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The ‘strange non-death’ of economic models: how modelling contributed to neoliberal resilience in Denmark 经济模型的“奇怪的不死”:模型如何促进丹麦的新自由主义弹性
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2172147
N. Fuglsang
ABSTRACT Scholars have attributed the resilience of the neoliberal policy paradigm to external pressure on governments by giant corporations and to features of the neoliberal idea itself. This article proposes a different explanation based on the political influence of the economic models that governments use for policy planning. I develop a theoretical perspective to capture how economic models, rather than being mere analytical tools, are policy tools with an overt objective function and a covert political function. To illustrate the value of the theory, I use a qualitative case-study approach to analyse how politicians in the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis used economic models before and during the 2011–2015 Social Democratic Thorning-Schmidt government in Denmark. I show how the Danish Finance Ministry’s model worked as a weapon, a game board and a shield to discredit certain policies while promoting other policies, and in the process contributing to neoliberal resilience.
摘要学者们将新自由主义政策范式的弹性归因于大公司对政府的外部压力以及新自由主义思想本身的特点。基于政府用于政策规划的经济模型的政治影响,本文提出了不同的解释。我发展了一种理论视角,以捕捉经济模型如何成为具有公开目标功能和隐蔽政治功能的政策工具,而不仅仅是分析工具。为了说明该理论的价值,我使用了一种定性的案例研究方法来分析2008年金融危机后的政治家们在2011-2015年丹麦社会民主党Thorning Schmidt政府之前和期间如何使用经济模型。我展示了丹麦财政部的模式如何作为武器、游戏板和盾牌,在推广其他政策的同时诋毁某些政策,并在这个过程中为新自由主义的韧性做出贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The de-globalisation of capital? The political economy of community wealth building 资本的去全球化?社区财富建设的政治经济学
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-05 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2159353
Jamie Dennis, L. Stanley
ABSTRACT Community wealth building (CWB) is a strategy for local economic development that aims to (re-)circulate wealth within the places that produce it – a kind of de-globalisation of capital. CWB has come to prominence in the UK due to its implementation in Preston and endorsements from the Corbyn-led Labour Party. However, CWB has come under criticism for promoting protectionism. As a way into the political economy of CWB, this article analyses this criticism. We do so by bringing the policy debate in the UK into dialogue with political economy literature on protectionism and nationalism. We show that protectionism is as much a political weapon or slur used to discredit interventionist development strategies as it is an analytical concept at home in technical economic discourse. On this basis, we argue that CWB is not protectionist neither in its policy proposal nor in its wider worldview. However, CWB does limit itself to the local without a clear redistributive mechanism between municipalities and so risks siloing local areas from one another.
摘要社区财富建设(CWB)是一种地方经济发展战略,旨在使财富在产生财富的地方(再)流通,这是一种资本的去全球化。由于CWB在普雷斯顿的实施以及科尔宾领导的工党的支持,CWB在英国崭露头角。然而,CWB因宣扬保护主义而受到批评。作为对CWB政治经济学的一种探索,本文对这种批评进行了分析。我们通过将英国的政策辩论与关于保护主义和民族主义的政治经济学文献进行对话来做到这一点。我们表明,保护主义既是一种政治武器或诋毁干预主义发展战略的手段,也是国内技术经济话语中的一个分析概念。在此基础上,我们认为《禁止化学武器公约》在其政策建议和更广泛的世界观中都不是保护主义者。然而,CWB确实将自己局限于地方,而市政当局之间没有明确的再分配机制,因此有可能将地方相互孤立。
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引用次数: 1
Towards a reparative welfare state 走向一个补偿性的福利国家
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2084519
E. Klein
ABSTRACT The writings of TH Marshall, Esping Anderson and other welfare state scholars have been concerned with class-based inequalities bought about through capitalism. Yet the focus on exploitation of labour overlooks racialised and gendered inequalities bought about through historic and contemporary processes of expropriation also inherent in capitalism. In this paper, I argue that addressing processes of expropriation are fundamental to the political economy of the welfare state and propose a reparative way of thinking to transform the welfare state. Drawing on insights from the transformative reparation literature, I outline three modes of transformation – unsettling accumulation by dispossession, disrupting dehumanising subjectivities and supporting pluriversal possibilities as processes to transform the structures that uphold expropriation and the welfare state.
