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Reconceptualising freedom in the 21st century: neoliberalism vs. degrowth 重新定义21世纪的自由:新自由主义vs.去增长
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2022.2149719
Felix Windegger, C. Spash
ABSTRACT The hegemonic role of neoliberal ideas in today’s political-economic thought and practice has shaped the common way of thinking about freedom in Western society and more generally in the international community. This involves a negative, individualistic and market-centred interpretation of the concept. In contrast, visions of a degrowth society offer a radical alternative based on Cornelius Castoriadis’ notion of individual and social autonomy. We present both positions and explain their differences. We then follow this up by reporting on a questionnaire conducted at the 2018 Degrowth Conference in Malmö, Sweden. This empirical study of the degrowth movement probes the extent to which advocates actually follow the Castoriadian as opposed to the hegemonic neoliberal theory. While participants were found to hold positions consistent with the Castoriadian theory, we also identify contradictory and under-conceptualised aspects in their understanding of freedom. This points to the need for the degrowth movement to directly address its theoretical foundations, and elaborate on and strengthen its vision of freedom compatible with a future degrowth society in order to avoid potential co-option and becoming sub-hegemonic.
新自由主义思想在当今政治经济思想和实践中的霸权作用,塑造了西方社会乃至国际社会对自由的共同思考方式。这涉及对这一概念的消极、个人主义和以市场为中心的解释。相比之下,去增长社会的愿景提供了一个基于Cornelius Castoriadis的个人和社会自治概念的激进选择。我们提出了两种立场,并解释了它们之间的差异。然后,我们通过在瑞典Malmö举行的2018年去增长会议上进行的问卷调查进行了跟进。这种对去增长运动的实证研究探讨了倡导者实际上在多大程度上遵循Castoriadian,而不是霸权的新自由主义理论。虽然发现参与者持有与Castoriadian理论一致的立场,但我们也发现他们对自由的理解中存在矛盾和概念化不足的方面。这表明,去增长运动需要直接解决其理论基础,并阐述和加强其与未来去增长社会相容的自由愿景,以避免潜在的合作选择和成为次霸权。
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引用次数: 1
‘Saving the WTO’: middle power insiders and joint statement initiatives at the World Trade Organisation “拯救WTO”:中等强国内部人士和世界贸易组织的联合声明倡议
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-04 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2221637
Shamel Azmeh
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引用次数: 0
Rewarding a friend: Does the World Bank direct non-commercial risk insurance to countries that support US foreign policy interests? 回报朋友:世界银行是否直接向支持美国外交政策利益的国家提供非商业风险保险?
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-03 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2230557
Jonas Gamso, A. Dimitrova
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引用次数: 1
Capitalist reforms and extreme poverty in China: unprecedented progress or income deflation? 资本主义改革与中国的极端贫困:前所未有的进步还是收入紧缩?
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-07-02 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2217087
D. Sullivan, M. Moatsos, J. Hickel
It is widely believed that China ’ s socialist economy had relatively high rates of extreme poverty while the capitalist reforms of the 1980s and 1990s delivered rapid progress. This narrative relies on World Bank estimates of the share of people living on less than $1.90 a day (2011 PPP), which show a sharp decline from 88 per cent in 1981 to zero by 2018. However, the World Bank ’ s poverty line has been critiqued for ignoring variations in the actual cost of meeting basic needs. In this paper we review data published by the OECD on the share of people unable to a ff ord a subsistence basket. These estimates indicate that from 1981 to 1990, when most of China ’ s socialist provisioning systems were still in place, the country ’ s extreme poverty rate was on average only 5.6 per cent, substantially lower than in capitalist economies of comparable size and income at the time: 51 per cent in India, 36.5 per cent in Indonesia, and 29.5 per cent in Brazil. China ’ s comparatively strong performance is corroborated by data on other social indicators. Moreover, extreme poverty in China increased during the capitalist reforms of the 1990s, reaching a peak of 68 per cent, as privatisation in fl ated the prices of essential goods and thus de fl ated the incomes of the working classes. These results indicate that socialist provisioning policies can be e ff ective at preventing extreme poverty, while market reforms may threaten people ’ s ability to meet basic needs.
