thinking (1958), but, in his new centennial history, he awarded the lion's share of the praise to Auguste Comte, the \"father\" of the field, the inventor of the term sociology, and, despite his debts to Saint-Simon, \"for us, the masterpar excellence\" (Durkheim 1900, 609-12).1 In subsequent histories of the discipline, Durkheim has joined his predecessor Comte among the acknowledged \"founding fathers of modern sociology,\" and Comte and Durkheim's nineteenth-century French social science has become part of the prehistory of twentieth-century American","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"27 1","pages":"229-63"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/495678","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26810852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ocated in more than 130 countries, migrant Filipina domestic workers have settled in the cities of Athens, Bahrain, Rome, Madrid, Paris, Toronto, New York, Los Angeles, Hong Kong, and Singapore. Dispersed among a multitude of industrialized nations, they have come to constitute a diaspora more precisely, a contemporary female labor diaspora.' A particular result of global restructuring, this labor diaspora is a product of the
{"title":"Transgressing the nation-state: the partial citizenship and \"imagined (global) community\" of migrant Filipina domestic workers.","authors":"R S Parrenas","doi":"10.1086/495650","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/495650","url":null,"abstract":"ocated in more than 130 countries, migrant Filipina domestic workers have settled in the cities of Athens, Bahrain, Rome, Madrid, Paris, Toronto, New York, Los Angeles, Hong Kong, and Singapore. Dispersed among a multitude of industrialized nations, they have come to constitute a diaspora more precisely, a contemporary female labor diaspora.' A particular result of global restructuring, this labor diaspora is a product of the","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"26 4","pages":"1129-54"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/495650","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26810867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ecent scholarship on social change emphasizes the importance of transnational advocacy networks and a globalizing civil society, in which borders between states become permeable to international political activism (Keck and Sikkink 1998; Della Porta, Kriesi, and Rucht 1999; Tarrow 1999). Such transnational organizing has blossomed within the women's movement, as elsewhere, and has affected the types of resources and discourses available to activists. Efforts to produce change in gender relations can now rely heavily on elite and expert social networks, in which women's organizing has become increasingly professionalized and "NGO-ized" (Alvarez 1997; Ray 1999; Silliman 1999). Local feminist activists now participate self-consciously in international forums, share a common discourse, and construct a women's movement understood as being both local and global (Bystydzienski and Sekhon 1999). This change in political activity has occurred at the same time as a global decline in women's mass mobilization and in the use of contentious forms of public protest (Freeman and Johnson 1999). In this article, we examine the nature and meaning of the transnational mobilization of women's movements, using as a specific case study a set of seminars sponsored by U.S. women activists and intended to support women's political activism in Russia. Our main argument is that transnational organizing is not a unidirectional process. At the point of intersection between the local and the global, where these seminars take place, resources and discourses become objects of struggle, which neither the Russian nor the American women's movement activists unilaterally control. Moreover, reciprocal benefits accrue to both local and extralocal
{"title":"Constructing global feminism: transnational advocacy networks and Russian women's activism.","authors":"V Sperling, M M Ferree, B Risman","doi":"10.1086/495651","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/495651","url":null,"abstract":"ecent scholarship on social change emphasizes the importance of transnational advocacy networks and a globalizing civil society, in which borders between states become permeable to international political activism (Keck and Sikkink 1998; Della Porta, Kriesi, and Rucht 1999; Tarrow 1999). Such transnational organizing has blossomed within the women's movement, as elsewhere, and has affected the types of resources and discourses available to activists. Efforts to produce change in gender relations can now rely heavily on elite and expert social networks, in which women's organizing has become increasingly professionalized and \"NGO-ized\" (Alvarez 1997; Ray 1999; Silliman 1999). Local feminist activists now participate self-consciously in international forums, share a common discourse, and construct a women's movement understood as being both local and global (Bystydzienski and Sekhon 1999). This change in political activity has occurred at the same time as a global decline in women's mass mobilization and in the use of contentious forms of public protest (Freeman and Johnson 1999). In this article, we examine the nature and meaning of the transnational mobilization of women's movements, using as a specific case study a set of seminars sponsored by U.S. women activists and intended to support women's political activism in Russia. Our main argument is that transnational organizing is not a unidirectional process. At the point of intersection between the local and the global, where these seminars take place, resources and discourses become objects of struggle, which neither the Russian nor the American women's movement activists unilaterally control. Moreover, reciprocal benefits accrue to both local and extralocal","PeriodicalId":51382,"journal":{"name":"Signs","volume":"26 4","pages":"1155-86"},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2001-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/495651","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26808393","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}