马歇尔(TH Marshall)、安德森(Esping Anderson)和其他福利国家学者的著作一直关注资本主义带来的阶级不平等。然而,对劳动力剥削的关注忽视了历史和当代剥夺过程中产生的种族化和性别不平等,这也是资本主义固有的。本文认为,解决征收过程是福利国家政治经济学的基础,并提出了一种改造福利国家的补偿性思维方式。借鉴转型赔偿文献的见解,我概述了三种转型模式——剥夺带来的令人不安的积累,破坏非人性化的主体性,以及支持多元化的可能性,作为转变维护征用和福利国家的结构的过程。
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引用次数: 3
‘Making financial sense of the future’: actuaries and the management of climate-related financial risk “为未来创造财务意义”:精算师和气候相关金融风险的管理
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2067838
N. Taylor
ABSTRACT This paper seeks to explore how professionals in the financial sector understand the challenge that climate change presents to economy and society. It is a case study into how ‘climate-related financial risk’ is understood in a particular area of expertise – within the actuarial profession. There is an increasingly prominent claim among financial regulators that climate change should be considered as an issue of financial risk and stability; it is argued that this will drive capital towards green ends, and an orderly low carbon transition. Responding to this, actuaries are seeking to establish climate-related risk as part of their professional jurisdiction. Yet they are struggling to do so because of their relationship to the investment chain and because the tools they employ for risk management, mostly drawn from financial economics, are fundamentally failing to consider, quantify and financialise climate risks. Instead, the profession is moving toward scenario-based tools for managing climate-related uncertainty that incorporate narratives about policy interventions and market reaction. The paper draws on interviews and ethnographic research conducted with members of the UK-based Institute and Faculty of Actuaries (IFoA) to explore these established and emerging risk management tools and perspectives.
摘要本文旨在探讨金融行业的专业人士如何理解气候变化给经济和社会带来的挑战。这是一个案例研究,探讨如何在精算专业的特定专业领域理解“气候相关金融风险”。金融监管机构越来越突出地主张,气候变化应被视为一个金融风险和稳定问题;有人认为,这将推动资本转向绿色目的和有序的低碳转型。对此,精算师正寻求将气候相关风险确定为其专业管辖权的一部分。然而,他们之所以难以做到这一点,是因为他们与投资链的关系,以及他们用于风险管理的工具(主要来自金融经济学)从根本上没有考虑、量化和金融化气候风险。相反,该行业正在转向基于情景的工具,以管理与气候相关的不确定性,其中包含有关政策干预和市场反应的叙述。本文借鉴了对英国精算师协会和学院(IFoA)成员的采访和民族志研究,探讨了这些成熟和新兴的风险管理工具和观点。
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引用次数: 6
Too green to be true? Forging a climate consensus at the European Central Bank 太绿而不真实?在欧洲央行(ecb)达成气候共识
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2162869
Jérôme Deyris
ABSTRACT In its 2021 strategy review, the European Central Bank's Governing Council unanimously decided to make climate change one of its priorities for the coming years. In this article, we try to understand how this change was achieved. To do so, we rely on mixed methods, studying ECB policies, speeches, exchanges with the European Parliament, and conducting semi-structured interviews. We present a detailed account of the rapid changes within the ECB regarding the climate challenge, and attempt to unpack its conditions of possibility. We show that climate integration results from the combination and hybridisation of internal dynamics and external pressures. On the one hand, the renewal of the Executive Board and modifications in organisational dynamics secured a growing coalition for a change. On the other, pressures from politicians, NGOs, academics and citizens pushed the institution to develop its expertise and provided willing insiders with further argumentative resources to push their green agenda. While these two intertwined dynamics have allowed ‘green doves’ to forge a consensus around the climate action plan, disagreements remain within the Governing Council on the scope and shape of future greening efforts.
在2021年的战略评估中,欧洲央行管理委员会一致决定将气候变化作为未来几年的优先事项之一。在本文中,我们将尝试理解如何实现这一更改。为此,我们依靠混合方法,研究欧洲央行的政策、演讲、与欧洲议会的交流,以及进行半结构化采访。我们详细介绍了欧洲央行内部关于气候挑战的快速变化,并试图解开其可能性的条件。我们表明,气候一体化是内部动力和外部压力的结合和混合的结果。一方面,执行局的更新和组织动态的变化确保了越来越多的变革联盟。另一方面,来自政治家、非政府组织、学者和公民的压力推动该机构发展其专业知识,并为愿意的内部人士提供进一步的辩论资源,以推动他们的绿色议程。虽然这两种相互交织的动力使“绿鸽派”能够围绕气候行动计划达成共识,但管理委员会内部对未来绿化工作的范围和形式仍存在分歧。
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引用次数: 6
Conceptualising state financialisation: from the core to the periphery 国家金融化的概念化:从核心到外围
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2084520
A. Santos
ABSTRACT This article puts forward a narrow definition of state financialisation as a mode of governance whereby the state engineers and re-purposes financial tools and markets as instruments of statecraft in such a way that they bestow the financial sector increased infrastructural power. This is taken as a unifying and operational definition that seeks to bring together extant work and motivate more focused research on the transformations occurring within the state at various scales and policy domains. And it is informed by the differentiated positions countries occupy within the world economy that determine the particular subordinate forms that governance through financial markets takes.