人们普遍认为,中国社会主义经济的极端贫困率相对较高,而20世纪80年代和90年代的资本主义改革取得了快速进展。这种说法依赖于世界银行对每天生活费低于1.90美元的人口比例(2011年购买力平价)的估计,该估计显示,生活费从1981年的88%急剧下降到2018年的零。然而,世界银行的贫困线因忽视满足基本需求的实际成本变化而受到批评。在这篇论文中,我们回顾了经合组织发布的关于无法维持生计的人口比例的数据。这些估计表明,从1981年到1990年,当中国的大多数社会主义供给体系仍然存在时,中国的极端贫困率平均仅为5.6%,大大低于当时规模和收入相当的资本主义经济体:印度为51%,印度尼西亚为36.5%,巴西为29.5%。中国相对强劲的表现得到了其他社会指标数据的证实。此外,在20世纪90年代的资本主义改革期间,中国的极端贫困加剧,达到68%的峰值,因为私有化降低了基本商品的价格,从而降低了工人阶级的收入。这些结果表明,社会主义供给政策可以有效地防止极端贫困,而市场改革可能威胁到人们满足基本需求的能力。
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引用次数: 1
Homo digitalis: narrative for a new political economy of digital transformation and transition 数字人:数字转型和转型的新政治经济叙事
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2227577
Joan Torrent‐Sellens
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引用次数: 0
Diversity, solidarity and the construction of the ingroup among (post)colonial migrants in The Netherlands, 1945–1968 1945-1968年荷兰(后)殖民移民群体的多样性、团结性和内部群体的构建
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2227120
E. Wolff
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引用次数: 0
Cars, capitalism and ecological crises: understanding systemic barriers to a sustainability transition in the German car industry 汽车、资本主义和生态危机:理解德国汽车行业可持续转型的系统性障碍
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-20 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2223132
A. Keil, J. Steinberger
In the face of climate and ecological crises, it is vital that car use be reduced, while simultaneously shifting towards different powertrains and reducing the size, weight and energy demand of vehicles. This poses a challenge to the global car industry, as its business model historically centres on selling more and larger cars. In this context, the purpose of this paper is to examine the social-ecological limits of industrial restructuring in Germany. A narrative literature review through the lens of Marxian political economy sheds light on intertwined system-immanent barriers to achieving social and ecological sustainability at the sectoral level. Consequently, powertrain electrification is structured by technological dynamism, which fuels appropriation in the quest for metals and rare earths, with significant social and ecological disadvantages. This generates an impasse for the industry’s transition strategies. Understanding how capitalist tendencies generate interlaced and mutually re-enforcing barriers to achieving social-ecological sustainability is key to understanding why industrial transitions are insufficient from a social-ecological perspective. ARTICLE HISTORY Received 10 October 2022 Accepted 6 June 2023
面对气候和生态危机,减少汽车的使用是至关重要的,同时转向不同的动力系统,减少汽车的尺寸、重量和能源需求。这对全球汽车行业构成了挑战,因为其商业模式历来以销售更多、更大的汽车为中心。在此背景下,本文的目的是考察德国产业结构调整的社会生态限制。通过马克思主义政治经济学的视角,叙述文献综述揭示了在部门层面实现社会和生态可持续性的交织在一起的系统内在障碍。因此,动力系统的电气化是由技术动力构成的,这助长了对金属和稀土的追求,具有显著的社会和生态劣势。这导致了行业转型战略的僵局。理解资本主义倾向如何产生相互交织和相互加强的障碍,以实现社会生态的可持续性,是理解为什么从社会生态的角度来看,工业转型是不够的关键。文章历史接收日期2022年10月10日接收日期2023年6月6日
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引用次数: 1
A contender state’s multiscalar mediation of transnational capital: the belt and road in the Middle East 竞争者国家对跨国资本的多层面调解:中东一带一路
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-16 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2222673
Salam Alshareef
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引用次数: 2
Political independence through monetary dependence? The case of Montenegro 通过货币依赖实现政治独立?黑山的案例
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-10 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2221181
Nicola Nones
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引用次数: 0
Balancing the scales: labour incorporation and the politics of growth model transformation 平衡规模:劳动力纳入和增长模式转型的政治
IF 4.2 2区 经济学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2023-06-05 DOI: 10.1080/13563467.2023.2217770
Assaf S. Bondy, Erez Maggor
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引用次数: 0
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New Political Economy
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