Development Policy Review最新文献

Motivation

Sustainable development in Small Island Developing States (SIDS) faces persistent governance challenges stemming from institutional constraints, fragmented data systems, and limited stakeholder collaboration. Leveraging diverse data sources and integrating Indigenous knowledge alongside local experiences are critical to overcoming these challenges and enhancing policy effectiveness.

Purpose

This study aims to evaluate how governance models in SIDS can effectively utilize both “big” data (large-scale quantitative datasets) and “small” data (qualitative insights and Indigenous knowledge) to strengthen decision-making processes, enhance collaboration among stakeholders, and support sustainable development goals.

Approach and Methods

The research employs comparative case studies from Mauritius, the Marshall Islands, Suriname, and Antigua and Barbuda. It specifically investigates practices of inter-agency coordination, community participation, and hybrid capacity-building. Data collection methods include qualitative analysis of governance frameworks, stakeholder interviews, and assessments of integrated data management systems.

Findings

We highlight successful strategies for improving data robustness and usability, such as establishing integrated data management platforms, explicitly incorporating Indigenous knowledge and local expertise into policy formation, and adapting implementation practices to the unique contexts of each island state. These practices significantly enhance collaboration, transparency, and data-driven decision-making capabilities.

Policy Implications

We emphasize the establishment and strengthening of regional data-sharing platforms and collaborative governance models that promote adaptability, inclusivity, and transparency. Policymakers are encouraged to systematically integrate local and Indigenous knowledge with formal scientific data, thereby facilitating continuous learning, informed policy formulation, and improved sustainability outcomes for SIDS.

Motivation

An increasing share of ODA goes to electoral autocratic states. This is concerning because aid carries the risk of entrenching existing power inequalities in recipient states, especially more autocratic ones. Western donors may not be well equipped to navigate these risks, given their own incentive structures to focus on concrete, technical, and short-term results, as opposed to broader political concerns.

One area of particular concern is cash transfers, which are both a major policy priority for Western donors and a policy area with well-documented political benefits for the regimes that implement them.

Purpose

This article examines the potentially negative and long-term political consequences that donor support for cash transfers in electoral autocratic states can have on autocratic entrenchment.

It focuses on three case studies of cash transfer programmes in electoral autocratic states: the Senior Citizens’ Grant in Uganda, the Productive Safety Net Programme in Ethiopia, and the Takaful and Karama programme in Egypt.

Approach and methods

This article applies comparative political economy analysis to three case studies, drawing on existing political analyses in journals, reports, and other secondary data and grey literature.

Findings

Cash transfer programmes can be used by ruling regimes to legitimize themselves, to co-opt opposition groups, or to compensate for other unpopular reforms. As such, their long-term developmental impact can be jeopardized. Specific donor-influencing strategies can have the unintended effect of reinforcing regime entrenchment when they participate in clientelist logic, use financial leverage, and exclude civil society from the policy process.

Policy implications

Donors and policy-makers have a duty of care to think more critically about the appropriateness of development interventions in autocratic states. The negative long-term political consequences of cash transfer programmes may be less tangible than the short-term benefits to recipients, but they could outweigh them in the long run.

Motivation

Rwanda's Digital Ambassador Programme (DAP) aims to increase the digital literacy of Rwandans to 60% by 2024, enabling them to use electronic government services and participate in the digital economy. However, the DAP faces various challenges which have yet to be studied.

Purpose

This study examines the challenges that Digital Ambassadors (DAs) face and answers two research questions: what obstacles do DAs encounter in improving citizens' digital literacy? How do these challenges affect the sustainability of the DAP?

Approach and methods

This study employs a qualitative case study methodology that involves six rural sites over three weeks. The data were collected using semi-structured interviews with DAs, surveys to capture wider views and observations of digital literacy training and Service Access Points. This multifaceted approach allowed for a holistic understanding of the barriers faced in the field.

Findings

The study identifies a significant misalignment between the DAP objectives and digital literacy measurement. In addition, the other challenges identified, such as DAs not being well trained and lack of institutional support, hinder the sustainability of the DAP.

Policy implications

This study demonstrates that digital literacy measurements need to be refined to reflect the objectives of the DAP. Additionally, DA training is crucial to improving citizens' digital literacy, and the government needs to identify the areas where hidden costs remain. Addressing these issues is necessary not only for the success and sustainability of the DAP but also for generalizability to other low-income countries facing crucial challenges in the process of digital transformation.

