The study is motivated by the persistent low participation in the labour force of women in India, largely attributed to the burden of unpaid domestic and caregiving work. There is a notable lack of empirical studies on this issue due to the previous absence of comprehensive time-use data. This research aims to fill this gap by exploring the impact of unpaid care work using the latest Indian time-use data.
This is an empirical study that investigates the influence of unpaid domestic and caregiving work on the labour-force participation and employment choices of women in India. Additionally, the study explores the extent of time poverty among working women and identifies its causes.
The study has utilized Time Use in India data 2019. To examine the impact of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics as well as unpaid domestic and caregiving work on labour-force participation and nature of employment of women, the study has employed logistic regression and multinomial logistic regression, respectively.
The findings revealed that the time devoted to unpaid domestic and caregiving work reduces the probability of women participating in the labour market. An increase in time invested in unpaid domestic and caregiving work raises the likelihood of women opting for self-employment. In addition, women workers in India experience higher levels of time poverty than their male counterparts, and this gender disparity in time poverty persists across all employment categories.
To include women in the labour market, it is imperative to recognize, reduce, and redistribute women's unpaid domestic and caregiving work and invest in care-friendly policies at workplaces to reduce time poverty among women workers.
In India's rapidly evolving economic landscape, skill development is essential for fostering socioeconomic progress. Despite the vast working-age population, significant gaps persist between the skills available and those demanded by industries, particularly within the informal sector. Understanding the evolution and effectiveness of India's skill development policies is crucial to bridging these gaps and ensuring a workforce that meets contemporary economic demands.
This study explores the evolution of India's skill development policies, examining the factors driving these changes and their alignment with the changing socioeconomic context of the country. It also identifies implementation gaps, investigates challenges in policy execution, and analyses strategic priorities shaping their development and delivery.
Using a qualitative content analysis, this study examines 25 key policy documents through the Walt and Gilson policy triangle framework, focusing on context, content and process. The analysis employs a deductive coding approach using NVivo software, involving an in-depth examination of national policy documents, strategic frameworks, government reports, and guidelines.
The findings revealed that India's skill development policies have evolved to emphasize flexibility, with adaptable training models increasing from 1% focus in NSP 2009 to 12% focus in Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana 3.0. However, inclusivity has declined, dropping from 13% frequency in NSP 2009, and the initial focus on entrepreneurship (40% frequency in NSP 2015) has diminished in subsequent policies. Fragmented initiatives, unrealistic skill projections, and poor digital adaptability continue to hinder the effectiveness of these programmes.
Holistic reforms are needed to improve co-ordination among stakeholders and integrate soft skills into training. Investments in infrastructure, skilled trainers, expanding the private sector's role in skill development, and awareness campaigns will enhance accessibility and relevance. Addressing informal sector needs and aligning training with technological advancements will ensure an inclusive, future-ready workforce.
This study examines how donors provide aid to unrecognized government under restricted conditions, focusing on Afghanistan's Taliban government, which has ruled since August 2021. However, owing to its harsh policies, particularly towards women, no country or organization has officially recognized it as a government, placing strong constraints on foreign aid to Afghanistan. Nevertheless, donors continue to provide aid because it is difficult to halt assistance on humanitarian grounds.
Aiding unrecognized states (governments) is fraught with difficulties. Using the example of Afghanistan under the rule of the Taliban in the 1990s and from August 2021 to the present, this paper clarifies that the political situation of unrecognition imposes enormous costs on both the recipient and donor sides of aid.
The study reviews reports from the United Nations and other organizations, academic literature, and media articles. In addition, informal in-person and remote interviews are conducted with stakeholders in the government, academia, research institutes in the United States and the United Kingdom, Japan, aid workers in Kabul, Afghanistan, and an Afghan immigrant in Canada.
Aid to an unrecognized government causes a paradox in efforts to provide more aid, with higher procedural costs and the need for deeper communication with the unrecognized government. Furthermore, “aid diversion,” or aid flows to unrecognized governments, remains a controversial issue in US domestic politics.
Even if donors are highly motivated to provide aid to unrecognized governments for humanitarian and developmental reasons, diplomatic non-recognition impedes and creates dilemmas in aid delivery. Hence, donors face high procedural costs or have to make compromises in aiding politically unrecognized de facto governments. The US and other countries are not expected to recognize the Taliban diplomatically for a while, although the suffering Afghan people need aid. A realistic approach would be to provide de facto development assistance under the cover of humanitarian assistance and to continue dialogue with the Taliban, thereby developing mutual interests and trust.
Taxation has received increasing attention from researchers and in the context of development policy, though less attention has been paid to the gendered impacts of taxation, particularly in lower-income countries.
We seek to understand how taxation affects men and women differently and relates to gender equity in lower-income countries. In turn, we aim to identify how researchers and policy-makers can further a feminist fiscal agenda to strengthen gender equity.
We review the growing evidence on how tax policy and administration affect the lives and livelihoods of women in lower-income countries. Through this review of research and development practice, we identify impact gaps and channels through which taxation can lead to gendered outcomes.