本文提出了国家金融化作为一种治理模式的狭义定义,即国家设计和重新利用金融工具和市场作为治国方略的工具,从而赋予金融部门增加的基础设施权力。这被认为是一个统一的、可操作的定义,旨在汇集现有的工作,并激励对国家内部在不同规模和政策领域发生的转变进行更集中的研究。各国在世界经济中所占据的不同地位决定了通过金融市场进行治理的特定从属形式。
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引用次数: 4
The whiteness of markets: Anglo-American colonialism, white supremacy and free market rhetoric 市场的白人化:英美殖民主义、白人至上主义和自由市场言论
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-28 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2159354
Jessica Eastland-Underwood
ABSTRACT Building on the burgeoning raced markets literature, I examine the function of markets in colour-blind racism. I argue that ‘the market’ is a useful rhetorical mechanism in everyday political thinking that reproduces white supremacy. To demonstrate this, I look at the work of white supremacist and early American political economist: Thomas Roderick Dew. Focusing on his political economy lectures, I find that the emergent study of markets gave Dew the language to frame the American racial order as the product of natural laws that generate social good. I suggest that the efficacy of his pro-slavery argumentation is contingent on an imbalanced imagination of market histories that over-represents the white experience. Using an un-colourblinding historiography, I amplify the different experiences of Native Americans and enslaved Black Americans as well as challenging the idealisation of the white settler, which exposes the assumptions behind Dew’s pro-slavery rhetoric. Turning to a children’s podcast in the twenty-first century, I reveal how ‘the market’ is a reconfiguration of the same rhetorical strategy, where the white experience is over-represented and idealised, ultimately reproducing the material outcomes of white supremacy: maintaining and deepening the racial wealth divide.
基于新兴的种族市场文献,我研究了市场在种族歧视中的作用。我认为,“市场”在日常政治思维中是一种有用的修辞机制,再现了白人至上主义。为了证明这一点,我看了白人至上主义者和早期美国政治经济学家托马斯·罗德里克·杜(Thomas Roderick Dew)的作品。专注于他的政治经济学讲座,我发现新兴的市场研究为他提供了将美国种族秩序框定为产生社会利益的自然法则的产物的语言。我认为,他支持奴隶制的论点的有效性取决于他对市场历史的不平衡想象,这种想象过度代表了白人的经历。我用一种非有色的历史方法,放大了印第安人和被奴役的美国黑人的不同经历,并挑战了白人定居者的理想化,这暴露了露支持奴隶制言论背后的假设。转向21世纪的一个儿童播客,我揭示了“市场”是如何重新配置相同的修辞策略的,白人的经历被过度代表和理想化,最终再现了白人至上的物质结果:维持和深化种族财富鸿沟。
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引用次数: 0
Logistics of the neoliberal food regime: circulation, corporate food security and the United Arab Emirates 新自由主义食品制度的物流:流通、企业食品安全和阿拉伯联合酋长国
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2149721
C. Henderson, Rafeef Ziadah
ABSTRACT A growing body of literature acknowledges that the Gulf Cooperation Council’s demand for food is met through a set of commodity chains that span the regional and global economy. But the development of national corporate food security strategies premised on the consolidation of logistical networks and food commodity chains has not been sufficiently explored. This paper is concerned with the United Arab Emirates’ footprint on the regional and international food regime, and the state’s production as a regional hub for agri-food trade. We trace the ways the UAE’s corporate food security strategy utilises the private sector, agribusiness and logistics firms, alongside military power, to achieve so-called food security. We bring the literature on food regimes and logistics space into dialogue to explore the UAE’s food security policy as a strategy to consolidate power over agro-commodity production and distribution networks.