Motivation

The sustainability of aquaculture worldwide is increasingly shaped by international relations. The European Union (EU) and China have considerable influence on the sustainability of the industry, both domestically and globally. However, little is known about the similarities and differences between the region and country that govern aquaculture sustainability internally and how they shape the sustainability of the sector in other parts of the world, including rapidly developing aquaculture regions in Africa.

Purpose

We assess the domestic governance of sustainability in aquaculture in the EU and China. We then analyse the extent to which these two areas translate their internal sustainability goals into aquaculture-related development cooperation with African countries.

Approach and methods

We undertook a scoping review of domestic policy for the sustainable development of aquaculture in the EU and China. We reviewed EU and Chinese development projects, financing, and trade policies supporting aquaculture development in Africa. The findings of these reviews were validated in a workshop.

Findings

Although the EU and China express similar technical and environmental concerns, they differ in their governance of their domestic aquaculture sectors. Similarly, at the international level, while both the EU and China have explicitly committed to promote sustainable aquaculture overseas, their approaches to achieving these ambitions through development cooperation differ substantially. EU cooperation includes creating (ambitious) norms for sustainability in Africa. China avoids influencing the domestic policies of African countries, preferring to provide training and technical cooperation.

Our comparison reveals areas of existing competition between the EU and China in the development of aquaculture internationally, but also overlooked areas of potential complementarity and cooperation.

Policy implications

Our findings contribute to an improved understanding of aquaculture governance and enable the exploration of possibilities for greater alignment between EU and Chinese interventions in aquaculture around the world.

Motivation

Developing countries' reliance on foreign capital for large-scale infrastructure projects makes sovereign risk premium and debt-side governance practices key determinants of cross-border infrastructure risk premiums.

Purpose

This study estimates the effect of international sovereign bond spreads (systematic risk) and debt-side governance (unsystematic risk) on cross-border infrastructure risk premiums in Kenya's major infrastructure projects from 2011 to 2020.

Approach and methods

We use pooled and random-effects panel data analysis of secondary data.

Findings

The findings show that rising international sovereign bond spreads (ranging from 9.6% to 32.39%), corruption levels, external debt-to-import ratios, loan utilization rates, disbursement delays, and climate risk disclosure significantly contributed to increasing cross-border infrastructure risk premiums. The interaction between bond spreads and corruption had a compounding effect in increasing cross-border infrastructure risk premiums. On the other hand, longer loan maturities, higher internal rates of return, substantial government involvement, and a rising external debt to total investment ratio reduce project risk premiums.

Policy implications

These findings underscore the need for Kenya's modern Public Debt Management Office and infrastructure execution institutions to reduce external borrowing costs through governance reforms that improve transparency, project oversight, and environmental standards. By strengthening debt-side governance, Kenya can reduce its external borrowing costs and improve the sustainability of infrastructure-led debt. As such, the study offers actionable insights for low- and middle-income countries, emphasizing the role of modern sovereign debt management tools that target sustainability and strategic governance reforms at the project level in attracting more favourable borrowing rates for infrastructure financing.

Motivation

The study is motivated by the persistent low participation in the labour force of women in India, largely attributed to the burden of unpaid domestic and caregiving work. There is a notable lack of empirical studies on this issue due to the previous absence of comprehensive time-use data. This research aims to fill this gap by exploring the impact of unpaid care work using the latest Indian time-use data.

Purpose

This is an empirical study that investigates the influence of unpaid domestic and caregiving work on the labour-force participation and employment choices of women in India. Additionally, the study explores the extent of time poverty among working women and identifies its causes.

Methods and approach

The study has utilized Time Use in India data 2019. To examine the impact of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics as well as unpaid domestic and caregiving work on labour-force participation and nature of employment of women, the study has employed logistic regression and multinomial logistic regression, respectively.

Findings

The findings revealed that the time devoted to unpaid domestic and caregiving work reduces the probability of women participating in the labour market. An increase in time invested in unpaid domestic and caregiving work raises the likelihood of women opting for self-employment. In addition, women workers in India experience higher levels of time poverty than their male counterparts, and this gender disparity in time poverty persists across all employment categories.

Policy Implications

To include women in the labour market, it is imperative to recognize, reduce, and redistribute women's unpaid domestic and caregiving work and invest in care-friendly policies at workplaces to reduce time poverty among women workers.

Motivation

In India's rapidly evolving economic landscape, skill development is essential for fostering socioeconomic progress. Despite the vast working-age population, significant gaps persist between the skills available and those demanded by industries, particularly within the informal sector. Understanding the evolution and effectiveness of India's skill development policies is crucial to bridging these gaps and ensuring a workforce that meets contemporary economic demands.