Three findings emerge. First, in considering the impact of tax policy on gender outcomes, there is a need to focus on those issues that most affect women in lower-income countries. In part, this means focusing on the ways in which the informal sector is taxed, as well as how subnational and informal taxes and fees affect men and women differently. Second, while research has focused on the impacts of tax policy on gender outcomes, greater attention needs to be paid to the gendered impacts of tax administration. Third, bringing a gender lens to tax and development requires considering revenue and expenditure together to ensure that the effects of progressive tax policies are not undermined by gender-insensitive budgets.
An evidence review points to various ways that policy-makers can try to ensure that taxation does not negatively affect gender equity, including rethinking how the informal sector is taxed, supporting women within tax administrations, undertaking progressive tax policy, and linking tax policies to gender-sensitive budgeting.
This article contributes to the ongoing debate on the institutional preconditions for inclusive and sustainable development in the global periphery, countries that are in a subordinate position within global capitalism.
The authors argue that deliberations pertaining to the effectiveness, inclusiveness, and sustainability of economic development must take into account the political-economic contexts of specific peripheral countries. The article goes on to further conceptualize inclusive late industrialization processes and operationalize institutional setups for industrial policy to make it more useful from a policy perspective.
Our conceptual framework draws on neo-Gramscian and materialist state theory, the developmental regime approach, and other contributions on the necessary conditions for effective industrial policy of late industrializers, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa.
We contend that the peripheral states' strategic selectivity often severely limits the emergence of comprehensive industrialization regimes that have extensive elements of embedded autonomy and hegemony. In fact, pro-developmental social forces are likely to be more successful in promoting selective industrialization projects in peripheral contexts. Notwithstanding the comprehensiveness of industrialization regimes, we propose the operationalization of industrial policy institutions with regard to their degree of inclusiveness, decentralization, managerialism, and state-led production. We conceptualize the different ways actors may be included or excluded at different scales of industrial policy institutions. In doing so, potential trade-offs within and between these institutional areas are highlighted, enhancing the policy relevance of the debate.
From a strategic policy perspective, the exclusive nature of bureaucratic–authoritarian industrialization regimes of the 20th century needs to be avoided in latecomer industrialization processes of the 21st century, which is why the support of pro-developmental civil society, and thus the construction of hegemony to achieve inclusive development processes, continue to be crucial in peripheral country contexts. The management of the institutional setup and respective trade-offs will involve learning-by-doing, constant monitoring, and continuous adaptation.
Understanding the consequences of the Semipalatinsk nuclear test site is crucial for global nuclear disarmament, environmental protection, and community-centred social policies. This article highlights the ongoing challenges faced by the inhabitants of the Abay region in Kazakhstan.
The primary objective of the study is to inform and enhance policies related to the former Semipalatinsk nuclear testing site. A key focus is understanding how locals perceive the site's impact on socioeconomic development.
This study uses semi-structured interviews with locals. The research question addresses how locals perceive the impact of the Semipalatinsk test site on socioeconomic development. Data were collected through 48 interviews from January to March 2024 in the cities of Semey and Kurchatov and thematic patterns were analysed within Galtung's (1990) social justice framework.
The research shows how prolonged neglect by government impacts the investment climate and social well-being. Restricted access to information on land contamination has hindered explanatory work. The study reveals gaps in understanding among residents and varying access to information.
An effort on the part of the government to improve information and communication exchange is needed to address the nuclear site's impact, considering differing perceptions. Legislative actions should focus on remediating contamination, protecting public health, and ensuring participatory environmental governance. Policies must address the socioeconomic effects of environmental degradation, promoting social justice and sustainable development. Targeted infrastructure investment is vital for economic growth. Supporting emerging sectors such as medicine, services, and knowledge-based industries will create employment opportunities and address brain drain.
Nigeria ranks third in Africa for the number of US dollar millionaires, but whether these high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs) are contributing their fair share to domestic revenue mobilization is open to question. Although there have been various attempts to improve tax collection in recent years, including the establishment in 2023 of a presidential committee to harmonize fiscal policy across the country's 36 states, some of which are developing compliance strategies for wealthy individuals, very little is known about the impact of these reforms.
To understand what approaches are currently prevalent to improve HNWI compliance across Nigeria and whether they are perceived to be effective.
The study is based on 12 semi-structured interviews with public and private stakeholders from North East Nigeria, analysis of federal and state-level legislation, data collected from 10 State Boards of the Internal Revenue Service from all Nigerian geopolitical zones in preparation for a two-day workshop on HNWIs, and discussions with the 26 participants in the workshop.
Despite the great diversity in the economic and social structures of the states of Nigeria, legal, administrative, and political challenges faced by the State Boards of the Internal Revenue Service are very similar. Different states have passed subnational legislation that introduces requirements over and above those present in federal legislation to collect the information required to identify HNWIs. However, enforcement is made complex by low tax morale amongst the citizenship and political interference in tax administrative processes. These trends are then discussed in more depth for the particular case of Borno State.
Given the similarities between the obstacles faced by State Boards of the Internal Revenue Service in taxing HNWIs, there is scope for promoting regional approaches coordinated by the Nigerian Joint Tax Board. More evidence needs to be gathered on the effectiveness of policy measures implemented by particular states and the sharing of experiences across State Boards of the Internal Revenue Service needs to be facilitated.
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