摘要越来越多的文献承认,海湾合作委员会的粮食需求是通过一系列横跨地区和全球经济的商品链来满足的。但是,以巩固物流网络和粮食商品链为前提的国家企业粮食安全战略的制定尚未得到充分探索。本文关注的是阿拉伯联合酋长国在区域和国际粮食制度中的足迹,以及该国作为区域农业食品贸易中心的生产情况。我们追踪了阿联酋企业粮食安全战略如何利用私营部门、农业综合企业和物流公司以及军事力量来实现所谓的粮食安全。我们将有关粮食制度和物流空间的文献纳入对话,探讨阿联酋的粮食安全政策,将其作为巩固农产品生产和分销网络权力的战略。
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引用次数: 1
Crisis management, new constitutionalism, and depoliticisation: recasting the politics of austerity in the US and UK, 2010–16 危机管理、新宪政与去政治化:重塑2010 - 2016年英美紧缩政治
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-12-05 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2153358
Dillon Wamsley
ABSTRACT Political economy literature has sought to explain the rapid shift from fiscal stimulus to austerity after the 2008 crisis. Influential contributions highlight the relative explanatory value of ideational or structural factors in contributing to post-crisis austerity. Drawing on Stephen Gill’s (1998) analysis of new constitutionalism and Peter Burnham’s (2001) understanding of depoliticisation, I contend that these frameworks offer a more useful lens to understand how post-2010 austerity in the US and UK was shaped by an enduring consensus on macroeconomic policy governance consolidating during the 1990s. Examining the role of fiscal mechanisms such as PAYGO in the US and the ‘Fiscal Golden Rules’ in the UK, and the operational independence conferred to central banks, I illustrate how Third Way governments institutionalised budgetary reforms and distanced macroeconomic policymaking from popular political contestation. Despite temporary lapses with this logic of fiscal restraint, as well as the rollout of historic monetary policies after 2008, I argue that these practices became deeply embedded within state institutions. Focusing on PAYGO in the US and the OBR in the UK, I show how policymakers redeployed policies and practices from the 1990s amidst the 2008 crisis to externalise responsibility for implementing austerity measures.
摘要政治经济学文献试图解释2008年危机后从财政刺激到紧缩的快速转变。有影响力的贡献突出了概念或结构因素在促成危机后紧缩方面的相对解释价值。根据Stephen Gill(1998)对新宪政的分析和Peter Burnham(2001)对非政治化的理解,我认为这些框架为理解美国和英国2010年后的紧缩政策是如何由20世纪90年代巩固宏观经济政策治理的持久共识所形成的提供了一个更有用的视角。通过研究美国的PAYGO和英国的“财政黄金规则”等财政机制的作用,以及赋予央行的运营独立性,我展示了第三方政府如何将预算改革制度化,并将宏观经济政策制定与大众政治争论拉开距离。尽管这种财政约束的逻辑暂时失效,以及2008年后历史性货币政策的推出,我认为这些做法已经深深植根于国家机构中。关注美国的PAYGO和英国的OBR,我展示了政策制定者如何在2008年危机中重新部署20世纪90年代的政策和做法,以将实施紧缩措施的责任外部化。
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引用次数: 0
Decarbonising states as owners 脱碳的国家是所有者
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2149722
M. Babić, Adam D. Dixon
ABSTRACT Environmental state debates focus on the governance and steering functions of politics. Concurrently, many states stand out as large global owners and investors in carbon industries. Via various investment vehicles, states control around half of all global oil and gas reserves as well as other carbon assets. We know very little, however, about where these states are invested; how they conduct their carbon investment; and what possibilities and constraints carbon-owning states have to decarbonise. Yet, these aspects – the geography, investment profiles and domestic state carbon capital dependence – are key to assess the possibilities and limitations of climate action states as carbon owners have. Based on new fine-grained firm-level data, we deliver conceptual and empirical insights into all three issues. Our intervention fills an important gap in our knowledge about the environmental state, while drawing the attention of researchers and policymakers to a blind spot, but also to transformation potentials of the carbon-owning state in the following decade.
环境国家的争论集中在政治的治理和指导功能上。与此同时,许多国家作为全球碳产业的大型所有者和投资者脱颖而出。通过各种投资工具,各国控制着全球约一半的石油和天然气储量以及其他碳资产。然而,我们对这些州的投资情况知之甚少;他们如何进行碳投资;以及拥有碳的国家去碳化的可能性和限制。然而,这些方面——地理、投资概况和国内国家对碳资本的依赖——是评估气候行动国家作为碳所有者的可能性和局限性的关键。基于新的细粒度企业层面的数据,我们提供了对这三个问题的概念和实证见解。我们的干预填补了我们对环境状态知识的一个重要空白,同时将研究人员和政策制定者的注意力吸引到一个盲点,同时也吸引了碳拥有国在未来十年的转型潜力。
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引用次数: 4
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New Political Economy
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