Journal of Phonetics最新文献

Learning sound categories is central to language acquisition – but we know little about the extent of phonetic variability in the learner’s input. In this study, we phonetically annotated coronal segments (/t/, /d/, /s/, /z/, and /n/) in a corpus of naturalistic American English infant-directed speech (IDS). We did not find evidence that IDS is consistently more canonical than adult-directed speech (ADS), challenging the notion of IDS as a learning register. While IDS is not more canonical than ADS overall, the canonical form was nonetheless the most frequent form in IDS for all segments except /t/. We also considered how infants may move beyond the task of identifying the canonical form to how they may learn to cluster allophones; for this purpose, we quantified the dissimilarity in the phonological environments of the variants in question. Lastly, we investigated a case in which the overwhelming majority of instantiations were not canonical – word-final t and d – and demonstrated that morphologically-conditioned suffixes were more canonical than other word final segments. This corpus is a vital step towards understanding how infants can learn to categorize sounds from their input and will be an invaluable tool for future sociolinguistic, computational and theoretical modeling of language learning.

This paper reports a developmental production-perception study of the three-way Polish sibilant contrast /s, ʂ, ɕ/ in typically developing children (N = 76). Children aged 2;11–7;11 produced words with sibilants in word-medial and initial position. They then identified the same words they produced, and the words as produced by an unknown adult female. Results show higher identification accuracy for adult productions across all ages. Production and perception data suggest that the alveolo-palatal /ɕ/ is acquired first, and that it is differentiated mainly by formant patterns. In the perceptual discrimination task, most errors were found for child-produced /ʂ/, and this persisted into the oldest ages. Early acquisition of /ɕ/ has been observed in other languages and may reflect motoric considerations as well as a focus on formant information in child speech perception. Cue weighting appears to change over age in sibilant-specific ways. While all children weight formants highest for /ɕ/, spectral cues appear to be more important for /s/ and /ʂ/, and reliance on formants may decrease with age. This work contributes to the study of cross-language differences in acquisition, provides an acoustic characterization of child-produced Polish sibilants, and elucidates the acoustic characteristics that children use in perceptual judgments of sibilants.

In the first decades of the 21st century, exemplar theory has fueled an explosion of theoretical and empirical work in speech production. We review the foundations for this framework in linguistics and cognitive science, and examine how recent empirical findings challenge core principles of exemplar theory. While theoretical advances in hybrid exemplar models address some of these issues, accounting for the emergence of structure, the incorporation of structure into exemplar updating, and the non-uniformity of phonetic variation and convergence (among other phenomena), remain major challenges for current models. We discuss future directions for developing exemplar theories as comprehensive accounts of speech production.

Geographic mobility can lead to the acquisition of new regional dialect features. This second dialect acquisition is highly variable across individuals and is affected by a range of linguistic and social factors. The realization of dialect-specific features is also affected by linguistic variables related to phonetic reduction, but this interaction has been primarily examined with a mix of mobile and non-mobile participants. In the current study, second dialect acquisition by Midwestern American young adults and its interaction with phonetic reduction processes was examined. Relative to lifetime residents of the Northern and Midland regions of American English, some Northern transplants to the Midland region exhibited second dialect acquisition and others exhibited maintenance of Northern dialect features. All talkers showed phonetic reduction due to lexical frequency, phonological neighborhood density, discourse mention, semantic predictability, and speaking style. These phonetic reduction processes only weakly interacted with dialect variation, such that less phonetic reduction was observed overall when it was potentially in conflict with dialect-specific vowel features. Taken together, the results provide additional evidence for substantial individual variation in second dialect acquisition, but limited evidence of an effect of second dialect acquisition on the interaction between dialect variation and phonetic reduction processes.

This study explores the location of the p-center in Mandarin Chinese and factors that influence it. Previous research has suggested that p-center behavior in languages that lack obstruent clusters, such as Cantonese and Mandarin, will differ from that found in Indo-European languages and others that are typologically different from Chinese languages. The purposes of the current paper are to investigate (1) whether Chinese languages systematically have a different p-center location from that found in previous studies of Indo-European languages, (2) whether vowel onglides are included as part of the syllable rime as claimed in the assumed analysis of Mandarin, and (3) how the alignment of the p-center is influenced by different features of the initial consonant, different features of rime, as well as the speech rates. Six native Mandarin speakers from Taiwan participated in a syllable repetition task with two different speech rates: 60 bpm and 120 bpm. The results indicate that the p-center in Mandarin Chinese is roughly aligned with the acoustic vowel onset, when the syllable does not have an onglide, and the onglide onset, when the syllable has an onglide. The initial consonant manner did not significantly influence onglide or vowel onsets, but the initial consonant acoustic duration, rimes, and speech rates all significantly influenced the vowel onsets as previous p-center studies have found. This appears to differ markedly from the p-center found in a recent study of Cantonese. Various causes for this mismatch are discussed.