Purpose

This study explores the evolution of India's skill development policies, examining the factors driving these changes and their alignment with the changing socioeconomic context of the country. It also identifies implementation gaps, investigates challenges in policy execution, and analyses strategic priorities shaping their development and delivery.

Approach and Methods

Using a qualitative content analysis, this study examines 25 key policy documents through the Walt and Gilson policy triangle framework, focusing on context, content and process. The analysis employs a deductive coding approach using NVivo software, involving an in-depth examination of national policy documents, strategic frameworks, government reports, and guidelines.

Findings

The findings revealed that India's skill development policies have evolved to emphasize flexibility, with adaptable training models increasing from 1% focus in NSP 2009 to 12% focus in Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana 3.0. However, inclusivity has declined, dropping from 13% frequency in NSP 2009, and the initial focus on entrepreneurship (40% frequency in NSP 2015) has diminished in subsequent policies. Fragmented initiatives, unrealistic skill projections, and poor digital adaptability continue to hinder the effectiveness of these programmes.

Policy Implications

Holistic reforms are needed to improve co-ordination among stakeholders and integrate soft skills into training. Investments in infrastructure, skilled trainers, expanding the private sector's role in skill development, and awareness campaigns will enhance accessibility and relevance. Addressing informal sector needs and aligning training with technological advancements will ensure an inclusive, future-ready workforce.

Motivation

This study examines how donors provide aid to unrecognized government under restricted conditions, focusing on Afghanistan's Taliban government, which has ruled since August 2021. However, owing to its harsh policies, particularly towards women, no country or organization has officially recognized it as a government, placing strong constraints on foreign aid to Afghanistan. Nevertheless, donors continue to provide aid because it is difficult to halt assistance on humanitarian grounds.

Purpose

Aiding unrecognized states (governments) is fraught with difficulties. Using the example of Afghanistan under the rule of the Taliban in the 1990s and from August 2021 to the present, this paper clarifies that the political situation of unrecognition imposes enormous costs on both the recipient and donor sides of aid.

Approach and methods

The study reviews reports from the United Nations and other organizations, academic literature, and media articles. In addition, informal in-person and remote interviews are conducted with stakeholders in the government, academia, research institutes in the United States and the United Kingdom, Japan, aid workers in Kabul, Afghanistan, and an Afghan immigrant in Canada.

Findings

Aid to an unrecognized government causes a paradox in efforts to provide more aid, with higher procedural costs and the need for deeper communication with the unrecognized government. Furthermore, “aid diversion,” or aid flows to unrecognized governments, remains a controversial issue in US domestic politics.

Policy implications

Even if donors are highly motivated to provide aid to unrecognized governments for humanitarian and developmental reasons, diplomatic non-recognition impedes and creates dilemmas in aid delivery. Hence, donors face high procedural costs or have to make compromises in aiding politically unrecognized de facto governments. The US and other countries are not expected to recognize the Taliban diplomatically for a while, although the suffering Afghan people need aid. A realistic approach would be to provide de facto development assistance under the cover of humanitarian assistance and to continue dialogue with the Taliban, thereby developing mutual interests and trust.

Motivation

Taxation has received increasing attention from researchers and in the context of development policy, though less attention has been paid to the gendered impacts of taxation, particularly in lower-income countries.

Purpose

We seek to understand how taxation affects men and women differently and relates to gender equity in lower-income countries. In turn, we aim to identify how researchers and policy-makers can further a feminist fiscal agenda to strengthen gender equity.

Approach and methods

We review the growing evidence on how tax policy and administration affect the lives and livelihoods of women in lower-income countries. Through this review of research and development practice, we identify impact gaps and channels through which taxation can lead to gendered outcomes.

Findings

Three findings emerge. First, in considering the impact of tax policy on gender outcomes, there is a need to focus on those issues that most affect women in lower-income countries. In part, this means focusing on the ways in which the informal sector is taxed, as well as how subnational and informal taxes and fees affect men and women differently. Second, while research has focused on the impacts of tax policy on gender outcomes, greater attention needs to be paid to the gendered impacts of tax administration. Third, bringing a gender lens to tax and development requires considering revenue and expenditure together to ensure that the effects of progressive tax policies are not undermined by gender-insensitive budgets.

Policy implications

An evidence review points to various ways that policy-makers can try to ensure that taxation does not negatively affect gender equity, including rethinking how the informal sector is taxed, supporting women within tax administrations, undertaking progressive tax policy, and linking tax policies to gender-sensitive budgeting.