Although Bulgarian frequently appears in discussions of vowel reduction, the vowel changes and contrast neutralisation that occur in Bulgarian unstressed syllables are often not well understood and misrepresented in the literature. I report the results of an acoustic study of stressed and unstressed vowels in two present-day varieties of Bulgarian, from the West and the East of Bulgaria. The dialects differ with respect to the magnitude of reduction (how changed unstressed vowels are), its generalisation (which vowels are affected), and the resultant neutralisation patterns; overall, reduction is stronger in the eastern variety. A number of long-standing claims about Bulgarian phonology are disproven, notably that there is less reduction in immediately pretonic than in other unstressed syllables, that high vowels are lowered in unstressed position, and that western Bulgarian reduction is necessarily gradient. I further demonstrate that, although implicationally related, reduction proper (i.e. systematic differences between stressed and unstressed vowels), its potential phonologisation, and contrast neutralisation are distinct aspects of the traditional notion of ‘vowel reduction’, each of which can be fruitfully examined in its own right.

Previous research on the Interlanguage Speech Intelligibility Benefit (ISIB) indicates nonnative listeners may have an advantage at understanding nonnative speech of talkers with the same first language (L1) due to shared interlanguage knowledge. The present study offers a comprehensive analysis of various factors that may modulate this advantage, including the proficiency of both the listeners and the talkers, the mapping of phonemes between the L1 and second language (L2), and the acoustic properties of the phones. Accuracy scores on a lexical decision task were used to investigate both native English listeners’ and native Mandarin learners’ of English perception of native English and Mandarin-accented English speech. Results show clear ISIB-L and ISIB-T effects and demonstrate the dynamic nature of ISIB effects, with both being modulated by speaker and listener proficiency. More striking ISIB effects typically occur at the most extreme ends of accentedness. Additionally, an advantage for common-phoneme over unique-phoneme words in nonnative speech was observed. While nonnative productions of common-phoneme words are more accurate than those of unique-phoneme words, for the most accented productions, nonnative listeners are faster to respond to these unique, often mispronounced, productions.

The nonnative listener advantage at perceiving nonnative speech depends on various factors, including listener proficiency, speaker proficiency, phoneme characteristics, and the acoustics of specific speech tokens.

Many languages contrast long and short vowels, but the phonetic implementation of vowel length contrasts is not fully understood. We examine articulation of long and short vowels in Australian English to investigate whether duration contrasts involve intrinsic differences in the underlying gestures, or differences in their timing relationships with flanking consonants. We used electromagnetic articulography to track tongue dorsum and lip movement in two long-short vowel pairs /iː-ɪ/ (bead – bid) and /ɐː-ɐ/ (bard – bud) produced in /pVp/ syllables by nine speakers of Australian English. For short vowels, lingual movement towards the vowel target (formation interval) is shorter and smaller, but not stiffer, than that of long vowels. Syllables containing the short vowel /ɐ/ also exhibited more vowel-coda overlap than those containing /ɐː/. These data suggest that both vowel-intrinsic and syllable-level mechanisms are involved in the realisation of vowel length contrasts in Australian English.

Variation in speech has always been important to phonetic theory, but takes center stage in the growing area of sociophonetics, which places the role of the social at the heart of the theoretical and methodological enterprise. This paper provides a comprehensive survey of key advances and theoretical issues in sociophonetic research, in both production and perception. It reviews the foundations of sociophonetics in phonetics and sociolinguistics, and articulates several major theoretical questions that run through sociophonetic work, as well as the nature of evidence and methods in sociophonetics. It explores the many factors that underpin variation and change within individuals, such as speech accommodation and speech style, and major factors that organize group-level variation and change, including regional affiliation, social class, sex, gender, and sexuality, race and ethnicity, and age. By connecting sociophonetic research to a wide range of areas, from cognition to indexicality, the paper synthesizes cross-cutting themes from prior research, and highlights current and future directions for the field.